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Spending concentration, political influence, and collusion violate rules and principles of open and fair public procurement, leading to corrupt contract allocation. This study adopts stochastic actor-oriented models to test the evolution of these forms of procurement corruption risks in a longitudinal network study of 33579 construction contracts pertaining to Guatemalan local governments from 2012 to 2020. We identify a range of network configurations, based on past empirical research and theory, that capture different patterns of suspicious micro tendencies suggestive of corruption. We show how these micro tendencies shift in strength according to changes in electoral cycles and anti-corruption interventions, thus shedding light on how interventions may temporarily impact corrupt behavior, and how it may adapt and persist after a period of transition. The results indicate that collusion and spending concentration play significant roles in sustaining the risk of corrupt contract allocation, and that this behavior is able to rebound even after the introduction of anti-corruption interventions and new political regimes. The findings underscore the importance of local interventions and advocate for network approaches to enhance transparency, accountability, and long-term anti-corruption efforts. • Stochastic actor-oriented modeling approach to test procurement corruption. • Corruption tendencies captured as network effects overtime. • Spending concentration and collusion are significant corruption risks. • Corruption practices evolve over time in response to contextual shifts. • It is important to enhance anti-corruption interventions at local levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although studies have shown China's growing influence on developing countries' policies, little empirical work has considered the relationship between Chinese overseas foreign direct investment (FDI) and host countries' online digital freedom. Considering as many as 112 developing countries from 2003 to 2019, and using a two-stage least squares selection modeling approach, we find an association between Chinese FDI and four types of limits on online digital freedom. Conversely, when we substitute global FDI (excluding Chinese FDI), we obtain different results, suggesting there is something unique about Chinese multinational corporations and online digital freedom. Our research indicates that China and host states' domestic leaders mutually benefit by restricting online digital freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine how financial analyst forecasts could be influenced by local political forces. Using Chinese data, we find that financial analysts from brokerage houses controlled by provincial governments issue more optimistic forecasts for state‐owned enterprises (SOEs) headquartered in the home province (i.e., home SOEs) than for nonhome SOEs, and this effect is more pronounced for nonhome SOEs located in competing provinces. Our results remain unchanged in a battery of robustness checks. Further, local officials are more likely to enjoy political career advancement when they pressure analysts to issue optimistic forecasts for home SOEs relative to nonhome SOEs from competing provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Noting the proliferation of product recalls and extensive use of lobbying in some critical product markets (e.g., automobiles, medical equipment), the authors examine the relationship between lobbying and product recalls. Lobbying does not alter product quality, so an efficiency perspective would suggest no relationship. However, a legitimacy-based institutional theory perspective and associated regulation models suggest that lobbying reduces voluntary firm-initiated and mandatory regulator-initiated recalls. To provide insights into these questions, the current study explores nine years of multisource data from the automotive industry, related to recalls and lobbying. The results, obtained with an instrumental variable approach, support dual impacts of lobbying for reducing both voluntary and mandatory recalls. Defect severity and media coverage moderate the effects, and the data support full indirect moderation, such that the interaction between media coverage and lobbying mediates the interaction between defect severity and lobbying. In terms of effect sizes, approximately $404,367 ($1.66 million) more in lobbying expenditures is associated with one fewer voluntary (mandatory) recall, assuming a typical average recall of 235,638 vehicles. This study highlights lobbying as an important (marketing) tool that automotive companies use to manage their regulatory environment, with deep implications for policy making, research, and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the framework of the presented research, the question of the manipulative potential of mass culture as a tool of political influence is raised. The methodology of the work is built based on a combination of elements of comparative, structural and descriptive analysis. The author concludes that popular culture products, even if their creators have purely commercial motives, play the role of a tool for promoting meanings and values and, due to this, are a resource for regulating the behavior and perception of the target audience. The latter turns mass culture into a product of the functioning of the orientational level of the political system. The potential of works of popular culture to develop the effect of emotional contagion contributes to the fact that the impact of broadcast content becomes as wide as possible. The high degree of dependence of the content of cultural narratives on the context and the possibility of free commentary contributes to an increase in the options for their interpretation. The result is the loss by authors and customers of works of full control over the dissemination of transmitted meanings and their interpretation.

