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Copyright of Comparative Literature Research / Pizhūhish/Hā-yi Adabiyyāt-i Taṭbīqī is the property of Tarbiat Modares University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lex Humana is the property of Lex Humana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the rhetorical strategies applied in two political debate books published in 1979 and 2021, respectively, advocating for the rights of the indigenous Sámi people. Writing in the early stages of the Sámi struggle for recognition, Nils-Aslak Valkeapää used the rhetorical trope of irony to provoke the majoritised population and give the Sámi population an opportunity to laugh at the prejudices they are faced with. In the 1970s, the struggle for the survival of Sami culture overshadowed all other issues, and in Valkeapää's book there is no discussion of women-specific challenges or gender issues. Ella Marie Hætta Isaksen, however, writes in an era affected by the #MeToo movement and has herself been a victim of sexualized violence. In her book, she uses her own experiences of growing up as a Sámi girl in Norway as rhetorical examples in discussions about prejudices against the Sámi, but also in a critique of gender roles in Sámi culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lyrical literature and hence romantic poetry is a collection of feelings, emotions and representations of human relationships which has been widely used in different eras and discourses with various even conflicting functions and manifestations. Romantic poetry, distancing from political poetry, discusses politics of literature rather than political literature. However, modern Iranian poetry, deeply connected with politics and protest literature, establishes a different relation between dramatic poetry and political poetry. Shamlou is one of the prominent poets of political poetry whose antagonism and political conflicts are sources of metaphors and constructions in romance. This paper, based on critical discourse analysis, emphasizing the concept of "antagonism" as a key concept in politics, shows that politics is related to romance in two ways. First, such romances are new experiences to represent human relationships. Second, they are against traditional literature, since Shamlou by changing the rhetoric of romantic poetry created a type of literature that is romance in surface but resistance literature in depth. Extended Abstract Iranian modern literature is fundamentally different from pre-modern literature; although the way modern literature uses the theological source of pre-modern literature is not its logical continuation. Political orders and the concepts are the most important elements of the distinction between two periods. Usually, romantic poetry is distinguished from political poetry, but Iranian modern poetry, which is connected to protest literature and political matters, has established a good relationship between romantic and political poetry. Studying he relationship between political literature and the politics of the literature is the main goal of this manuscript. The concept of “antagonism" is emphasized here as the key word in Shamlou's poetry, showing how politics is connected to romances. Firstly, these romances are new representations of human experience, and secondly it is a rhetorical change in romantic poetry, which is against the traditional literature. The most important principle that connects the concept of "articulation" to the political issues is discursive conflict; thus, for a better understanding of the conflict, political literature, and the politics of literature discourse, the concept of politics must be separated from the political orders. Any action which is beyond the realm of the individual, can influence the decisions of the society, especially the political power, and in some way modify or oppose it, and it is called a political action. Political poetry promotes the idea of anti-reading, and a political poet as an anti-reading thinks about the "enemy other". After a huge break of the Persian Constitutional Revolution, social movements and the libertarianism language took an explicit form. Literature migrated from traditional lyrical to a new space. Revealing the name of "Aida" with the poet not as a Platonic lover but as a better half living with Shamlou is a kind of conflict with the tradition of romance-writing in one hand and "Literature of resistance" from the other. In political poetry, enemy is the other, and in the romantic poem, the other is the friend. The poet of political poetry thinks about resistance; in this view, the enemy has become a focal point; because the enemy has captured a part of his unconscious like a "central metaphor". The confrontational mentality of the political poet turns the other, such as the enemy, into an object, and turns the other, such as friend and love, into a praiseworthy subject. Contemporary poetry, unlike pre-modern poetry with a negative aspect, brought the private into the domain of the public, and by highlighting the other friend in romantic poetry, created a kind of resistance and negation tool. In his poem, Shamlou clearly says that love is an epic and he sees this reversal from the eyes of the enemy. The link between love and struggle in Shamlou's poems is the internal link between the practice of personal experience and the most external political behaviors. In a general classification, historically, his life can be divided into three parts: A: The period in which the search for love gives way to experience; the experience of life and poetry, which, according to him, are "not impressions of life, but life itself". This period can be referred to as the period "before the appearance of Aida". B: The period when the poet, tired of the bitter experiences he has acquired in his personal and social life, finds another love and he moves to the house so that love becomes a refuge and a bastion where he can relieve the outside fatigue and find new strength to fight. This period starts from 1962 "Aida's appearance". C: In the third part of his life, although he still has Aida's presence, Shamlou thinks more about death and "struggle with silence" and he remembers his friends. In fact, this same love and social commitment in Shamlou's poetry makes him not distinguish between individual love and public love. From the perspective of love, three types of love can be distinguished in Shamlou's poem: 1. Romantic love without social pains.2. Personal love with social representations, and 3. General love or love of freedom and man: 1. Although romantic love is not the general indicator of the concept of love in Shamlou's poems; Shamlou has been involved with this type of love in a negative way. He considered individual and public love as opposed to romantic love, which always has the suspicion of eroticism. Romantic love can be found in Shamlou's first poetry collection, "Āhang-hāye Farāmush Shodeh (Forgotten Songs)". 2. Keeping distance from his romantic love, Shamlou discovers love in another dimension: the shadow of resistance; as it can be a strength for fighters who return to fight again. 3. By rejecting romantic love, Shamlou arrived at a special definition of man; a person who can have the courage to deny the disturbing facts and reveal himself as a fighting person. The convergence of the meanings of the two fields of politics and love has turned Samlou's poem into a different poem. From this point of view, finding the signs and codes of his romantic poetry is not compelling only in purely lyrical spaces. The enemy as a threatening other has caused Shamlou to experience new ways, because the discourse of his poetry is against the discourse of domination; whether we seek this dominance in aesthetics or in the discourse of power. It is in this situation that Shamlou glorifies the beloved as another and brings love into his poem in the atmosphere of resistance to discover a new truth. In individual romances, he uses the same signs and symbols that used before in public love. The same lover with a revolutionary face and the same revolutionary faces with the beloved cause him to not see a difference between public love and personal love.

