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The disbandment of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) in 2017 marked a significant shift in the dynamics of Islamist movements within Indonesia’s political landscape. Although officially banned, the HTI continued to operate in the shadows, employing various camouflage methods. This article analyzes how political dynamics led HTI to its outlawed status and how it adapted in pursuit of its goals amidst the challenges faced. By adopting a political opportunity structure and Islamist ideology as the theoretical framework with the case study as the method, this study scrutinizes HTI’s post-disbandment endeavors at the national level and delves deeper into cases in West Java, Yogyakarta, and East Java. The primary findings of this study reveal that the disbandment of HTI reflected the peak of incongruence between the anti-system ideology they embraced and Indonesia’s political structure. HTI’s ideological drive to exploit electoral events in 2016-2017 eventually put them at a threshold that the ruling authority perceives as a severe threat. HTI struggled to maintain its movement, mixing overt and covert operations, and facing significant pressures and constraints. Its strength is rooted in an Islamist ideology that integrates political and religious beliefs, supported by a disciplined structure. This resilience, seen as adaptive resistance, leverages tactical ingenuity and militancy in response to external pressures and the socio-cultural context in which they operate. Nevertheless, the disbandment has rendered it nearly impossible for HTI to reestablish its expansion in Indonesia’s political arena.

In the last decades, Argentine rurality has changed and, along with it, so have peasants' conditions of subordination in the capitalist system. This article dismisses the false paths to which abstract models of the peasantry as a "concept" lead; our argument is based on detailing the characteristics of the direct producers in the current context in which they live. Through documentary research on agrarian social studies, we compiled a corpus with the main academic and stateproduced contributions referring to similar socioeconomic, political, and cultural issues about the peasantry and we present this as a "first peasant question", focused on the period between 1970 and 2000. Then, we present six theses that cut across the current social experiences of family farmers: social decomposition and exclusion; the eco-territorial turn; the emergence of social movements; re-ethnicization; agroecology and food sovereignty, and statehood. We conclude that these topics have opened a "new question" that points to lines of research with new theoretical and epistemological consensuses for understanding the actually existing Argentine peasantry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The disbandment of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) in 2017 marked a significant shift in the dynamics of Islamist movements within Indonesia's political landscape. Although officially banned, the HTI continued to operate in the shadows, employing various camouflage methods. This article analyzes how political dynamics led HTI to its outlawed status and how it adapted in pursuit of its goals amidst the challenges faced. By adopting a political opportunity structure and Islamist ideology as the theoretical framework with the case study as the method, this study scrutinizes HTI's postdisbandment endeavors at the national level and delves deeper into cases in West Java, Yogyakarta, and East Java. The primary findings of this study reveal that the disbandment of HTI reflected the peak of incongruence between the antisystem ideology they embraced and Indonesia's political structure. HTI's ideological drive to exploit electoral events in 2016-2017 eventually put them at a threshold that the ruling authority perceives as a severe threat. HTI struggled to maintain its movement, mixing overt and covert operations, and facing significant pressures and constraints. Its strength is rooted in an Islamist ideology that integrates political and religious beliefs, supported by a disciplined structure. This resilience, seen as adaptive resistance, leverages tactical ingenuity and militancy in response to external pressures and the socio-cultural context in which they operate. Nevertheless, the disbandment has rendered it nearly impossible for HTI to reestablish its expansion in Indonesia's political arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taliban movement was born in the condition of internal and external conflicts. The domain for the emergence of this movement was events such as the internal coup d’état on April 28th, 1978, the invasion of the Red Army in 1979, and the civil wars of 1994-1992 in Afghanistan. Finally, the Taliban with a quasi-totalitarian identity tried to declare its existence and rule in that country under the title of the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban between 1996 and 2001. This article tries to look at the emergence of the Taliban movement by relying on Alain Touraine's theory about the emergence of movements, relying on the three principles of Opposition, Identity, and Totality, and analyzing the third principle of "Totality" among these three principles in the establishment of the Emirate of Taliban. The following article tries to answer the question of whether it is possible that the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban 1996-2001 can be recognized as a totalitarian state that has found its identity from the historical conflict situation. To answer this question, Hannah Arendt's opinions in the book Totalitarianism have been cited, and six indicators have been selected for this comparative study, all of which are analyzed according to Arendt's theory of understanding and describing the characteristics of totalitarian political systems. These indicators are: formlessness (informité), mass society, absolute loyalty, ideology and the meaning of borders, totalitarian leadership and Religion and rituals. Before examining these indicators, an attempt has been made to answer these two questions: to what extent is it possible to compare the State in the West and the State in the Islamic world? And also, to what extent can there be a relationship between the Islamic state and the totalitarian State? The theoretical framework used in this research is a combination of Alain Touraine's opinion (in understanding socio-political movements) and Hannah Arendt's theory (in understanding totalitarianism). The research method used in this article is the library and documentary method.