This paper examines the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on China's political influence in international affairs, as mediated by Chinese economic integration with the BRI countries. We propose that the BRI plays a role in influencing partner countries to support China's presence in the international community, and the economic integration of the BRI positively mediates the willingness of partner countries to align with China in international affairs. This paper uses panel data from 147 BRI countries collected between 2009 and 2020, and the difference-in-differences method, to estimate the political influence of the BRI. The results suggest that the BRI motivates partner countries to support the growth of China's influence in international affairs. The results of the causal mechanism analysis indicate that a significant and positive association between the implementation of the BRI and China's influence is mediated by promoting Chinese contracts, trade overseas, and outward FDI. The examinations of heterogeneity demonstrate that BRI countries that are developing, non-landlocked, non-neighboring, having signed the memorandum of understanding or cooperation memorandum of understanding, or lacking a Chinese investment guide are more likely to support China's political presence. This paper concludes with insights into how China implements the BRI to enhance its political ascent in the global order by facilitating economic integration of the BRI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to recent research efforts in understanding Latin America's neoliberal experience. While the phenomenon's origins have often been associated with North Atlantic experiences, this study aims to explore its emergence in the region's historical, ideological, and political contexts. By focusing on the Inter-American Council for Trade and Production (Consejo Interamericano de Comercio y Producción), a transnational private organization active during the second half of the 20th century, the text delves into the formation of a distinctly Latin American neoliberal ideology. The groundwork for this ideology was laid amid transcontinental discussions, negotiations, and consensus-building efforts. Contrary to diffusionist narratives, which emphasize the North's influence on the South, this study underscores the autochthonous roots of Latin American neoliberalism. By tracing the evolution of neoliberalism within the continent's own history, this article challenges predominant interpretations and underscores the role of endogenous political, economic, and intellectual dynamics in shaping the region's ideological landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic downturn has led to a variety of challenges for higher education institutions, including budget cuts and a heightened focus on efficiency and effectiveness. Performance-based budgeting is gaining traction as a means of more efficiently allocating resources, and Chinese public universities are not an exemption. The main purpose of this study was to look into the relationship between political influence, financial pressure, performance-based budgeting, and university performance in China. It also explored power dynamics in Chinese public universities. 271 participants were chosen using a purposive sampling technique. This study employed a multimethod approach combining necessary condition analysis (NCA), the PROCESS macro, and partial least squares structural equation modelling (PLS-SEM). Furthermore, this study employed a novel technique (the Johnson-Neyman technique) to show the exact scope of the moderation effect. The findings of the PLS-SEM showed that performance-based budgeting is positively related to university performance and acts as a mediator between selected variables, and it also indicated that the moderated mediation model is validated in Chinese public universities. The NCA results showed that performance-based budgeting, political influence, and financial pressure are all important necessary conditions for university performance. Meanwhile, the outcomes of PLS-SEM and NCA showed how researchers and practitioners can pinpoint key elements that affect university performance and produce the best outcomes. Overall, this study provides useful information about the implementation of performance-based budgeting in higher education institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses how mid-level bureaucrats in sub-national offices navigated political considerations when trying to fulfil their roles and responsibilities in the post-conflict context of Nepal. Utilising interview data from a wide range of stakeholders, I focus my analysis on perspectives from district level officials who were called on to fulfil multiple roles in an increasingly decentralised context. Their views reveal an acute awareness of the intensification of challenges and patronage politics that resulted from the conflict and prolonged uncertainty. At the same time, several officials found ways to navigate these political waters, and provided insights into what they think can help in ensuring educational success in such conditions. These assessments are likely to remain relevant today, as other local officials begin to take the responsibility of education governance in Nepal's new three-tier governance structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de la Transparencia is the property of Asociacion de Profesionales de la Transparencia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Large corporations in Australia have shifted from limited to more fulsome engagement in political activity (CPA) in recent decades. The paper argues that this reflects corporate institutional change in response to wider changes in the environment that have included growing government intervention, increased industry concentration and intra-sectoral competition, and a more complex and challenging discursive and issues environment. Quantitative and regression-based analysis of the drivers of CPA are employed and the analysis