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The essay outlines the properties of the so-called Nachfeld, the post-final syntactic field often referred to as a typical construction of spoken language, focusing on its peculiar forms in deputy speeches from the Parliament of Germany. After a brief introduction on the German sentence and on the typical features of how language is used in political discourse, the characteristics of the deputy speech as a sub-text type of political speeches are highlighted so as to present the reference corpus on which the essay is based. More precisely, the corpus is composed of 40 deputy speeches delivered between March and October 2020, a half of which address the theme of the coronavirus pandemic. The aim of the analysis is to show the constant presence of the Nachfeld in all speeches and that it should not be considered a mere form defect or a colloquial choice, as it is in fact a real means of persuasion. This fact will also be underlined thanks to the consideration of how the Nachfeld is treated in the written version of the speeches developed by the Parliament shorthand typists. Eventually, a system to categorise the functions and the linguistic appearances of the Nachfeld is proposed in order to demonstrate the existence of a real “syntax of politics.”

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Political actors are one of the main drivers of public policies. They direct the policies due to their beliefs. Studying their action has a long tradition in policy studies but recent changes known as "ideational turn" gave a new aim to the research. Following this changes this article tries to uncover the images undelaying in the discourses that political actor have presented to public and also identify their ideas, used to gain audience and improve policies. The data are collected from the political discourses of 8 different Presidential Honeymoon Periods from 1989 to 2017. The Framework used to conduct this research is argumentation theory of Isabela and Norman Fairclough's (political discourse analysis framework). The findings highlight a specific image advocated by the political actors in each Presidential Honeymoon Periods for the cultural problems and also indicates a selective use of constant key ideas in addition to changing ideas based on society's conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Special Issue expands on the ongoing dialogue on the decolonial project by bringing together thought-provoking papers that examine the communication of female political leaders in the Global South. It draws on data from West Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean and the Middle East to elucidate how female politicians deploy language (including multimodal forms) to position themselves in the political arena and utilize linguistic resources to navigate the discursive practices associated with their political roles and responsibilities. The issue offers a critical discursive perspective on the complex interplay of gender, culture and political leadership, and holds implications for how key issues such as voice, agency, solidarity and empowerment are conceptualized and enacted in specific sociocultural contexts. It also contributes to overcoming epistemicide by decentring knowledge production and underscoring the importance of valuing and engaging with different knowledge systems, especially non-Western epistemologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politics and political discourse are closely related to people’s daily life, and this study aims to propose a new approach to political discourse analysis by combining English and Chinese corpora. By exploring the composition of formal language and the grammar generation process, this paper proposes an improved N-gram algorithm to address the shortcomings of the N-gram model in dealing with low-frequency words with low accuracy and uses the strategy of introducing alternative words to alleviate the problem of sparse data. Then, a critical metaphor analysis of political discourse in the English-Chinese corpus is conducted based on the improved statistical language model, and the convergence of political discourse is studied in terms of space and time. By analyzing the political discourse of American presidents, the spatial centrality factors of “we” and “our nation” were accurately extracted, and their correlations were 0.83, 0.73, 0.68, 0.51, 0.76, and 0.41 in order. The correlations of the unqualified facsimile noun phrases in the temporal convergence of political discourse reached 0.28, 0.25, 0.72, 0.68, and 0.54, respectively, and the accuracy of the improved N-gram model improved by about 28.1% compared with the traditional method, making using statistical linguistic models for political discourse analysis feasible and applicable.

