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This response to Yeung explores the political implications of the New Public Analytics, in relation to the theory of ‘orders of worth’. Firms engaging in NPA enter into both ethical and practical commitments with regard to their activities which impact on the public. This commentary identifies missing standards for what constitutes acceptable involvement by the private sector in facilitating, and setting the parameters for, interventions on the public. I argue that in large-scale interventions on the national or transnational scale, a conflation of public with commercial aims and values is occurring which requires a rethinking of the notion of procurement, but also of regulation. The engagements occurring under the definition of NPA raise the question of rule of law in new ways. To whom should regulation apply and at what point does a commercial firm become defined as a public-sector actor? How are firms escaping this definition, and what kind of response to this escape from scrutiny and regulation is appropriate?

Axel Sommerfelt's paper for the symposium organized by Fredrik Barth ahead of the publication of Ethnic Groups and Boundaries is given a broader readership in this issue. This biography provides some background to the perspectival differences between Axel Sommerfelt and Barth, that revolve around issues of political inequality, experience and historicity. Axel Sommerfelt shared Barth's anti-essentialist view on ethnicity, but did not fully embrace the instrumentalist underpinnings of Barth's perspective. He was theoretically influenced by the Manchester school, and directed attention to political domination from the point of view of the dominated, a focus that grew out of his ethnography from Ruwenzori in Uganda. Judicial institutions constituted an important arena for the negotiation of ethnic boundaries, and specifically, Toro-Konzo relations were partly shaped in judicial contexts that Toro controlled, under British protectorate supervision. His interest in resistance was also influenced by his upbringing in Norway during Nazi occupation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper was written in Norwegian in 1967 for the symposium, organized by Fredrik Barth, that led to the publication of Ethnic Groups and Boundaries in 1969. My paper was never submitted for publication, however, and the present text is a direct translation of the original manuscript. It explores ethnic processes in Uganda before independence, from the point of view of a group under domination, and strategies adopted by the ethnic Konzo minority vis a vis the Toro in the Bwamba area. In accordance with the doctrine of indirect rule, the British administration had given the Toro extensive freedoms to legally and politically control the entire Kingdom of Toro, including the minority Konzo and Amba groups. Early attempts among Konzo of assimilation into Toro society in order to access economic and political resources failed, largely due to Toro exclusiveness. I argue that this failure led to a further accentuation of ethnic boundaries. These processes precede the later rebellions against Toro rule, which flared up in Ruwenzori after independence. My paper brings attention to the ways in which political subordination shapes ethnic dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This response to Yeung explores the political implications of the New Public Analytics, in relation to the theory of 'orders of worth'. Firms engaging in NPA enter into both ethical and practical commitments with regard to their activities which impact on the public. This commentary identifies missing standards for what constitutes acceptable involvement by the private sector in facilitating, and setting the parameters for, interventions on the public. I argue that in large-scale interventions on the national or transnational scale, a conflation of public with commercial aims and values is occurring which requires a rethinking of the notion of procurement, but also of regulation. The engagements occurring under the definition of NPA raise the question of rule of law in new ways. To whom should regulation apply and at what point does a commercial firm become defined as a public-sector actor? How are firms escaping this definition, and what kind of response to this escape from scrutiny and regulation is appropriate? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British administrative policy in Africa, and particularly in Cameroon, was generally misguided. Encyclopedia Britannica supports this largely undisputed perspective, declaring that “British rule was a period of neglect, and this, coupled with the influx of numerous Nigerians, caused great resentment. […] At independence, French Cameroun had a much higher gross national product per capita, higher education levels, better health care, and better infrastructure than British Cameroons” (“Cameroon”, 2019, para. 2–3). This state of affairs is likely the result of the decision to administer the British portion of Cameroon as a constituent part of Britain’s Nigerian colony. This arrangement dictated the course of events in the Southern Cameroons territory from 1922 to 1961. From this basic premise, this paper argues that the administration of British Southern Cameroons as part of the British Nigerian Colony brought about an identity crisis in which Southern Cameroonians, albeit integrated into Nigeria, predominantly chose to maintain their identity as a distinct, separate group of people. As such, the allocation of their territory to Nigeria exposed them to alien political domination, as most of the administrators in the Southern Cameroons were Nigerian. Consequently, Southern Cameroonians formed political pressure groups, created political parties and wrote petitions to the British Government as well as to the United Nations in an effort to resist the authority of what they considered to be an intrusive foreign entity. A corollary to this state of affairs was the vote in the 1961 plebiscite. With the great majority of voters choosing to sever their ties with Nigeria, Southern Cameroonians reasserted their distinct identity and called for an end to the political domination that resulted from their unsolicited association with Nigeria.