With the presentation of this essay, an approach to the collective, shared and lived experience of the group “Familia Negra” is intended, considering the narratives and subjectivities of its members, who delineate the artistic dimension, the aesthetic action, the social activism, cultural and political that have configured as a space of resistance and insurgency against discrimination, violence and racism towards a project of emancipation from a sense of belonging with their geographical, physical and spiritual environment. In said essay, six resonances were developed that give significance to this experience of Afro insurgency artivism with the feeling of the African diaspora in Venezuela according to the theoretical contributions of Pleyers (2018) on the alter-activism of social movements in the XXI century in connection with the stories provided by one of its founding members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a historical review paper that deals with the Sudanese women activism which started by forming a Sudanese women union in 1952 before Sudan independence in 1956. The main demands of these women were equal pay for equal work and later the right for voting and equal political participation. These demands were met in 1964 they also contributed to literacy education. In the 80s and during this century, several women's groups and associations were formed addressing many aspects of women's needs at strategic level such as, legal reforms and mainstreaming gender in policies and programs. This paper discusses the Sudanese women activism, the challenges they had faced and the impact of this on improving Sudanese women agenda. The paper consists of several sections: The first section presents women different categories of activists. The emphasis is on their demands and their discourses or challenges they faced before the 2018 revolution. The second section elaborates on the diversity of women's groups since January 2019 to date. The demands, agenda, intersectionality and diversity of these groups and challenges they face to date are highlighted. The third section discusses how the diversity of the agenda reflects women's needs and aspirations in different parts of Sudan as well as a divide between elitist demands and other grass- root groups' perspectives. The last section highlights the diverse voices of women's movements/categories. The scene is complicated both at women's specific level as well as at national level a demand for a true, civil-lead democratic regime through which women's diverse agenda can be met is urgently recommended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the forces of civil society that is always present and makes a real contribution to the progress of Indonesian politics is the Islamic mass organization Muhammadiyah. In order to achieve the aspired goals, the Muhammadiyah leadership model exists as the basis or ideology in achieving such goals, especially in Muhammadiyah's contribution to national legal politics. The purpose of this study is to determine the implementation of Tabligh as prophetic leadership of Muhammadiyah in its role as a political movement to influence the national political process. This paper was built based on a literature review. Indonesia is a democratic country and Muhammadiyah was born as a political movement in influencing the national political process. It is a form of citizen aspirations that was formed using an association of groups or organizations as guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution. Muhammadiyah, in their every struggle including in national politics, always uses its identity or ideology as a da'wah organization based on "amar ma'ruf nahi munkar" that is sourced from the Qur'an and Sunnah. Muhammadiyah implements the nature of Tabligh in carrying out its role as a political movement which is to always criticize any regulations that are contrary to the truth or that will bring harm to society. Muhammadiyah is not in a coalition with the government or with any political party, but Muhammadiyah has always supported policies that lead to the benefit of society.

The year 2016 represents a qualitative change in the regional and international geopolitical movement, as it represents the centenary of the 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement on the one hand, and the beginning of the end for the terrorist organization Daash in practice. This has an impact on the geopolitical behavior of countries that are active in the international political decision or those that influence it regionally, and even those that want to be It has a current and future role for a stage that has its aftermath of changes. The geopolitical behavior in itself needs a renewed understanding, especially with the multiplicity and change of its actors on the one hand, and the different ways of expressing and representing it theoretically and realistically on the geographical area of the Middle East on the other hand. This research sheds light with a geopolitical vision on the changes taking place in the region in terms of traditional power actors and the desire of new powers to play a more important role in the geographical scope that they may affect.

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper deals with the analysis of feminists' arguments about the sex/gender dichotomy within the relationship to trans activism. In the first part of the paper, we will give the usual definitions of sex and gender in feminist literature and the views of feminists on trans activism. Next, we will explain which trans activists' views feminists disagree with, and how language is used for ideological purposes. The aim of this paper is to identify the basic dilemmas and bioengineering associated with the underestimation of biological sex, that is, with the opinion of trans activists that men who are trans women are also women. The author will explain why feminists believe that this approach to the sex/ gender dichotomy is a threat to women's rights in the society.