In recent years, the concept of 'free speech' appears to have reached a position of significant prominence in public debate. In this context, we ask how the concept of free speech was used discursively by the Morrison-led government. Utilising a political discourse analytic approach, and examining texts from 2019 to 2021, we argue that, and show how, the government engaged in multiple discourses around free speech that were incompatible, inconsistent and incoherent. These inconsistencies and discontinuities were so significant as to render this a 'weaponisation' of free speech discourse. Thus, the article both reveals the complexities of the Morrison government's discursive positioning of free speech, and renders sensible the otherwise nonsensical way in which 'free speech' was used to garner support for a range of public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communication requires attention to honesty and trust. Communicators must have credibility that can be trusted. The speech will be rewarded if it matches the action. The discrepancy between speech and implementation action will only make a speech as lip service. This research aims to identify lip service from President Jokowi and reveal its context. This intertwined reading of the text and context will provide a comprehensive understanding of President Jokowi's lip service communication as well as an understanding of why this lip service communication occurred. This research uses the Political Discourse Analysis (PDA) method. PDA method analyzes Jokowi's lip service texts and contexts: the permissibility of demonstrations, KPK law revision, call for more criticism, and TWK for KPK employees. It has been observed that President Jokowi engages in lip service communication when the topic of discussion revolves around two key discourses: fundamental democratic values and anti-corruption measures. The research findings suggest that such communication is employed to politicize these discourses and maintain President Jokowi's image as a democratic and anti-corruption leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This ethnography looks at the indexical function of several brief utterances, routinely employed by a Palestinian speechmaker, in the Sheikh Jarrah protest in East Jerusalem. Following Silverstein's contributions to the indexically based theory of (meta)pragmatics, "creative" and nonreferential utterances are examined at the utterance event level, in relation to the speech event level, and more generally to verbal rituals. The political speeches I study have been delivered weekly, in Hebrew, by a Sheikh Jarrah resident and activist, for over a decade. The ethnographic analysis depicts how the utterances create a physical and symbolic (rhetorical) space for the performance of the speeches, routinize and ritualize their recurrence, and secure their endurance in a hostile environment. This is accomplished by spatially disassembling and reassembling the protesters, modifying the participation structure, and establishing a host–guest relationship. The speaker is repositioned as a resident, activist, and political rhetor‐in‐the‐becoming, and the protestors are repositioned as his audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In today's modern context, political tensions are especially high, and globalizing society is changing at a pace like never before. The use of critical discourse analysis could not be more appropriate for understanding how public addresses, such as Trump's concession speech after the riots, influence public perceptions, and either detract for or perpetuate problematic social inequities. In this way, critical discourse analysis conceives language as both influenced by and influencing society in a two-way, dynamic relationship. The following article uses critical discourse analysis to highlight the impact of Trump's concession speech on the forming and continued evolution of public attitudes (mainly unrest) and social inequities. This article provides an overview of the aim of this analysis, followed by an in-depth theoretical attempt to understand the relevance and application of critical discourse analysis. This article dives into a critical analysis and interpretation of Trump's concession speech, according to its language characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of renewable energy (RE) is an effective solution to address the global greenhouse effect and climate change. China's government has enacted a series of RE policies that play an important role in regulating and developing strategy. The development of national RE cannot be separated from the multidimensional guidance and support of policies, and policy analysis can be one of the important indicators of energy industry trends. However, currently, few studies conducted to research whether these policies are performing their intended functions and roles in driving the energy transition. This study constructed a framework from the dimensions of text content and discourse function analysis and used NVivo12 software to analyze seven important renewable energy policy discourses (2000–2022) enacted by the Chinese government to summarize the word frequency of renewable energy policies and the discourse functions they perform. The study finds that China's renewable energy policies are mainly guided by five-year plans, the types of renewable resources are constantly improved, and the policies themselves play a strong role in promoting the achievement of the dual-carbon goal. Due to the RE policies' lack of top-level design; the future development of implementation policies should fully stimulate the initiative and enthusiasm of the main subjects, such as government, enterprises and the public, and promote synergy and cooperation among subjects. Accelerating the global cooperated low-carbon scientific and technological innovation is an effective means to break through technical constraints. Finally, the paper puts forward suggestions on China's renewable energy policy to implement the dual carbon goals during its 14th Five-Year Plan period.