Copyright of Fe Journal: Feminist Critique / Fe Dergi: Feminist Elestiri is the property of Ankara University, Women's Studies Center (KASAUM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is a literature review that discusses the issue of increasing political literacy as one of the important prerequisites for producing quality elections with quality participation in the context of a large agenda of consolidating and developing democratic life, especially among novice voters (students) through contextual teaching and learning approaches and civic education. The study method used in this paper is library analysis. Through this method conceptual references, data and information are collected from various literature sources such as scientific journals, books, research reports, and other literature documents; then analyzed with a qualitative approach. The results of the study show that the contextual learning approach has the potential to be very effective as an instrument of civic education in order to improve the political literacy of novice voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1990s, South Korean literature underwent a crisis of relevance due to the changing materiality of cultural production as shaped by globalization, neoliberalism, and technological saturation. Nevertheless, the postmillennial decades have witnessed an efflorescence of new styles and voices in the literary field. Abroad, South Korean literature in translation has achieved unprecedented success in Anglophone publishing. At home, #MeToo has converged with structural critiques against the literary institution, animated by online social movements and new paradigms for understanding relationships between politics, affect, and everyday life. This article begins by exploring these phenomena through the framework of "literary materiality," understood as a set of contradictions about tangible and intangible properties distributed across intransitivity of signs, book-as-thing, codes and networks, material conditions of writerly life, and entities that confer and mediate literary value. The article goes on to examine the case of Yun Ihyŏng, whose oeuvre and activism have mobilized against the culture of literary commodification operating immanently in and across these forms. This article argues that her attempt to claim moral autonomy from the South Korean literary system is a promising vector in the ongoing struggle to dis-alienate literary culture in the age of neoliberal globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin America's literature does not merely represent the creation of literary masterpieces for artistic enjoyment; instead, it is inspired by real-world events. Latin American authors attempt to depict the pains, sufferings, and problems they have always grappled with. Taking a descriptive-analytic approach by applying sociological criticism, the present study attempted to examine Jorge Mario Pedro Vargas Llosa’s most essential works on dictatorship rule, including Conversación en La Catedral, La guerra del fin del mundo, La ciudad y los perrosand La fiesta del chivo. One of the Latin America’s political typical features was fascism and dictatorship, which was reflected in different authors' works, including Llosa. The findings of the present study revealed that the dictatorial system raised in Llosa’s works is characterized by violence, political and economic corruption, intervention by foreign powers, the emergence of Communism as the sole savior of the third world, and the elites’ disenchantment with improvement in the status of the society. He put forward this sober idea that dictators are not natural catastrophes, but they are constructed as dictators by their victims.