Copyright of Revista de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Políticas is the property of Revista Faculdad de Derecho y Ciencias Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 2019 Anti‐Extradition Bill Movement in Hong Kong made international headlines as a leaderless movement. This leaderless feature may be an aftereffect of the 2014 Umbrella Movement, following which university students voted to disaffiliate with the movement's leadership, the Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS). We conducted a study to examine the psychological factors that contributed to this disaffiliation, including the lack of perceived integrity‐based and competence‐based trustworthiness regarding the HKFS. We tested their indirect effects on the relationship between group identification with the movement protesters and the corresponding decision to disaffiliate with the leaders. This study recruited voters at a university in Hong Kong (N = 113) shortly after a referendum on whether to end ties with the HKFS. The results of an ordinal logistic regression suggest that lower perceived integrity‐based and competence‐based trustworthiness both significantly predicted the voting decision to disaffiliate with the leaders. Indirect effect analysis with bootstrapping found a significant indirect effect of voters' group identification with Umbrella Movement protesters on the voting decision through perceived integrity, but not perceived competence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socioloski Pregled is the property of Srpsko Sociolosko Drustvo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to explain the movements, relationships and roles of Benih Mardeka newspaper in the political movement in East Sumatra from the period 1916 to 1923. Political movements took place as a result of rapid developments in the early 20th century in East Sumatra into a prosperous plantation area. The movements were carried by organisations delivered through propaganda tools or media, namely newspapers. One of the newspapers that loudly voiced national movement and nationalism in East Sumatra was Benih Mardeka newspaper, which began to appear in 1916. This study uses historical methods that include heuristic, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. The results showed that many articles in Benih Mardeka frequently criticised the issues of colonialism and capitalism. Meanwhile, the poor life of plantation workers became propaganda material for Benih Mardeka in criticising colonial and self-government as well as capitalists, namely plantation companies. Benih Mardeka was also a mouthpiece or tool for Sarekat Islam in conveying the idea of nation and nationalism. Hence, it can be concluded that Benih Mardeka consistently gave the voice of national movement and nationalism in the political movement and the press in East Sumatra. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A political movement is a group and association movement to fight for something by campaigning, urging and participating in elections to gain the power to achieve what is being fought for. Political movements include groups based on leaders, associations and political parties that have leadership lines, organizations, goals of struggle and activities towards achieving the aim they strive for. Therefore, the objective of writing this article is to analyze the evolution and dynamics of geopolitical and sociopolitical of the political movement in Malaysia since before independence till present. The writing of this article uses a qualitative information interpretation approach from secondary sources, namely journal articles, academic books and conference papers based on the evolutionary theme of the political movement in Malaysia which is then analyzed based on geopolitical and sociopolitical impacts. Findings show that the geopolitics or power of the political movement is based on the state of political rulers at certain time while the socio-political of political movements show that the people's participation in political movements at certain time is based on current issues, developments of information communication technology, leadership and current socioeconomic conditions. Thus, the evolution and geopolitical and sociopolitical dynamics of the political movement in this country is very interesting to study and can be used as a guidance by all parties to create a peaceful and stable political situation of the country as well as a strategy to gain the support of voters and all parties in achieving their respective political struggles based on the provisions set by law and the Federal Constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about the role of intellectuals and America’s civil society movement in the struggle of poor people and the homeless in Washington, USA, to claim their rights in Grisham’s The Street Lawyer. Both of these are called cultural and political movement. The author analyzes the discrepancy in USA in Reagan’s era. The interesting aspect of the novel is the role of legal clinic for homeless and the intellectual from NGO and social organization constructed in the novel. This paper uses genetic structuralism in analysis. Aspect of intrinsic and extrinsic of the work is the object of material of the analysis. Otherwise, the theories about intellectual and civil society movement by Antonio Gramsci are the extrinsic tools to describe how the social condition in that era is. The results of the analysis indicates the discrepancy in America, especially in Washington DC. The street lawyer and the intellectuals of some social organizations have the significant roles as the part of America’s social movement in creating equality and social welfare for all. Those case are founded in the analysis of the novel.