While the debate about further integration is ongoing, the European Union (EU) already shows signs of functioning like a state. The dynamics of the European integration process are defined by the duality of inter-governmentalism and supranationalism. This contradiction encouraged the development of the EU as a new hybrid political organisation. A software-assisted discourse analysis of the European State of the Union Addresses highlights that Presidents of the EU Commission have indeed conceptualised the Union both as a state-like entity and an intergovernmental institution because of its unique process of evolution, as evidenced by parallelism with the US event, the co-occurrence of conventional metaphors of statehood and EU-related metaphors as well as the merging of the concepts of "Europe" and "European Union" in the Addresses. Overall, the Addresses have contributed to creating a context of statehood for the EU on the one hand, and to reinforcing the position of the Presidents of the European Commission of the EU Parliament as leaders of the EU on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As of February 2023, 44 states have either introduced or passed legislation that aims to control the teaching of race in K-12 public schools. Using political discourse analysis, we investigate the discourse from six "anti-CRT" documents. We frame the discourse from an agnotological perspective; agnotology is the study of how ignorance is manufactured. Given that political discourse is one-directional, politicians have the unique position of actively constructing ignorance if they are providing information for the purpose of being consumed rather than argued or deliberated. We illustrate how the misuse of words/concepts as well as the distribution of disinformation contributes to manufactured ignorance. Finally, we argue that the deliberate and willful silence about systemic oppression will maintain white supremacy. Our intention is to challenge manufactured ignorance especially as it relates to how race and racism are discussed and taught in K-12 education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children's literature is recently regarded as an emergent vehicle for the expression of opposing political views (Simpson, 2020), becoming an up-and-coming part of contemporary political discourse. To examine the discursive properties of agendas and political discourse in fairy tales and their translation particulars, this study adopts the political and critical discourse analysis (Schäffner, 2004; Van Dijk, 2003) with the method of micro-textual lexis analysis and macro social-historical analysis. It is found that: 1) political discourse in children's literature exhibits a marked discursive property of substantial adjective usage; 2) denotation expansion, trivialization, and contrast explicitation are three recurrent translation strategies under the strategic functions of dissimulation and delegitimization; 3) translation initiation manifests political awareness with local, ideological, and political implications. The study, with a specific focus on the Chinese context, foregrounds the empowerment of translation with local, ideological, and political implications, highlighting the delicate strategies adopted by translators in a likewise delicate genre of children's literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the legitimation strategies used by Jerry John Rawlings, a Ghanaian revolutionary leader, to license his revolutionary actions, including political enemy executions and a crackdown on corrupt practices. It adapts and extends van Leeuwen's legitimation framework by demonstrating how Rawlings exploited historical memory and the notion of sacrifice in conjunction with the strategies of authorization, rationalization and moralization to formulate his revolutionary rhetoric. The analysis reveals that the legitimation strategies enabled Rawlings to project a patriot-cum-nationalist identity as well as construct himself as a noble revolutionary mandated by the people of Ghana to represent their interests, protect them from evildoers and lead the process of social transformation. The study illustrates the persuasive power of revolutionary discourses in terms of how they function ideologically in the message they communicate (or exaggerate) and conceal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigates socio-political ideologies in the speeches delivered by selected heads of states: Imran Khan, Mahathir Muhammad, and Tayyab Erdogan delivered at UNGA’s 74th session employing Neuro-persuasive Strategies. Further, the researchers aim to explore specific political ideology (ies) in the speeches through linguistic, situational and social context. Additionally, the data were by employing the neuro-persuasion modal proposed by Morin and Renvoise (2018) that is based on six stimuli i.e., personal, contrastable, tangible, memorable, visual, and emotional. The study's conclusions suggest that political leaders used political persuasion to highlight controversial perspectives. For instance, they highlight issues related to the humanitarian crisis, Islamophobia, global injustice and environmental threats. The study suggests that the political leaders might have utilized persuasive strategies at international political events yet, they did not highlight the possibilities/chances that could cause negative criticism for their worth. The research would be both socially and politically beneficial for the academic individuals who intend to analyse political speeches. The gap filled by the study would be innovative and helpful for the academia as it offers a new conceptual theoretical framework to analyse political speeches and rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined how the former South African president, Nelson Mandela, used language to present his political ideologies and the persuasion techniques he used to convince his audience of the state's achievements and challenges