is extended and deepened with material drawn from interviews with twenty-five corporate government relations professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present a comprehensive assessment of the evolution of environmental law in Puerto Rico from 1897 to 2021. The study identifies significant legislative developments, with a surge in federal and local laws post-1960, correlating with heightened environmental awareness. Political dynamics, notably party affiliations, significantly influence the level of legal protection afforded to the environment. A new classification system is introduced to analyze laws based on ecosystem and resource protection. Distinct periods of legislative activity are identified, with federal laws predominant from 1960 to 1990 and state laws from 1990 to 2021, revealing a unique pattern of legislative ''pulses.'' Federal laws primarily address coastal ecosystems and pollution mitigation, while state laws focus on land ecosystems, reserves, and resource management. The study establishes a statistically significant correlation between the passage of time and the number of enacted laws, indicating an upward trend in environmental legislation. Additionally, it highlights the impact of political parties on lawmaking, with variations in legislative output observed under different party control scenarios. The study found that the legislative output in both the US and Puerto Rico was affected by party control. Specifically, when the Republican Party or the local Popular Democratic Party controls the House of Representatives or the Senate, the output of environmental legislation decreases. On the other hand, the study suggests that the US President's party identity has a lesser effect on enacting environmental laws. The study underscores the intricate relationship between politics and environmental policy, emphasizing the significance of political dynamics in shaping environmental law. The findings offer valuable insights for policymakers, environmentalists, and stakeholders, aiding in developing more effective strategies for sustainable development and conservation in Puerto Rico. Recommendations include utilizing the comprehensive table of environmental regulations to detect agency overlaps and investigate the correlation between legal protection and ecosystem health.

The emergence of railways brought about new possibilities in people's lives, as well as in terms of political plans and actions. Railway activities began in the Balkans in the second half of the 19th century and had a significant impact on the relationships between Balkan states. This work explores the potential influence of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway in the region of Bihor and the broader areas of Bijelo Polje and the Novi Pazar Sandjak, which were part of the Ottoman Empire. Austro-Hungary had expressed its ambitions in the Balkans even before the Berlin Congress, seeing the region as a bridge that could connect them to the warm Aegean Sea and further to the Middle East. The construction of the railway was one of the means by which Austro-Hungary sought to expand its influence in the Balkans. Such significant political intentions did not go unnoticed by the Ottoman Empire, which aimed to preserve its territorial integrity and possessions in that part of the Balkans. Slovene states and peoples traditionally sought protection in Russia, giving Russia an opportunity to express its own interest in exerting political influence in this part of Europe. Recognizing that Austro-Hungary was its main rival in the Balkans, Russia reached an agreement with them in 1897 to maintain the status quo. This agreement was further confirmed by the Treaty of Mürzsteg in 1903, which aimed to mutually neutralize or divide spheres of interest, with Bulgaria falling under Russian influence and Serbia under Austro-Hungarian. Austro-Hungary's primary goal was to prevent the creation of a large state in the region from the Danube to the Adriatic Sea, which would block its path eastward. As Serbia was located in that region, Austro-Hungarian propaganda was directed against it, despite traditionally good relations with the Obrenović dynasty. Austro-Hungary attempted to strengthen its political plans through the construction of a suitable railway network, which would facilitate easier and faster control of the desired territory. This led to the advocacy of the so-called “Novi Pazar Railway,” which would connect Uvac with Mitrovica. However, German Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow advised Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski to abandon this plan due to the unfavorable situation in Macedonia, where unrest was brewing. Austro-Hungarian diplomacy did not want to make a public and final decision on this proposal. All of the above had an impact on the population of all parts of the Novi Pazar Sandjak. The work examines how the construction of the railway would have stimulated economic development in the entire region by creating new trade routes and encouraging investment in economic sectors such as trade and agriculture. The paper also provides insights into potential changes in the demographic structure through the influx of populations from other parts of the Ottoman Empire and Austro-Hungary, which the railway would necessarily impose. Furthermore, it is essential to mention how the realization of the “Novi Pazar Railway” would have affected the ethnic and religious dynamics in the Bihor district and the broader area. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire intervened with Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph and Count Goluchowski on several occasions to abandon the plan to build the “Novi Pazar Railway,” as the Russian government maintained the same view it had expressed in 1900. Austro-Hungary eventually agreed, leaving only a political influence supported by the propaganda activities of secret services. This work serves as a foundation for further research and discussions on this topic.

