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While previous research shows that bilinguals' ability to mix and switch between two separate languages is influenced by both cross-language similarity and language use contexts, little attention has been paid to bidialectal populations. Given the linguistic and sociolinguistic differences between bilingualism and bidialectalism, it is thus unclear to what extent mechanisms underlying bidialectal variety switching resemble those underlying bilinguals. To investigate the effects of cross-variety phonological distance and variety use contexts on variety switching, we tested two groups of Chinese speakers in a bidialectal auditory word recognition task. Both groups speak a regional dialect (Chengdu Mandarin or Cantonese) as their native language and are also highly proficient in Standard Mandarin. Participants' language background and linguistic experience are collected by a language background questionnaire. Mixing and switching between two varieties are costly for bidialectal speakers in comprehension. Mixing costs can be attributed to variety switches instead of the mere presence of a mixed-variety context. While variety switch and mixing costs are not influenced by cross-variety phonological distance, they are modulated by variety dominance and habitual variety use contexts. This study highlights the similarities between bidialectals and bilinguals in language processing, as well as the significance of recognizing between- and within-group differences in conducting psycholinguistics research with multilingual populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bilinguals need to learn two words for most concepts. These words are called translation equivalents, and those that also sound similar (e.g., banana– banane) are called cognates. Research has consistently shown that children and adults process and name cognates more easily than non-cognates. The present study explored if there is such an advantage for cognate production in bilinguals' early vocabulary development. Longitudinal expressive vocabulary data were collected from 47 English–French bilinguals starting at 16–20 months up to 27 months (a total of 219 monthly administrations in both English and French). Children produced a greater proportion of cognates than non-cognates, and the interval between producing a word and its translation equivalent was about 10–15 days shorter for cognates than for non-cognates. The findings suggest that cognate learning is facilitated in early bilingual vocabulary development, such that phonological overlap supports bilinguals in learning phonologically similar words across their two languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: Despite a history of research in translation-equivalent priming (either cognate or noncognate and phonological priming with cross-script languages), research with Korean–English bilinguals is very scarce. In this study, we report two masked-priming lexical decision tasks in both directions with Korean–English unbalanced bilinguals, investigating whether cross-language activation occurs depending on different types of cognate, noncognate, and homophone prime–target pairs, the degree of phonological similarity between prime and target, and how L2 proficiency influences each type of priming. Methodology: Two experiments were conducted using a masked translation priming paradigm with unbalanced Korean–English bilinguals: Experiment 1 in the L2–L1 direction and Experiment 2 in the L1–L2 direction. Each experiment used a total of 96 prime–target pairs of cognates, noncognates, and homophones, and 60 subjects for each experiment were asked to judge whether the items were real words or not in a lexical decision task. Data and analysis: Linear mixed-effects models were used to investigate the effects of priming in each condition, the effect of phonological similarity on cognate translation priming, and L2 proficiency. Findings/conclusions: Our results showed that both cognate translation priming and noncognate translation priming arose in the L1–L2 direction, but the phonological priming was not found. In the L2–L1 direction, on the contrary, cognate translation priming and phonological priming effects were observed, but not the noncognate translation priming. Also, the degree of phonological similarity influenced the magnitude of cognate translation priming effects in both directions with a different pattern, supporting for the phonological overlap account between different-script languages. The current study is compatible with the language nonselective activation view and suggests the shared phonological representations even between different-script languages. The results are discussed within several current bilingual lexical processing models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategy use is an important source of individual differences during immediate serial reconstruction. However, not all strategies are equally suited for all tasks. Therefore, assessing participants' dynamic strategy selection across contexts is an important next step for reliable interpretation of individual differences in short-term memory span – in both experimental and clinical settings. Strategy use during reconstruction of phonologically similar and phonologically distinct word sets was directly assessed using a self-report questionnaire. In two experiments, participants reported consistent use of phonological strategies across word sets; however, participants reported additionally using non-phonological strategies (i.e., mental imagery and sentence generation) when tasked with remembering phonologically similar words. In particular, strategy selection was most impacted when the phonologically similar word set was either the only word set or the first word set participants received. When the phonologically similar lists were presented after a classic list of phonologically distinct words, participants continued using the phonological strategies that had been effective for the distinct lists. Moreover, in both experiments, accuracy of phonologically similar lists was better predicted by use of non-phonological strategies than use of phonological strategies. Specifically, reported use of verbalization or rehearsal did not predict accuracy, but participants who reported regularly using mental imagery and/or sentence generation (typically in