when delivering two State of the Nation addresses (1994 and 1999). The study was qualitative in nature and followed a case study design. Two speeches presented by former President Mandela provided the data for the study. Content analysis was used to analyse the data. The results showed that former President Mandela used the restoration of human dignity for all South Africans, freedom of the individual, taking care of the poor, caring for vulnerable groups, overcoming fear, unity, and a better life for all as his ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Surra Man Raa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Employing Wodak's discourse-historical approach, this paper examines how Ghana's independence leader – Kwame Nkrumah – in his creation of the Unite or Perish myth constructed 'the African people' in a manner in sync with populist performance. It argues that Nkrumah's discourse, in its focus on the formation of a Union Government of Africa as the only means of Africa's peace, progress, security and survival in the post-independence era, can be characterized as a form of populist rhetoric that presupposes an antagonistic relationship between two homogeneous social groups. To this end, the paper analyzes three discursive strategies utilized by Nkrumah in promoting anti-establishment sentiments while celebrating or valorizing 'the ordinary people': nomination and predication of social actors and actions, the construction of a man of the people image and the exploitation of familiarity and historical memory. It concludes with a discussion on the implications of the study for political discourse analysis in terms of the interrelationship between political myth and populist performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contract cheating remains a significant problem for universities and higher education (HE) generally, both within Australia and internationally. In 2020, the Australian Federal Government passed legislation establishing a new criminal offence, criminalising the provision or advertisement of academic cheating services by individuals and businesses. This legislation represents the Australian Government's formal commitment to a criminal justice response to address the problem of contract cheating behaviour, which seeks to prevent and minimise the use and/or promotion of such cheating services within the higher education sector. This paper provides a political discourse analysis (PDA) and interpretive policy analysis (IPA) of Australian Parliamentary Hansard documents regarding debate of the Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency Amendment (Prohibiting Academic Cheating Services) Bill 2019. Our findings suggest a discord between the putative purpose of this legislation and the way the contract cheating problem has been represented in Australian Parliament. We argue that debates regarding the solution to, or at least how to address contract cheating first need to understand and agree on the problem if they are to meaningfully prevent crime. Our analysis exposes the politicisation of the higher education sector and associated discourse, where concern about contract cheating, in this case, was used as a vehicle to further rationalise ongoing Government paternalism and interference in tertiary institutions, underscoring the need for critical evaluation of criminological interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the persuasive strategies used in seven speeches of King Abdullah II of Jordan delivered before the UN, European Parliament, Islamic Countries Cooperation, and Arab League between 2007 to 2021. The study adopted the persuasive strategies: Intertextuality, Creativity and Metaphor, References, and Circumlocution to uncover how the King employed the rhetorical/persuasive strategies in his speeches. The discourse analysis approach of Fairclough is also adopted to analyze the speeches. The study revealed that King Abdullah II used creativity and metaphors, reference, circumlocution, and intertextuality. He used creativity strategy to highlight reality as it is. Besides, he uses intertextuality to convince the international community of his vision. On the other hand, the King utilizes neutral references (we, our, your, you) in his speeches to avoid impersonalistion. The study concluded that the King successfully used persuasive strategies to convey his vision toward political issues.

Political discourse analysis is a field of critical discourse, used to interpret political text and talk in a political and social context. The present study aims to analyze the hidden ideologies and elements of power that reside in the political discourse of American president Joe Biden, which occurred during the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan. Qualitative content analysis is employed within the framework of Fairclough (1989). Core findings of the study have suggested Biden's ideology of portraying his positive image and Afghanistan's negative image. Power relations are illustrated accumulatively in three stages of analysis through linguistic choices. This study is beneficial for raising the awareness of people regarding political context. Future researchers may explore persuasive strategies used in the same speeches of president Biden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dilma Rousseff's second term as president of Brazil, slated to run from 2015 to 2019, was curtailed by her impeachment amid a systemic crisis in which the São Paulo business elite, represented by the Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo (FIESP), the major Brazilian business association, played an active political role. In order to understand FIESP's behavior, its official notes and releases were assessed by political discourse analysis with regard to actors and institutions, both mobilized and articulated, as well as elements of interest and opinions. Our findings indicate FIESP's leading role in the pro-impeachment