No abstract available. Article truncated after 150 words. There is little doubt that most professional organizations are experiencing a failure to grow. For example, in the early 1950’s, about 75% of US physicians were American Medical Association (AMA) members (1). That percentage has steadily decreased over the years. In 2019 there were only 132,133 practicing physicians or about 12.1% of physicians who are AMA members (2). According to Kevin Campbell (2) there are many reasons for this decline including: • The AMA touts itself as speaking for all of us (physicians) -- but rarely listens to any of us -- they work to fill their own pockets with dollars from big pharma and government. • The AMA tends to have a narrow-minded political view and works to stifle any dissenting opinions (in an effort to continue to align with the government agencies that line the pockets of AMA executives with taxpayer money). • The AMA has collaborated with the government to …

The full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia in 2022 has put the future of the Russian opposition further at stake. The new limitations towards political, internet, and press freedoms have led to a severe disintegration of the anti-regime movement in Russia, including its leaders like Alexey Navalny. Digital platforms had previously hosted anti-Kremlin narratives online and played a role in the facilitation of Russian anti-regime protests. The latest scalable anti-regime rallies to date were the Free Navalny protests, caused by the imprisonment of Navalny in 2021. Digital platforms strengthened the voice of the Russian regime critics; however, their growing visibility online caused further suppression in the country. To understand this paradox, we ask which main anti-regime communicators were influential in the protests’ discussions on Twitter, YouTube, and Facebook, and how platform features have facilitated their influence during the Free Navalny protests. We develop a multi-platform methodological workflow comprising network analysis, social media analytics, and qualitative methods to map the Russian anti-regime publics and identify its opinion leaders. We also evaluate the cultures of use of platforms and their features by various Russian anti-regime communicators seeking high visibility online. We distinguish between contextual and feature cultures of platform use that potentially aid the popularity of such actors and propose to cautiously confer the mobilisation and democratisation potential to digital platforms under growing authoritarianism.

Are there any prima facie reasons that democracies might have for disenfranchising older citizens? This question reflects increasingly salient, but often incompletely theorized complaints that members of democratic publics advance about older citizens' electoral influence. Rather than rejecting these complaints out of hand, we explore whether, suitably reconstructed, they withstand democratic scrutiny. More specifically, we examine whether the account of political equality that seems to most fittingly capture the logic of these complaints – namely, equal opportunity of political influence over electoral outcomes – can justify disenfranchising older citizens. We conclude that equal opportunity of influence cannot ground a blanket disenfranchisement of older people and that, taken in conjunction with other general considerations that apply to all sound electoral policies, partial disenfranchisement proposals (i.e. proposals for reducing the electoral influence of older citizens via age-weighted voting) are both quasi-inapplicable and practically unrobust across a relevant range of political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regulatory capture reflects a phenomenon in which a regulatory agency, initially established to cater the interests of the public, formulates a policy based on private or 'special' interests. Actors within the legislative process are influenced by external parties or may even fall for regulatory capture as they have engraved a mindset that sides with the regulated industry. Regulatory capture is more likely to occur when there is a lack of public participation, transparency, and imbalance access to information. It is also much more prominent when the regulation is made to govern a profitable sector. Although regulatory capture has been numerously addressed, this paper focuses specifically on the challenges posed by regulatory capture in Indonesia's energy sector, particularly with respect to one of its profitable sectors – the coal-fired power plant industry. Despite Indonesia's expressed intention to transition to renewable energy and the apparent environmental impacts of coal-fired power plants, regulations regarding such a sector are still made to favour businesses. This relates to the fact that many political actors who hold positions as legislators and regulators also wield important positions in Indonesia's coal-fired power plant companies. This paper illustrates the tension and struggle between the two contrasting interests of businesses and the public by looking into the theoretical framework of regulatory capture and public interests. Subsequently, it extracts the elements of regulatory capture and utilizes it to identify whether regulatory capture is inherent in Indonesia's coal-fired power plant industry. Ways to prevent regulatory capture are further explored. In doing so, this paper resorts to a doctrinal and normative method. The analysis conducted leads to the conclusion that there are apparent signs of political influence in the coal-fired power plant industry, indicating the existence of regulatory capture. As such, measures to prevent and eradicate regulatory capture should be implemented by the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Sweden, the system of press subsidies was expanded in 2019 to give special support for “weakly covered areas.” This new support has had positive effects, but changes in the system also introduced new demands on the content concerning democratic values etc. If state support should be used for saving local journalism, how far can state influence on the content be acceptable for independent local media? The commentary describes the system of support and discusses this crucial question.

