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This article examines the challenges of addressing spatial inequalities and uneven development in the United States, specifically in rural and nonmetropolitan areas that have been left behind. It discusses the political obstacles and negative perceptions that hinder efforts to help these places. The article analyzes the approaches of former Presidents Obama and Trump towards these issues, emphasizing the need for investment and support in left-behind areas. It also explores the divide between rural and urban communities, the resentment felt by the rural population towards urban areas, and the role of media and racial attitudes in deepening this divide. The text suggests that investments in rural America, along with respectful engagement and empathy, are necessary to bridge this gap and strengthen democracy. [Extracted from the article]

Urban communities are one the varieties of interest groups in local politics. The study examines the channels and the possibilities of their influence on the political agenda formation. The resources of interaction communities with other political subjects are analyzed. The success of communities in protecting group interests is assessed in terms of factors of two types - internal, reflecting the state and resource base on the communities themselves, and external, primarily institutional. The influence practices in the urban communities on local politics, as well as the degree and barriers to participation in the political processes in large cities in modern Russia are revealed.

Name, image, and likeness (NIL) policies have expanded rapidly in the United States in the past three years. Since the state of California passed a law allowing college student athletes to profit off their NIL, 41 states have either adopted or proposed similar legislation. Politics, the presence of high-level football programs, revenue, and geography have shaped this rapid expansion that has significant effects on higher education administration. Using survival analysis, this article explains the expansion of NIL policy and finds the key factors leading to its rapid diffusion. We find that the significant drivers of NIL adoption include high level NCAA football and the political motives of the state adopting that contributes to civic pride. The major findings suggest that this focus on football and its connection to civic pride and resulting political decisions creates opportunities and challenges for higher education.

Managing scarce water resources has been central to the Murray–Darling Basin (MDB) regional development story. The article puts water into a broader context of key drivers in development in the MDB. In addition to water markets and water policy, key issues include climate change, the changing relative resilience and viability of urban centres, the role of government, the impact of technological change, underlying exogenously set commodity prices and exchange rates. All these factors have had a significant impact on development, some with little discussion but others, such as water, have been contested and bitterly fought over. The article also examines these drivers and how they might affect future development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academics and practitioners are increasingly interested in deliberative minipublics and whether these can address widespread dissatisfaction with contemporary politics. While optimism seems to prevail, there is also talk that the use of minipublics may backfire. When the government disregards a minipublic's recommendations, this could lead to more dissatisfaction than not asking for its advice in the first place. Using an online survey experiment in Belgium (n = 3,102), we find that, compared to a representative decision‐making process, a minipublic tends to bring about higher political support when its recommendations are fully adopted by the government, whereas it generates lower political support when its recommendations are not adopted. This study presents novel insights into whether and when the use of minipublics may alleviate or aggravate political dissatisfaction among the public at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose is to identify the main trends and gaps in the research of foreign scientists on the topic “Game modeling of political space”.Methods. In this review, the authors used a semi-systematic method of researching the literature, in which at the first stage they used quantitative methods, and then the selected array of publications was investigated by the integrative method, revealing theoretical studies and practical results of the application of game political components.Results. Based on the selected foreign publication stream on the topic “game modeling of political space” by the method of semi-systematic analysis, six main trends in the study and application of game theory and game modeling in political discourse have been identified:considering the value of game modeling through the prism of interaction, not collision of actors;application of game modeling in the development and adoption of political decisions;development of new approaches to the analysis of the very methodology of game modeling in politics;game as a form of effective political communication;study of game theory on the basis of fundamental classical monographs of the mid-20th century as applied to the solution of pressing political problems;application of game modeling in predicting election results, especially in those political systems that are based on the theory of rational choice during voting.A lacuna in the studies of recent decades has identified the issue of using political game modeling in electoral processes. Despite the continuing relevance of the topic of elections around the world, no significant volume of publications was selected.Conclusions. Foreign researchers use the potential of game modeling in politics more often and more multifaceted than in domestic political science. Evolutionary game-theoretic models are used not only to model political and international processes themselves, but also to related social spheres, such as economics, religious and ethnic relations. Game theory is used to study a wide range of social and political problems and social phenomena: voting, fundamentalism, religious and ethnic conflicts, civil violence.

Galeotti argues that we can gain a better understanding of political decision making by drawing upon the notion of self-deception and offers a rich articulation of what self-deception is, and how and why it exerts influence upon political decision making, especially in high-stakes contexts where the decision seems to be counter to rationality. But such contexts are also explicable from a different perspective, with different theoretical resources. In recent years the field of ‘virtue epistemology’ has discussed a wide range of epistemic vices – traits of character, and cognitive strategies, that stand in the way of gaining knowledge. This raises questions about how an explanation of political decision making in terms of self-deception relates to an explanation in terms of epistemic vice. Because the notion of epistemic vice applies to self-deception and to other cognitive deficiencies, it is argued that the broader notion of epistemic vice might be explanatorily richer, and more useful.

When George Lycaf published the paper on social science in neuroscience and argued for some reason that argument is a subject of neurology, a new look has been made into other aspects of sociology, including political science. Cognitive science studies in the field of politics have made partially revealing the hidden dimensions of political politics in political action. These studies, although improving our understanding of the process of brain function in political action, island-wide examine political concepts in the brain. It has failed to give political power the power to predict. Thus, the need for new studies is based on a cognitive approach. In this study, the researchers sought to present a decision-making model of people with a cognitive approach to political action, and by conducting field studies and the Delphi method, they first identified and evaluated the components of the cognitive political marketing model and believed they achieved it.