movement, the strengthening of institutionalized state-corporate channels, the strategic use of different discourses to co-opt political capital, the demonization of the progressive Workers' Party (PT), and the promotion of distrust in all that is political. Our analysis also revealed social manipulation by business elites through their control of the mass media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we recover a series of discussions that we have developed around the study of the curriculum based on poststructuralist theorizing and categories produced by Political Discourse Analysis (PDA). This perspective is developed on the basis of a post-structuralist conception of the social, the ontological character of the political, a discursive view of the Gramscian conception of hegemony and a socio-political incorporation of the developments of psychoanalysis on subjectivity. On this basis, we propose to give an account of this horizon of intelligibility in a research carried out on the teacher training curriculum in the province of Buenos Aires between 2004 and 2007. This policy sought to deploy training horizons, which articulated the work of teachers with cultural production, political subject with criticaltransformative perspectives and high commitment to their communities and public education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcolonial discourse does not only interrogate western epistemology about postcolonial societies; it is a double-edged discourse that also analyses the activities of postcolonial states in order to establish whether they are not also responsible for their socio-political and cultural demise. This explains why issues of governance and political leadership are fertile discourses in postcolonial literature and cultural studies. This is so because the future of any society depends on how the society is governed. Thus, governance and leadership are the levers that can project a society to the summit of success or to the nadir of underdevelopment. This paper, therefore, aims at articulating the relation between postcolonial political drama and the governmental and leadership situations in postcolonial societies, especially in contemporary Africa. The paper shows how the ideological posture in postcolonial dramaturgy is an interpretation and dramatization of political governance and leadership management in Africa. From the theoretical paradigm of Political Discourse Analysis (PDA), this paper defends the premise that in Niyi Osundare's The State Visit (2002) the African postcolony is retrogressing in development because of the kind of political leadership that cropped up in Africa after most African countries gained political independence. This type of leadership and governance has been the trademark in most African states even up to contemporary times. In the play under study, there is an acute lack of visionary and patriotic leadership that can lay the foundation for meaningful development and progress. The political leaders and their sycophants in this play are most of the time indulged in political demagogy, paternalism, manipulation, and sterile propaganda which have very little to do with concrete development and progress in their nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study propounds the notion-complex of cross-textual reconceptualisation as a cognitive-linguistic output of applying Paul Chilton's (2013, 2014, 2017) model of Deictic Space Theory (DST) to textual practices drawn from the broad domain of political discourse. The DST model has operated methodologically towards conducting a cognitively oriented political discourse analysis of the two victory speeches produced by Donald Trump and Joseph Biden during the 2020 election for US presidency. As a geometric model, DST has been applied to the two speeches in a way that demonstrated the deictic spatial construction of victory in relation to Trump and Biden as the now-here-real speakers on the three axes of discourse referents, time, and epistemic modality. The data analysis has revealed four significant instantiations of cross-textual reconceptualisation made by Biden of Trump's deictic space of victory as a contested concept: (i) a "clear" and "convincing" victory, (ii) a peripersonal real victory, (iii) Trump and his voters, and (iv) a now shift from a past Democrat to a future President. All four instantiations have proved the hypothesis that the DST model, while revealing the deictic-spatial conceptualisations of "victory" constituted by each speaker in his speech, may further be extended to disentangle the interesting aspect of how one and the same concept could be reconceptualised across two textual practices produced by speakers with ideologically opposed perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the perspective of critical discourse analysis (CDA), the dominant ideologies affect the metatext through the process of translation. Translational choices in ideological translation can also be explained within the strategic functions of political discourse analysis. The present study attempts to investigate possible manipulative shifts when rendering important economic and political news by news agencies in three levels of textual, paratextual and semiotic to reveal the ways of portraying news in translation. According to results of this study, headlines and illustrations, the elements beyond the borders of text, are taken into consideration as the most effective part of the news affecting the readers’ perception called news-overview. Moreover, the result proves that three levels of CDA model introduced by Farahzad (2012) perform parallel functions in analysis of translations. Furthermore, according to cooperation between TS and PDA (Schӓeffner 2004), this study suggests that the four strategic functions of PDA approach are applicable for analysis of political translation at paratextual and semiotic levels of CDA model by Farahzad (2012) beyond the text.