Background: The importance of management capacity in the health sector has been increasingly recognized. After decades of conflict one of the main obstacles facing the Afghan health system was the limited ‘management/leadership capacity.’ To effectively build capacity it is important to understand the underlying issues. Methods: A mixed-methods study, conducted in 2017/18, before the Taliban takeover, was carried out in all directorates of the Ministry of Public Health (MoPH) to explore the management/leadership capacity. Interviews were conducted with 12 staff; data were analyzed thematically. A quantitative survey was also conducted covering directors of 30 departments, it was analyzed using descriptive statistics. Results: Our research identified four main factors in the MoPH affecting management and leadership capacity; insufficient support, uncoordinated capacity building, political and socio-cultural issues, and lack of transparency/accountability. This paper focuses on one aspect - the perceptions of the MoPH employees about the impact of political/socio-cultural issues on capacity. Overall, management capacity was weak. Key appointments including directors were subject to political interference and many directors appointed by politicians lacked the required management skills. Consequently, those directors were not able to support employees appropriately or to create a healthy work environment. Overall, there were strong socio-cultural influences such as nepotism and favoritism. Due to these problems employees believed they were not treated consistently or fairly. This was compounded by overly complex administrative systems. Conclusion: Being able to strengthen management and leadership capacity in the Afghan health system depends largely on the implementation of (existing) anti-corruption strategies.

The Electra myth has been a popular subject throughout the centuries for dramatists. The three great ancient Greek tragedians (Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides) each created his own version of the myth, and these plays have been and continue to be translated or adapted into various languages. In contradiction to the famous phrase “lost in translation,” adaptations may incorporate political or cultural aspects of the country in which they are conceived, giving them even greater substance and meaning. The purpose of this paper, in turn, is two-fold. I begin by presenting and exploring the differences among the three Greek versions of the ancient tragedians and their implications. However, the majority of this paper focuses around three twentieth-century adaptations of each of the playwrights’ versions (namely, Jean Giraudoux’s French Électre, Hugo von Hofmannsthal’s German Elektra, and Eugene O’Neill’s American Mourning Becomes Electra). In addition to analyzing the changes made by these adaptations from their Greek “originals,” I also address why each adaptation may have chosen a particular Greek text as its source, as well as the political or social influences behind each adaptation.

Purpose: Pakistan's consistently poor ranking on the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) highlights the urgent need to address the pervasive corruption problem in the country. This study aims to explore the reason behind the failure of anti-corruption agencies in Pakistan. Design/methodology/approach: This study has adopted a phenomenological research design. Six in-depth interviews were conducted with government officials working in anti-corruption agencies. NVivo 20 software was used to analyze the data. Findings: The study identified three main themes; Political influence, legislation, and lack of capacity building. The finding indicates victimization, job insecurity, weak prosecution, self-beneficiary reforms by lawmakers, and lack of resources are the major reasons behind the failure of anti-corruption agencies in Pakistan. Practical implications: The study provides implications for policymakers, regulators, and anti-corruption agencies to formulate effective policies and regulations to combat corruption. Originality/value: To the best of the author's knowledge, this study is the first that explores the reasons behind the failure of anti-corruption agencies from the perspective of anti-corruption agencies.