conjunction with rehearsal) displayed greater serial memory for similar words. These results do not undermine the general assumptions of the phonological similarity effect, but they do indicate that its interpretation is less straightforward than previously thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large body of research seeking to explore how form affects lexical processing in bilinguals has suggested that orthographically similar translations (e.g., English-Portuguese "paper-papel") are responded to more quickly and accurately than words with little to no overlap (e.g., English-Portuguese "house-casa"). One of the most prominent algorithms to estimate orthographic similarity, the normalized Levenshtein distance (NLD), returns an index of the proportion of identical characters of two strings, and is an efficient and invaluable tool for the selection, manipulation, and control of verbal stimuli. Notwithstanding its many advantages for second-language research, the absence of a comparable measure for phonology has resulted in the adoption of different strategies to assess the degree of interlanguage phonological similarity across the literature, with profound implications for the interpretation of results on the relative role of orthographic and phonological similarity in bilingual lexical access. In the present work, we introduce PHOR-in-One, a multilingual lexical database with a set of phonological and orthographic NLD estimates for 6160 translation equivalents in American and British English, European Portuguese, German and Spanish in a total of 30,800 words. We also propose a new measure of phonographic NLD, a pooled index of orthographic and phonological similarity, particularly useful for researchers interested in controlling for and/or manipulating both estimates at once. PHOR-in-One includes a comprehensive characterization of its lexical entries, namely Part-of-Speech-dependent and independent frequency counts, number of letters and phonemes, and phonetic transcription. PHOR-in-One is thus a valuable tool to support bilingual and multilingual research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of phonological overlap amongst items on short term memory recall performance by manipulating the type, number and syllabic position of shared phonemes between words in a serial recall task. Roodenrys et al [Roodenrys, S., Miller., L. M., & Josifoski, N. (2022b). Phonemic interference in short-term memory contributes to forgetting but it is not due to overwriting. Journal of Memory and Language, 122, 104301. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jml.2021.104301] demonstrated that when the phonemes of a target word also occur in words earlier in the list, recall of the target word is impaired. Two experiments are reported that further examine the nature of this interference effect. Experiment 1 varied the type and number of phonemes shared with the single syllable target word by other list words and found a single shared vowel impaired target word recall performance as much as two shared consonants. Experiment 2 altered the syllabic position of the overlapping phonemes and found shared syllabic position was necessary to impair recall of the target word. It is argued these results show that not all phonological overlap is equally detrimental and specific psycholinguistic conditions are necessary to produce interference that impairs recall performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Network science was used to examine different dimensions of phonological similarity in English. Data from a phonological associate task and an identification of words in noise task were used to create a phonological association network and a misperception network. These networks were compared to a network formed by a computational metric widely used to assess phonological similarity (i.e., one-phoneme metric). The phonological association network and the misperception network were topographically more similar to each other than either were to the one-phoneme metric network, but there were several network features in common between the one-phoneme metric network and the phonological association network. To assess the influence of network structure on processing, we compared the influence of degree (i.e., neighborhood density) from each of the networks on visual and auditory lexical decision reaction times obtained from two psycholinguistic megastudies. The effect of degree differed across network types and tasks. We discuss the use of each approach to determine phonological similarity and a possible direction forward for language research through the use of multiplex networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Logan (2021) presented an impressive unification of serial order tasks including whole report, typing, and serial recall in the form of the context retrieval and updating (CRU) model. Despite the wide breadth of the model's coverage, its reliance on encoding and retrieving context representations that consist of the previous items may prevent it from being able to address a number of critical benchmark findings in the serial order literature that have shaped and constrained existing theories. In this commentary, we highlight three major challenges that motivated the development of a rival class of models of serial order, namely positional models. These challenges include the mixed-list phonological similarity effect, the protrusion effect, and interposition errors in temporal grouping. Simulations indicated that CRU can address the mixed-list phonological similarity effect if phonological confusions can occur during its output stage, suggesting that the serial position curves from this paradigm do not rule out models that rely on interitem associations, as has been previously been suggested. The other two challenges are more consequential for the model's representations, and simulations indicated the model was not able to provide a complete account of them. We highlight and discuss how revisions to CRU's representations or retrieval mechanisms can address these phenomena and emphasize that a fruitful direction forward would be to either incorporate positional representations or approximate them with its existing representations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phonological similarity effect in short‐term memory (STM) is the finding that serial recall of lists