This paper proposes a comprehensive reading of Francia interessada con Portugal en la separación de Castilla, a treaty published in 1644. Written by António Moniz de Carvalho, it engages with two powerful textual lineages: on one hand, the political literature coined during the process of separation of Portugal from the Spanish Monarchy; and, on the other hand, the new analitycal trend that, following Duke of Rohan’s De l´intérêt des princes et états de la Chrestienté, identifies the interest of the states as the European political order’s effective sovereign. The article states that Henri de Rohan’s work inspires Moniz de Carvalho in the writing of his text. The Portuguese author did not only enriche the rhetorical record of the literature involved in defending the cause of the Bragança, but also formalized one of the first and most unique chapters in the history of the European reception of the work of Rohan.

Porazinski examines the Targowica Confederation of 1792-93 to shed light on the myth of national treason that continues to mark Polish literature as well as journalism. Elements that help consolidate this myth and that support its manifold applications include the efficient communication of the Confederation’s objectives, close ties between these objectives and Russia’s policy and administration, as well as the fact that as a form of organising the landed gentry the general confederation offered opportunities for action that were readily seized. By alluding to these themes some Polish literary writers and journalists produce associations that their readers find easy to accept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the phenomenon of collective speech (or speaking in unison) in the fiction of Katharine Burdekin (1896–1963), focussing on The Rebel Passion (1929), Proud Man (1934) and Swastika Night (1937) (the latter two novels were initially published under the pseudonym 'Murray Constantine'). Highlighting Burdekin's abiding concern with religious rituals, it suggests that the political dimensions of Burdekin's oeuvre can be profitably read in relation to a set of liturgical debates that go back to the English Reformation. The Book of Common Prayer, which features in some way in all three of these novels, proves a profitable site to focus questions about collective speech, its rituals seeming to model a kind of communal collectivity, but one that was imposed by political force. The negative connotations of collective speech are particularly evident in the Nazi liturgy at the heart of Swastika Night, which combines elements of the prayer book with features of the Nazi Thingspiele. Whereas Proud Man seemed to want to counter enforced rituals of collective belonging with a retooled 'unselfish individualism', both Swastika Night and The Rebel Passion seek to mobilise more positive forms of speaking in unison to counter dangerous conformity and authoritarianism. Burdekin even innovates a form of narration that can be referred to as 'collective interior monologue', as she explores the relationship between individual consciousness and collective belonging. The paper thus builds on the valuable scholarship of Elizabeth English, Daphne Patai, Glyn Salton-Cox, Adam Stock and Keith Williams, positioning Burdekin as an important and innovative novelist of ideas whose historical, religious and philosophical interests are unusually wide-ranging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since judges played a significant role in a justice system founded upon customary law and court praxis, it comes as no surprise that their conduct was widely commented on in 16th and 17th century Poland. The purpose of this article is to introduce a literary image of judges and their profession during a given period of time. In poetry and political works one could find either positive or negative impressions of an old-Polish judicial officer. The former was rather infrequent and usually performed the function of literary speculum of the profession, in which impartiality and fairness were emphasized the most. The latter was ubiquitous. Judges were repeatedly condemned for their favouritism and partisanship (especially towards moneyed or powerful interests), as well as their susceptibility to both bribery and undue leniency. No wonder the aphorism spread: "Laws are like cobwebs, which may catch small flies, but let wasps and hornets break through". Unfortunately, the authors hardly ever provided readers with concrete remedies, but demanded most importantly improvement in virtue. The coexistence of the two different images of judges proves that the society of that time craved esteemed and highly regarded judicial officers, who, above all, were expected to be impartial and objective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the wide range of publications about the 13 November 2015 attacks on French soil, four novels, by Rachid Benzine, Dounia Bouzar, Fouad Laroui, and Yasmina Khadra opted to focus on the Jihadist's point of view. Being French writers born in North Africa or of North-African descent, as well as Muslims committed against Islamism, they intend to propose more accurate interpretations of the Jihadist phenomenon. They reject the cultural explanation that draws a continuum between Islam and Jihadism, as well as the (postcolonial) socio-economical one: they focus instead on individual or geopolitical explanations. More interestingly, despite or because three of them are also scholars, they reassess the legitimacy of literature to participate in the socio-political debates, considering it as more politically efficient than scholarly argumentations, especially for younger audiences. Hence, they develop what I call maieutic novels, i.e. didactic novels that avoid the pitfalls of committed literature by making use of an oriented dialogism: the reader disturbingly explores the opposite rationales of jihadi and anti-Islamist worldviews, before experiencing the counter-exemplary path chosen by the Jihadist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Political system of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth implied active participation of the nobility in the political life of the state. Literature was widely used to disseminate and popularize certain ideas. In particular, in the political literature one can find colorful descriptions of the main foreign policy enemies of the state, i.e. the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate. The article is devoted to the description of the Turks and the Tatars in the works of Polish poet and translator Marcin Paszkowski "Dzieie tvreckie y utarczki kozackie z Tatary". The author created one of the first encyclopedias of Turkish life and traditions, describing them vividly in his work. At the same time, describing the Turks and the Tatars, Marcin Paszkowski used epithets that had a hidden meaning, but were clear to the readers of the time. Thus, the author called the Turks and the Tatars dogs and wolves. These animals were associated with the chthonic world and had mostly negative connotations. The Tatars were described as ugly people, since the outer ugliness was associated with the inner ugliness. Description of the Turks as homosexuals has Biblical roots. Since in Christianity such sexual orientation was considered sinful, this way the author was emphasizing the sinfulness of the Turks in general. Paszkowski was stressing that the Tatars did not eat bread and wine, which was not true. But for a Christian reader it was an understandable hint that the Tatars were not part of the Christian world. Political theory accuses the Turks of having no law in their state, just the right of the Sultan only. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The New Class War: Saving Democracy from the Managerial Elite BY MICHAEL LIND PORTFOLIO, 224 PAGES, $25 Michael Lind's The New Class War is sure to be one of the [...]