Commentary: This article discusses the status of media freedom in the Pacific region and the impact of the unprecedented COVID-19 pandemic. It primarily draws on informed comments made by experienced Pacific journalists during an online discussion in December 2021. Further, it updates the situation in several Pacific countries, based on reflections made by the same journalists in March 2023. There have been two major developments in 2023: the newly elected government in Fiji has repealed the country's controversial media law while the government of Papua New Guinea considers introducing a media law. The article highlights the importance of ongoing vigilance with regard to media freedom in Pacific Island countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the current situation where organisations in general and educational institutions in particular, are achieving economic benefits at the cost of the environment, there is a need to have innovations to a substantial extent that can reduce environmental pollution and improve the economic benefits. The current study is an attempt to identify the potential contribution of technology innovation in driving sustainability, especially when it is powered by Political Influence, Performance-based budgeting, and organisational culture in educational institutions from China. Based on the data of 472 respondents, the application of PLS-SEM has reported significant associations among the proposed hypotheses. The findings revealed that all of the three measures, political influence, performance-based budgeting, and organisational culture, have significant effects on enhancing the level of technology innovation. Moreover, technology innovation also improves the organisation's sustainable performance, which includes economic, environmental, and social. Based on the findings, the organisations in general and educational institutions in particular, are recommended to cultivate a culture encouraging technology innovation. In contrast, management is recommended to have performance-based budgeting to improve productivity and the level of efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to a debate initiated in this journal in 2019 on the influence of NGOs on migration policies in twentieth-century Western Europe. The study further develops previous studies by examining how NGOs in 1930s Denmark managed and used different types of legitimacy to gain political influence. The claims of this article can be useful in seeing the influence of NGOs as a process in which moral and pragmatic legitimacy are decisive factors in different phases of this process. The study finds that moral legitimacy is crucial for NGOs in the initial phase of gaining access to negotiations with policymakers: the so-called 'insider strategies'. Pragmatic legitimacy proves to be important for NGOs when access to insider strategies is achieved. The NGOs used their pragmatic legitimacy – for instance, their ability to reduce costs for the state – when negotiating with policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of economic interdependence, South Korea, like other countries with asymmetrical trade relations with China, is often seen by its citizens as vulnerable to China's use of economic power to gain political influence. However, South Korea's deployment of the THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) offers the opposite perspective on South Korea's vulnerability. Despite China's coercive policies against South Korean businesses and great leverage over Korea's economy, China failed to generate a concession regarding Korea's decision to deploy the THAAD. The question is why? Drawing on the 2016–17 THAAD crisis between South Korea and China, I argue that influence of coercive power will depend on the coercive state's willingness to pay a cost, the target state's level of stateness, and the relative intensity of interests related to the policy. This case study helps us understand the circumstances under which China's use of economic coercion against target countries may be successful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s Belt and Road Initiative has been called many things, while it is highly possible that there is not much novelty to it except for a name that sounds convincing. This study examines if the has brought significant changes to the Latin American region and concludes that there has been no real di erence in Chinese investment attitude based on participation in the BRI, therefore Chinese presence shall be looked at in the context of the whole region as opposed to through a BRI-centered approach. Looking at the usual elements of criticism of the initiative, Chinese activities don’t seem to add up to be a controlled scheme of economic and political takeover, nor an invasion of corrupt practices, but rather a logical and natural synergy of partners that satisfy each other’s needs, and even have similar cultural approaches when administrative functioning enters grey areas.

Research summary: We investigate how congressional stock purchases may impact investor expectations of firm outcomes. Specifically, we argue that because there is information asymmetry regarding how public policy may impact a firm and investors perceive that members of the U.S. Congress possess insider governmental information and power over the regulatory landscape of a firm, a legislator's purchase of firm stock will generate abnormal returns. Furthermore, we argue that this response will be greater if the Congressperson has jurisdiction over the firm through committee assignments, and that the effect of jurisdiction will be strongest when the firm ties itself directly to the politician through political strategies (e.g., lobbying sponsored legislation, committee testimony, and political action committee contributions). We find support for many of our arguments in a broad sample of senator stock purchases between 2012 and 2020. Managerial summary: We examine stock purchases of the members of the U.S. Senate for years 2012–2020 and find that stock purchases by senate members generate abnormal returns. We also find that abnormal returns are higher if the senator has direct jurisdiction over the firm through committee assignments. We see an increase in abnormal returns if the firm is tied to the member of the U.S. Senate through lobbying‐sponsored legislation and political action committee contributions. We also find that stocks both purchased and sold by senators experience negative abnormal returns over the 6–12 months following the transaction date. Our study provides insights into important public policy questions related to transparency and ethics in government and speaks to the question of investments by public servants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Tecnologia Aplicada is the property of Faculdade Campo Limpo Paulista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to investigate