The United States with its presidents stepping into power from either the Democratic or Republican parties influences global affairs in one way or another. These two main political parties have long been struggling for power and the significance of tapping into the ideological inclinations of the two parties underscores scholars’ accountability toward raising the critical language awareness of the public which could be an initial step toward a change for the better. The presidential inaugural speeches, due to their programmatic and strategic nature, are of significance to researchers. This study employed van Dijk’s (2006b) socio-cognitive framework where he defined two levels of analyses for a political discourse including the micro-level and macro-level text analyses. The former included 25 discursive devices such as polarization, generalization, hyperbole, etc. The latter drew on the dichotomy of ‘positive self-representation’ and ‘negative other-representation’. In the present study, the linguistic features in 16 inaugural speeches delivered by American Democratic and Republican presidents from 1961 to 2017 were examined at both levels. The overall data analysis revealed that Democrats employed ‘norm expression’ and ‘presupposition’ significantly more than Republicans, while Republicans made more use of ‘categorization’, ‘lexicalization’, and ‘populism’. The macro-level comparison of the two parties indicated that both Democrats and Republicans resorted to using ‘positive self-representation’ significantly more than ‘negative other-representation’ while the deployment of ‘negative other-representation’ by Republicans was significantly more than that by Democrats. The findings of this study have some implications for English for political purposes, political studies, as well as attempts in discourse studies.

This paper investigates the discursive links between macrismo and neoliberal governments in recent Argentina (1989-2001). Through a joint approach of the accumulation model, the political language, the social and institutional practices and the social imaginaries, it analyses the continuities, innovations and gradual transformations of the Cambiemos alliance in relation to the governments of Menem and De la Rúa. In this framework, the paper contributes to the study of neoliberalism and discursive constructions of these governments to build legitimacy, in comparative perspective. In the last part, it explores on the limits of Macri's government to build a successful hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies how the COVID crisis affected polarisation, politicisation and consensus in Finnish parliamentary discourse, a case in which we expect pluralist political institutions and culture to mitigate polarisation. In addition to the empirical contribution, we add to the theory of polarisation by drawing from Chantal Mouffe’s theory of plural democracy to argue that the opposite of polarisation may take the form of a depoliticised consensus or a pluralism of legitimate positions (‘agonism’). Furthermore, we apply Norman and Isabela Fairclough’s political discourse analysis to studying polarisation qualitatively, arguing that scrutiny of argumentative premises enables assessment of how profound certain political conflicts are. Studying 485 parliamentary speeches given in 2020–2021, we argue that a morally charged consensus imperative with nationalistic overtones quickly developed in Spring 2020, and pluralism gradually re-emerged later. The article highlights that while polarisation can threaten democracy, so can moralisation and enforced consensus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research is intended to illustrate how linguistic features of impoliteness are manifested in the debates between two of the main American political parties, Republicans and Democrats, in 2013 government shutdown issue. The research questions sought to analyze the impoliteness strategies each party employed to aggravate or attack the face of the opposing party. The study was conducted by performing qualitative discourse analysis based upon the theoretical framework of Culpeper’s (1996) super strategies and Bousfield’s (2008) off-record impoliteness . The data consisted of the transcripts of the speeches of the two parties’ members all through September, 20, to October, 16, 2013. The study primarily managed to elicit eight major impoliteness strategies in this corpus. The analysis chiefly revealed that both parties used all the strategies in relatively similar frequencies to induce their opponents to act upon their preferences. Challenges , dissociating from the other , sarcasm/mock politeness, and seeking disagreement/avoid agreement were among the most commonly used impoliteness strategies in the debates. In addition, as the Chi-Square test disclosed, the two parties did not differ from one another in a statistically meaningful way in their total use of impoliteness strategies. In conclusion, our study showed that there seems to be a relatively similar pattern of use of impoliteness strategies by these two parties over the aforementioned issue which can be attributed to the demands of political discourse.

Politicians use language to express ideologies, manifest power, and persuade people. In this regard, linguists have been interested in studying how language, power, and ideology interplay in political discourse. Several researchers have examined the political rhetoric of some world leaders and politicians. However, results of these studies indicate that there is a dearth of research examining women’s political discourse in the Philippines. The presence of female politicians in leadership positions is limited, which may explain why women’s political discourse is not given much attention. Using Halliday’s (1994) transitivity model, this study seeks to analyze how Sen. Miriam Defensor-Santiago used transitivity processes to manifest social problems, inequalities, and power abuse in delivering her privilege speeches. Findings revealed that Senator Defensor-Santiago frequently employed material processes, followed by relational and verbal processes. She used material processes to emphasize the actions of people involved in illegal activities, discrimination of women in the workforce, and solutions to certain problems. Furthermore, relational processes were utilized to explain some concepts, attack someone’s credibility and character, and express the state of affairs of the country and women in society. Senator Defensor-Santiago also used verbal processes to strengthen her claims regarding some issues discussed in her privilege speeches.