Cultural policy is usually assessed as a positive element for socio-economic development and therefore, its criticism is generally confined to poor implementation and discussion of its social effects. However, it is occasionally analysed as an instrument that produces unsustainable development, as a generator of white elephants, or as a means of waste, corruption, and clientelistic domination of the political sphere. This is what we might call the 'dark side' of cultural policy. Our case study of the city of Valencia (Spain), focussing on two of its major cultural institutions, the Valencian Institute of Modern Art and the Palace of Arts, exemplifies this cultural policy dimension. This article aims to analyse the systemic and contextual causes of this phenomenon of cronyistic behaviour and to elucidate in what sense it can be understood as a contingent drift specific to a particular territory or as a structural condition of cultural policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British administrative policy in Africa, and particularly in Cameroon, was generally misguided. Encyclopedia Britannica supports this largely undisputed perspective, declaring that "British rule was a period of neglect, and this, coupled with the influx of numerous Nigerians, caused great resentment. [...] At independence, French Cameroun had a much higher gross national product per capita, higher education levels, better health care, and better infrastructure than British Cameroons" ("Cameroon", 2019, para. 2-3). This state of affairs is likely the result of the decision to administer the British portion of Cameroon as a constituent part of Britain's Nigerian colony. This arrangement dictated the course of events in the Southern Cameroons territory from 1922 to 1961. From this basic premise, this paper argues that the administration of British Southern Cameroons as part of the British Nigerian Colony brought about an identity crisis in which Southern Cameroonians, albeit integrated into Nigeria, predominantly chose to maintain their identity as a distinct, separate group of people. As such, the allocation of their territory to Nigeria exposed them to alien political domination, as most of the administrators in the Southern Cameroons were Nigerian. Consequently, Southern Cameroonians formed political pressure groups, created political parties and wrote petitions to the British Government as well as to the United Nations in an effort to resist the authority of what they considered to be an intrusive foreign entity. A corollary to this state of affairs was the vote in the 1961 plebiscite. With the great majority of voters choosing to sever their ties with Nigeria, Southern Cameroonians reasserted their distinct identity and called for an end to the political domination that resulted from their unsolicited association with Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Barisan Nasional mulai mendominasi politik Sarawak setelah pemimpin bumiputera Islam mengambil alih tampuk pemerintahan negeri daripada pemimpin Iban selepas pilihan raya 1970. Di bawah teraju pemimpin bumiputera Islam ini, Barisan Nasional berjaya menguasai setiap pilihan raya negeri dan parlimen yang diadakan sejak tahun 1970 hingga 2008. Walaupun parti pembangkang melancarkan tentangan sengit pada lewat 1970-an dan pertengahan 1980-an, pemimpin bumiputera Islam ini berjaya mengatasinya untuk terus mengekalkan dominasi parti pemerintah di negeri yang mempunyai bilangan kerusi negeri dan parlimen yang terbanyak. Makalah ini menyusuri dominasi politik pemimpin bumiputera Islam Sarawak dan faktor-faktor yang menyumbang kepada kekuatan mereka yang menjangkau lebih empat dekad. Walaupun kuasa politik pemimpin bumiputera Islam masih bertahan sehingga ke hari ini, beberapa sumber baharu mulai muncul untuk memberikan tentangan terhadap kuasa politik golongan minoriti ini. Sumber tentangan baharu yang dimaksudkan ialah golongan kelas menengah, United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) dan inteligensia. Makalah ini mengupas tentangan yang diberikan kelompok ini dan impaknya terhadap politik Sarawak khususnya kepimpinan bumiputera Islam.The ruling Barisan Nasional started to dominate Sarawak politics after the Muslim bumiputera took over the state leadership from the Iban after the 1970 elections. Under the stewardship of the Muslim bumiputera, Barisan Nasional had successfully dominated every state and parliamentary elections held since 1970 to 2008. Although the opposition parties launched a strong challenge towards the Muslim bumiputera's dominance in the late 1970s and middle 1980s, the latter was able to fend off this challenge and continued to uphold the ruling party's grip on the state with the largest number of state and parliamentary seats. This article analyses the Muslim bumiputera's dominance in Sarawak politics and the factors that had contributed to over four decades of domination. Despite this domination, new sources of contestation have emerged, namely the middle class, United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and the intelligentsia. This article analyses the contestation instigated by these forces and its impact on Sarawak politics particularly the leadership of Muslim bumiputera.