how politically based trade union power can determine the fate of a regulatory body's organizational reform and undermine public accountability in a purportedly democratic developing country (DC). A large regulatory organization in Bangladesh was examined as a case study to uncover how political actors and power were embedded in a World Bank (WB)‐led organizational reform designed to contribute to public accountability and democracy. Interviews and media (newspaper) were utilized to identify the contestation of powers at macro‐ and micro‐levels. The explanation of reform implementation was informed by New Institutional Theory and its derived concept of institutional logics. Finding that political recruitment of the organization's senior executives made it susceptible to the pressures of political agents, the study reveals how politically supported union actions interrupted a WB‐led organizational reform that was seeking to secure democracy and public accountability. It finds that the pre‐existing institutional arrangements resurfaced over time as the political agents secured more power to restore past practices that adversely impacted public accountability. The lack (absence) of accountability in a so‐called democratic regime facilitated political interference with the regulatory governance and reforms that undermined organizational accountability to external stakeholders. The case‐study organization's institutional environment, agents, and interests were unique situational conditioners that nonetheless may be relevant to other similar public accountability organizations in DCs. The findings of the paper have important implications for policymakers who design, implement, and evaluate public accountability reforms in DCs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Practitioners and scholars have argued that youth participatory action research (YPAR) challenges systemic injustice in education, as youth and adults research mechanisms of oppression and propose recommendations. However, oftentimes YPAR does not lead to new policies, as institutional decision-makers ignore youth's moral pleas and empirical evidence. In this conceptual article, we propose a consideration of the ways in which YPAR can mobilize power bases using youth organizing and institutionally sanctioned decision-making. We argue that being attuned to power bases provides YPAR groups a more reliable means, in comparison to moral pleas, to move from YPAR findings to shifts in policy and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corporate political activity by large firms has increased in a range of western countries and in Australia. There has also been an increased tendency for large firms to lobby individually on firm-centred agendas. Both trends have seen large firms engaging in institutional adaptation, primarily through developing dedicated government relations functions (GRF). The last research on this topic in Australia was thirty years ago (Bell and Warhurst [1993]. "Business Political Activism and Government Relations in Large Companies in Australia." Australian Journal of Political Science 28: 201–220.) and this paper updates this earlier research. It also frames the relevant developments as an important set of institutional challenges, not only for government relations (GR) managers within corporate hierarchies, but also in interacting with and influencing other key institutional interlocutors, especially government policy makers. The way in which GR managers deal with such challenges through building supportive relations with key internal and external interlocutors, and especially how this shapes the business-government relationship more broadly, is a key focus of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the influence of Duginist Eurasianism among the elites of the self-proclaimed Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic. The investigative approach is divided into two major sections: the analysis of Dugin’s Eurasian vision and the investigation of the influences of Duginist Eurasianism among the elites of Tiraspol. Such research is needed in the light of the political situation in Eastern Europe, especially after the opening of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. It is important to investigate the influence of Duginist Eurasianism in the Transnistrian region in order to anticipate possible decisionmaking directions. In terms of understanding Duginist Eurasianism, the philosopher’s perspective is investigated through his publications. The same analytical approach is taken in order to capture its position in relation to the importance of the Transnistrian region in its own Eurasian plans. Regarding the research of the propagation of Dugin’s Eurasianist ideas among the elites in Tiraspol, the perspectives of some of the region’s politicians and intellectuals are investigated. Despite the definite presence of the influences of the Eurasian Duginist among the elites in the Transnistrian region, the research is not able to clarify exactly the extent of the ideas among the Transnistrians. Importantly though, the research records their existence and confirms their spread among the ruling elites in the second decade of the 2000s.

Trafficked children are plagued with a complexity of issues that impede their overall growth and development. As an at-risk population, several factors contribute to the trafficking of children. Although this study recognizes that poverty is a predisposing cause of child trafficking in Ghana, it goes beyond to explore the experiences of practitioners involved in child trafficking interventions on other structural patterns that contribute to child trafficking. Data was collected using a semi-structured interview guide and analyzed thematically following reflexive analysis procedures. Engaging 13 practitioners through qualitative interviews, the study identified the lack of knowledge on what constitutes trafficking on the part of legal guardians, and the involvement of political leaders and elites in the trafficking business as key factors increasing children's susceptibility to trafficking. This study aids social service workers and those that advocate for human rights to upsurge awareness campaigns, especially in rural areas to educate people on what trafficking is, and the dangers involved. The study also suggests the expedient need for anti-trafficking coalitions in Ghana to advocate for judicial reforms that are not discriminatory to all persons, irrespective of status in government. The study suggests that further research with other agencies working in anti-child trafficking capacities is needed for generalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this commentary, we identify a phonics-first ideology and its polemical distortions of research and science to promote legislation that constrains and diminishes the teaching of reading. We affirm our own, and a majority of