When recapitulating the career of the French writer Jean Genet, critics and biographers have gathered around the idea of a pivotal moment in the 1960s when Genet abandoned literature and turned to political activism. However, Genet continued to write and publish texts, many of which appear to be literary, up to his death in 1986. In this article, Genet’s late works are reviewed and the notion of the turn is questioned. It is argued that the construction of a political turn in Genet’s career unjustifiably reduced the weight of his late works and neglected their pioneering hybridity. Rather than abandoning literature, the late Genet enhanced his aesthetics of subversion by developing a more referential style.

Among the various and different categories provided for the political thoughts in Islam and Iran, the emphasis is usually on political jurisdiction, political philosophy, political theology and Siyāsatnāma (Book of Government); but the most Iranian area of thinking in Islamic Iran must be sought in poetry. Because the Iranian sphere of thought is poetry. Most jurists, philosophers, theologians and mystics of Persia, when wanted to freely express their heart, have relied on poetry. However, unfortunately, due to the extreme specialization of academic courses and lack of interdisciplinary studies, political literature is not considered as an important subject in intellectuals thinking and academic considerations. This paper invited thinkers to systematically focus on this interdisciplinary course and seeking typology of poetry based on its political function. Political literature (including poem and the rhythmic prose) has been divided to the heroic and patriotic literature, critical literature, reformist literature, praising literature, resistance literature and social and political satire; Ferdowsi, Hafez, Saadi Shirazi, Unsuri Balkhi, Saif Farghani, Nasir Khusraw, Ubayd Zakani are the representatives of these literary types that have been studied in this paper.

When recapitulating the career of the French writer Jean Genet, critics and biographers have gathered around the idea of a pivotal moment in the 1960s when Genet abandoned literature and turned to political activism. However, Genet continued to write and publish texts, many of which appear to be literary, up to his death in 1986. In this article, Genet's late works are reviewed and the notion of the turn is questioned. It is argued that the construction of a political turn in Genet's career unjustifiably reduced the weight of his late works and neglected their pioneering hybridity. Rather than abandoning literature, the late Genet enhanced his aesthetics of subversion by developing a more referential style. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THAT AN OVERTLY WHITE-NATIONALIST MISOGYNIST DEMAGOGUE was voted into power in the United States is cause for alarm and despair. As the election results sink in and analyses take shape, [...]

Born in 1971, Vasile Eernu stands out, ever since he wrote Născut in URSS / Born in USSR (2006) as a spoilsport of the Romanian cultural establishment. After 1989, Romania systematically denounces communist oppression; Vasile Ernu publishing his books in Romania, emphasizes that life in the USSR was tolerable. Without justifying communism, his works plead for a better understanding of the present, starting from a past thrown into the dustbin of (Romanian) History without any benefit.

Copyright of Médiévales is the property of Presses Universitaires de Vincennes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)