The objective of this article is to examine a series of issues related to contemporary research about the nation. The text is divided into four sections. The first section reviews two types of prevalent questions about the nation. Second, the debate about the relationship between elites and subalterns in the construction of this kind of political community and the methodological problems it entails is discussed. Third, a series of authors are analyzed to illustrate that nation building implies a specific type of political domination. The fourth and final section illustrates the relationship that exists between nation building and emotional repertories.

Political parties are known to play a profound role in the formation and functioning of the political system of a state. In the countries that are experiencing social transformations their place and role are a bit different from those they hold in the countries with a developed democracy. Since independence proclamation (1991) Ukraine has been in a state of public transition: from the Soviet totalitarianism with a communist single-party to a liberal pluralism. However, this way is rather complicated and ambiguous. The process of social transformation in Ukraine is complicated by the fact that it takes place simultaneously with the process of state building and setting the stages of sovereign statehood. The aim of this study is to analyze the peculiarities of political parties and party system establishment in Ukraine under the conditions of social transformation and state building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Montenegro is the only European post-communist country governed by the same party – the Democratic Party of Socialists – since the introduction of political pluralism. Thought-provoking as such, this appears even more puzzling in light of the radical transformation that the party underwent during this period. Once the pillar of the Montenegrin hybrid regime, the DPS played the key role in the country's democratization, subsequent to the 1997 split within its leadership. Moreover, being the most vocal advocate of a state federation with Serbia for more than a decade, it became the main political force behind the renewal of Montenegrin independence. This article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of this unique and understudied post-communist political phenomenon. It argues that the DPS's longevity in power has been determined by two factors. In the earlier non-democratic governing phase, it was the considerably high level of the party's institutionalization that brought about its political supremacy. In the following period, the party managed to monopolize the idea of Montenegrin sovereignty, thus acquiring a significant amount of political legitimacy. The article uses the explaining outcome process tracing method that attempts to craft a minimally sufficient explanation of an outcome by combining theoretical and case-specific mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The work of Ernest Gellner continues to be an influential part of nationalism studies. A recent appraisal has raised questions about the argument that Gellner offered in his central text on nationalism, Nations and Nationalism. This article takes up other issues in Gellner's work on nationalism. The article examines Gellner's influential definition of nationalism and the interpretation that he placed on that definition, as well as his treatment of 'political cohabitation'. It also pays more attention to Gellner's later work, namely, Gellner's discussion of 'the time zones of nationalism'. The paper draws on secondary literature but its primary purpose is to assess the coherence of Gellner's arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ruling Barisan Nasional started to dominate Sarawak politics after the Muslim bumiputera took over the state leadership from the Iban after the 1970 elections. Under the stewardship of the Muslim bumiputera, Barisan Nasional had successfully dominated every state and parliamentary elections held since 1970 to 2008. Although the opposition parties launched a strong challenge towards the Muslim bumiputera's dominance in the late 1970s and middle 1980s, the latter was able to fend off this challenge and continued to uphold the ruling party's grip on the state with the largest number of state and parliamentary seats. This article analyses the Muslim bumiputera's dominance in Sarawak politics and the factors that had contributed to over four decades of domination. Despite this domination, new sources of contestation have emerged, namely the middle class, United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and the intelligentsia. This article analyses the contestation instigated by these forces and its impact on Sarawak politics particularly the leadership of Muslim bumiputera. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This essay deals with the relations between and the joint experiences of social movements and political power. It asks the following questions: What is really socially and politically behind the epic, and even heroic, actions of the participants in social movements? To what extent do these collective acts contribute to the process of overcoming the incompatibility of certain social practices and the exercise of power? How much do social movements aid in the process of reducing and institutionalizing social and political conflicts and tensions? To what extent does power hide in the very bones of social movements the mechanisms of authoritarian domination and its social legitimation? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]