reading professionals', commitment to teaching phonics. However, we argue that phonics instruction is more effective when embedded in a more comprehensive program of literacy instruction that accommodates students' individual needs and multiple approaches to teaching phonics—a view supported by substantial research. After summarizing the politicization of phonics in the United States, we critique a legislated training course for teachers in Tennessee as representative of how a phonics-first ideology is expressed polemically for political purposes. We contrast it with a more collaboratively developed, balanced, nonlegislative approach in the previous governor's administration. Specifically, the training course (a) makes an unfounded claim that there is a national reading crisis that can be traced to insufficient or inappropriate phonics instruction; (b) distorts, misrepresents, or omits relevant research findings and recommendations, most prominently from the report of the National Reading Panel; (c) inaccurately suggests that "balanced literacy instruction" is "whole language" instruction in disguise; and (d) wrongly claims that its views of phonics are based on a settled science of reading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Public diplomacy represents an important activity that serves national interests and comes as a function of the development of the country and its people. The importance of public diplomacy is increasing, especially when considering the current global context - technological, digital, economic developments, interconnections, and interactions at multilateral levels. In Albania, little is known about public diplomacy, its role, and functions, how it is constructed and how it is represented through various initiatives. The study on Public Diplomacy as a Political Communication Tool in Albania aims to provide a general overview of public diplomacy in Albania, initiatives and activities taken in support of public diplomacy, and the role of public diplomacy in the development of the country and the benefits associated with it. For the realization of this study, a mixture of research methods was used, including desk review of exiting literature and key strategic documents, and interviews conducted with the public to assess public perception and knowledge on public diplomacy. The results show efforts made in years to engage in public diplomacy with countries all over the world, as a strategic intervention to promote the country's development. It furthers shows the low levels of recognition and knowledge of the wider public about public diplomacy in country. The study highlights that public diplomacy in Albania is in the steps of its development and yet to consolidate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of various inscriptions reveals a region's true history as we understand an empire's political, economic, cultural, and social conditions and about the emperors who ruled it. Such information obtained through the inscriptions is crucial because the political conditions that result from an emperor's governance directly influence its people and their socio-economic conditions. Performing arts has been thriving under the patronage of the various emperors who ruled in the Indian subcontinent. This paper focuses on understanding the political influence of performing arts in the Mauryan empire through a qualitative study of its historical, literary, and epigraphical records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows the importance of education. Education forms a personality that is able to realize its potential in the process of development throughout life. The purpose of the article is to determine the features of the formation of a personality that strives for self-realization, which is possible only in the educational influence on the personality. The relevance of the article is due to the need for social development, which is the result of a combination of many components that form the basic needs of every person. The theoretical and methodological basis of the article is devoted to the justification of socio-economic policy in the coverage of the educational process, the discussion and systematic analysis form the essence of the thesis that the world is an effective component of the political development and socio-economic prosperity of society, which leads to the need to control the processes that occur in education. The research used an integration method of synthesis of the figurative structure of the educational process and analysis, characteristics of education as a political phenomenon and socio-economic development. The methods of synthesis, analysis and interpretation of educational technologies are used. The research findings confirm the thesis about education as a factor of political and socio-economic development. The results of the research do not exhaust all possible options, but they are the basis for proving the main goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is currently in the throes of redefining itself as not just China's ruling party, but also as the dominant political force of global China. Following the path of Chinese globalisation, this project overlaps with – but is different from – China's much maligned strategy of influencing and interfering in the society and politics of other countries. The principal aim of the CCP's global extension is not to meddle in the affairs of other countries, but tying Chinese people, goods, money, business, and institutions that have ventured abroad back into the strategy and domestic system of China and the CCP. The article shows that China's emerging superpower is informed both by China's unique pattern of globalisation and the CCP's own understanding of the nature, aims, and modalities of its rule, which can only partially be compared to those of earlier superpowers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The operation of markets and of politics are in practice deeply intertwined. Political decisions set the rules of the game for market competition and, conversely, market competitors participate in and influence political decisions. We develop an integrated model to capture the circularity between the two domains. We show that a positive feedback loop emerges such that market power begets political power, and political power begets market power, but that this feedback loop is bounded. With too much market power, the balance between politics and markets itself becomes lopsided and this drives a wedge between the interests of a policymaker and the dominant firm. Although such a wedge would seem pro‐competitive, we show how it can exacerbate the static and dynamic inefficiency of market outcomes. More generally, our model demonstrates that intuitions about market competition can be upended when competition is intermediated by a strategic policymaker. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]