This paper builds on recent work on "third spaces" to analyze political talk in comments on news about nonpublic affairs. It draws on content and discourse analyses of comments on news published by a leading Costa Rican media organization on Facebook. The article develops five categories of issues that triggered political talk (institutionality, identity, political inclinations, factual aspects, and criticism of the media) and examines the discursive strategies through which these comments became political. This allowed to broaden understanding of the political relevance of discussions about nonpublic affairs on social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to approach the theory and practice of neoliberalism from a Political Discourse Analysis perspective. In the first part, it analyzes the main debates and controversies surrounding the theoretical, ontological and axiological characteristics of neoliberalism, and its applications at the state level. In the second part, he examines the methodological problems of rigorously investigating the phenomenon of neoliberalism, which are linked to the ambiguous and pragmatic character of the neoliberal theoretical body, the various stages, rhythms, degrees of depth and intensities of state neoliberalization, and the tensions and contradictions between neoliberal theory and its historical applications. In the last part, it offers a complex conceptualization and proposes some analytical operations to contribute to investigate neoliberalism and its ontic uses at the state level, through the tools of Political Discourse theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 provided a unique opportunity to examine leadership communication strategies during an extended crisis. The authors used political discourse analysis to review the crisis communication of President Donald Trump and seven U.S. governors using the U.S. Center for Disease Control crisis communication framework. The findings demonstrated that U.S. governors typically used effective communication strategies during their press briefings. President Trump often did not use effective crisis communication. The governors' crisis communication styles were consistent with the CDC's guidelines. The governors' communication styles demonstrate that they are "in the arena," while President Trump has attempted to remove himself from the arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of several sequences of talk-in-interaction, highlighting the ironic and sarcastic references made by candidates to the US presidential elections in the debates of 2016 and 2020. The participation framework of the two events (one same male candidate - Donald Trump - in subsequent election debates, first with a female opponent - Hillary Clinton, then with a male - Joe Biden) offers an interesting perspective on how "the gender thing" is manifested in speech. Despite the almost gender-blind character reached by the genre of the preelection debate as discourse-in-interaction, the analysis addresses the relevance of the speaker's gender in significant moments of talk, particularly focusing on protagonists' lexical choices to refer to the other in an ironic and sarcastic way. Trying to fill the is-ought to gap in the minds of the audience, candidates to presidency make sophisticated use of words in debates. In their permanent effort to disqualify the opponent while seducing the people, irony and sarcasm are effective weapons in the battles of words that these events are without exception turned into. The analysis considers the normative component of Political Discourse Analysis, as presented by Fairclough & Fairclough (2012, 2015), as well as the perspective on investigating verbal irony and sarcasm, as presented in Gibbs & Colston (2017) and the formulae for interpreting categories of humour, elaborated by Patrick Charaudeau (2011, 2013). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties’ political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties’ choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes.

This study analyses written and spoken corpora of three South African political party leaders (Jacob Zuma of the African National Congress [ANC], Mmusi Maimane of the Democratic Alliance [DA], and Julius Malema of the Economic Freedom Fighters [EFF]) in different discourse contexts. A mixed-methods approach was used to collect the data, while Critical Discourse Analysis and text analysis constituted the analytical framework. Twelve political-leader speeches (four each), three senior party official interviews, and seventeen focus group interviews with the voting public were explored as data. The findings established that each political leader had his own persuasive strategies and choice of words, usually aligned with his ideological and personal agenda, and that these political leaders were not entirely responsible for their speeches. The study concludes that these political leaders used and chose words strategically in their speeches to persuade and manipulate their audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a long tradition of linguistic research on political discourse, but little attention has been paid to what the concept of political discourse itself encompasses. With this in mind, this article aims to understand what types of discourse are categorized as 'political' in linguistic research and what their characteristics are (form, type of actors, policy domains, geographical coverage). To this end, we conducted a systematic literature review of 164 scientific articles from the Scopus database. Overall, the findings show that political discourse is generally limited to the discourses of (institutionalized) political elites and most specifically to oral monological speeches. The review also highlights discrepancies regarding the geographical scope and the policy domains covered by the empirical analyses, more specifically a bias toward the Western world and issues related to external defense policies, justice and home affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]