Digital activism has enormous ability to amplify offline and online civic activism and political participation. In Indonesia, digital activism has successfully supported social and political change in recent years. Motivation is an important component of digital activism that can stimulate movements, and can be determined by access to and use of digital media. This article presents a case study of motivations and digital activism in an online political movement in Indonesia through interviews and focus group discussions with fifty-two (n = 52) Indonesian young people (activists and students) who were familiar with digital media and the Save KPK 2015 movement in Indonesia. It investigates the digital activism of the Save KPK movement and the strategies employed to support the movement. The case study offers a deeper understanding of the Save KPK movement (which aimed to support an institution dedicated to eradicating corruption in Indonesia) and provides insights into the motivations of activists who digitally supported the political movement. Its findings explore how internal factors such as experience and beliefs fundamentally influenced young Indonesians to participate in the Save KPK movement using digital media, indicating that intrinsic is an important factor in delivering credible information and participating in the movement. Delivering truthful information about the KPK institution through digital media was seen as vital to combat the distribution of misinformation, such as fake news or hoaxes, and reinforce the political participation that helps to sustain Indonesian democracy as well as that of other democratic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This experience sampling study investigated the impact of political movement (i.e. Anti-Fugitive Offenders Ordinance Protests) on everyday emotional reactivity and dynamics. Participants who finished our experience sampling during Movement (18-70 years; n = 100) and matched sample (18-70 years; n = 100) reported positive and negative emotions seven times a week for five weeks. Hierarchical linear modeling revealed that during the Movement, participants reported lower positive emotions and higher negative emotions, and lower positive emotional inertia and higher negative emotional inertia. This study is the first of its kind to investigate different aspects of everyday emotional experiences during political movements. Participants perceived significant changes in their everyday events although the Movement was not long and not severely violent. This study highlights the importance of investigating everyday emotions of people in other more serious conflict and post-conflict settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Protests, riots and revolutions have long been a part of human history and are increasing globally, yet their impact on mental health remains largely unknown. We therefore systematically reviewed studies on collective actions and mental health. Method: We searched PubMed, Web of Science, PsycINFO and CINAHL Plus for published studies from their inception until 1 January 2018. Study quality was rated using the Newcastle–Ottawa Scale. Results: We identified 52 studies (n = 57,487 participants) from 20 countries/regions. The prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder ranged from 4% to 41% in riot-affected areas. Following a major protest, the prevalence of probable major depression increased by 7%, regardless of personal involvement in the protests, suggestive of community spillover effects. Risk factors for poorer mental health included female sex, lower socioeconomic status, exposure to violence, interpersonal conflicts, frequent social media use and lower resilience and social support. Nevertheless, two studies suggested that collective actions may reduce depression and suicide, possibly due to a collective cathartic experience and greater social cohesion within subpopulations. Conclusion: We present the first systematic review of collective actions and mental health, showing compelling evidence that protests even when nonviolent can be associated with adverse mental health outcomes. Health care professionals therefore need to be vigilant to the mental and psychological sequelae of protests, riots and revolutions. Further research on this emerging sociopolitical determinant of mental health is warranted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on paradiplomatic management in Aceh, Indonesia, and Catalonia, Spain, as a comparative study. The two different regions have at least two similar characteristics: both are recognised by central government as widely autonomous provinces compared to other provinces, and both obtained the wider autonomy in the same period, 2006; they also have same problems with revolutionary groups that attempt to withdraw from central government. This qualitative research aims to examine paradiplomatic management in both local governments. The main objective is to identify similarities and differences in paradiplomatic patterns and to scrutinise paradiplomatic activism pertaining to the instrument of political movements in both regions. The findings confirm that patterns of paradiplomacy management are typically similar, and influenced by the dynamic of local political movements, and that paradiplomatic activism is an instrument in political movements. It is argued that paradiplomatic management by secessionist regions performs the same pattern both in federal and unitary systems, and is reflected in the changes of regional laws on paradiplomatic affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do the Indonesian students revive the radical movements or do they have their own way in grasping nationalism in a globalized-world-perspective? How do they identify themselves as nation and how far they understand themselves the meaning of national solidarity? How effective their understanding on solidarity in the process of nation building? The aim of this study was to portray the perspectives of the Indonesian higher education students on nationalism. This study applied qualitative approach, by implementing series of Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and key informant interview (KII). Forty students of three private universities located in three provinces in Indonesia participated in six series of FGDs and three political figures play role as resource persons in the KIIs. The results of the study revealed that the students had three models of nationalism, that are, nationalism under the spirit of anticolonialism, nationalism under the national interests, and nationalism under the humanity perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of HiSTOReLo: Revista de Historia Regional y Local is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro Editorial Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)