of similar sounding items is poorer than that of dissimilar sounding items. This is traditionally argued to be due to a detrimental effect on memory for the order of the words in the list and not on memory for the words themselves. Models that propose forgetting from STM is due to interference must invoke an additional compensatory process where the shared element of the words acts as a cue to recall, in order to account for the lack of an effect on memory for the words. However, the possibility of a detrimental effect of phonological similarity on item memory when these compensatory processes are not available has not been investigated. Two experiments (n = 60 and n = 57) in which similarity is operationalized in a way that precludes usage of compensatory processes are reported. The results clearly demonstrate that item recall is poorer for similar lists than dissimilar lists when similarity is defined in this way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

University students reported two words, C1 and C2, and an intervening filler word in rapid serial visual presentation (RSVP). The deficit in reporting the second target C2 (repetition blindness, RB) was examined when C1 and C2 were phonologically or orthographically similar. When C1 and C2 were homophones, there was a deficit in the report of both C1 and C2 and confusion between C1 and C2, suggesting a working memory involvement in phonological RB. The deficit was restricted to C2 when C1 and C2 were orthographically similar (Experiments 2 and 3). In Experiment 4, C1 and C2 shared the first three or the last three letters. Participants chose from two 3-letter fragments the one that came from C2. There was a deficit for similar C2s which was exacerbated for beginning matches with beginning probes. We propose that interference by C1 in the orthography-to-phonology conversion for C2 causes orthographic RB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to successfully learn the meaning of words such asbin or pin, language learners must not only perceive relevantdifferences in the speech signal but also learn mappings fromwords to referents. Prior work in native (Stager & Werker,1997) and second (Pajak, Creel, & Levy, 2016) language ac-quisition has found that the ability to perceptually discrimi-nate between words does not guarantee successful word learn-ing. Learners fail to utilize knowledge that they can otherwiseuse in speech perception. To explore possible mechanisms ac-counting for this phenomenon, we developed a probabilisticmodel that infers both a word’s phonetic form and its asso-ciated referent. By analyzing different versions of the modelfitted to experimental results from Pajak et al. (2016), we ar-gue that a mechanism for spoken word learning needs to incor-porate both perceptual uncertainty as well as additional, task-specific sources of uncertainty.

• The phonological lexicon of Mandarin Chinese is graded. • Constituent edit yields highest dissimilarity, followed by phoneme, and then tone. • Graded neighborhood density and frequency affect lexical retrieval across tasks. • Distant neighbors facilitate and near neighbors inhibit lexical retrieval. How phonological neighborhood affects lexical retrieval can shed important light on lexical organization and processing. Yet these effects are unclear, particularly in Mandarin Chinese. This is likely because the working definition of phonological neighbors (i.e., the one-phoneme edit rule) used in Indo-European languages inadequately characterizes the phonological similarity among Mandarin words, which have simpler syllable structures and lexical tones. The current study proposes a graded Mandarin phonological neighborhood and investigates the impacts of near-to-distant Mandarin phonological neighbors on lexical retrieval. In Study 1, we investigated how Mandarin phonological similarity is influenced by the editing of lexical tone, constituent (onset/rime, initial/final) and phoneme. Native Mandarin speakers rated the similarity between the edited monosyllabic words. We found that constituent-edit neighbors were rated as the most dissimilar, followed by phoneme-edit neighbors, while tone-edit neighbors were the most similar. In Study 2, we calculated the constituent-, phoneme- and tone-edit phonological neighborhood densities and frequencies for 4,706 monosyllabic Mandarin words. We then utilized extant datasets to examine how the density and frequency of neighbors at varied distances, as well as of homophonic neighbors, impact response latencies in word naming, visual lexical decision, and picture naming tasks. The results showed that graded phonological neighbors had differential impacts on lexical retrieval efficiency: distant (constituent-edit) neighbors facilitated word retrieval, while near (phoneme-, tone-edit and homophonic) neighbors had inhibitory effects. We discuss these findings within an interactive activation and competition framework and suggest future directions to study the representation and processing of the Mandarin phonological lexicon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the adaptation of English voiced fricative [z]E into Mandarin. The principal findings are that the adaptation of [z]E depends on its position in the source word. If [z]E occupies the word initial or middle position, it tends to be borrowed as Mandarin [ts]M or [s]M. If [z]E is in the ending position, more variations would be observed as it may correspond to [ts]M, [s]M, [ʈʂ]M or [ʂ]M. Moreover, adapting [z]E into Mandarin is also heavily influenced by the orthography. The English [z]E can be spelled with or . The letters of and are also listed in Mandarin Pinyin, a Romanization system that transcribes the sounds of Chinese characters using Roman alphabets. Specifically, is pronounced as [s]M, while [z] is pronounced as [ts]M. It turns out that [s]M sounds different from [z]E, while [ts]M is perceptually similar to [z]E. Generally, there emerged two major adaptation patterns, that is, [z]E  [ts]M and [z]E  [s]M. The latter is based on the spelling similarity, rather than perceptual similarity. It is therefore concluded that the loanword adaptation is not only determined by the speech perception, phonology and legitimacy of sound structures, but also systematically interfered with the orthography, that is, the source-loan spelling similarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]