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Population parity figures keep governments and universities accountable in ensuring that equity groups have access to higher education. However, what happens once population parity is reached? This paper explores Australian doctoral education policy on culturally and linguistically diverse (transcultural) domestic candidates. Using Foucauldian discourse analysis, we suggest that an overwhelming focus on counting avoids addressing vital epistemological questions about the diverse knowledge transcultural candidates bring to Australian research. We highlight the ways doctoral policies do not capture the significant diversities within transcultural communities. We recommend the use of Nancy Fraser’s concept of participatory parity instead of population parity in government policy as a way of incorporating three elements of social justice – redistribution, recognition and representation. Focusing on the element of recognition, we extend Fraser’s notion of cultural recognition to include valuing diverse cultural knowledge systems which might create the conditions for epistemic justice in Australian doctoral education policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Te Pati Māori (The Māori Party) proposes removing the British monarch as head of state so that Te Tiriti o Waitangi's (the Māori text of the Treaty of Waitangi) (Te Tiriti) promise of fulfilling partnership may be realized. The ACT (Association of Consumers and Taxpayers) Party's alternative argument is that partnership is among a body of treaty principles that give Māori people (Indigenous peoples of New Zealand) political advantage over others. These alternative perspectives transcend time because neither partnership nor equality as the ACT party presents it meets the possibilities of liberal democratic citizenship that may be read into Te Tiriti. Instead, equality is enhanced by interpreting Te Tiriti as constituting a commonwealth with hapū (sub-tribes) as existing political communities, and kāwanatanga (government) as a new one, with powers and responsibilities grounded in equal tikanga (cultural practices and proper conduct). The powers of government may then be shared, through participatory parity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The promotion of social justice pedagogy in Collaborative Online International Learning (COIL) courses and virtual exchange (VE) programs has gained traction in the last decade, as opportunities for faculty and students to participate as equal partners in the internationalization of the curriculum have grown. This practice report highlights the processes and outcomes of critical engagement through an interactive World Café workshop at the 2023 IVEC conference in São Paulo, Brazil. The participants were a group of 45 international faculty and COIL coordinators from various higher education institutions. Nancy Fraser’s (2008; 2009) normative framework related to social justice was used to facilitate a critical discussion related to the economic, cultural, and political dimensions of their COIL courses in supporting participatory parity. Key trends, questions, and recommendations for enhancing social justice pedagogy were identified. These findings may provide a springboard to engage colleagues in further dialogue that could promote awareness around social justice pedagogy and participatory parity through COIL.

Much research has critically examined state and public programs targeting marriage immigrants in South Korea. As many of these programs relate to marriage immigrants’ roles as mothers, both governmental and non-governmental programs have been created for the second generation who are born to marriage immigrants and their South Korean spouses. Drawing on the conceptual framework of social justice discourse, this article examines the second generation’s experience with social programs that cater to a wide range of age groups. Based on in-depth interviews with second-generation Koreans, this study aims to understand this group’s perceptions of the social programs and opportunities provided for “multicultural children”. Our findings indicate that second-generation Koreans view these social programs as beneficial in the sense of redistribution but also that they express ambivalence and describe their experience as “othering”. We highlight the significance of participatory parity in materializing the politics of recognition and suggest new policy directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a time of intersecting crises for young people in Scotland. More than a decade of austerity, the Covid‐19 pandemic, cost‐of‐living crisis, climate emergency, and ongoing global conflict all threaten youth security and create barriers to economic and civic participation. Alongside this, youth non‐participation is often framed as an individualised moral problem, diverting focus away from its structural causes. Evidence on youth activism suggests that young people are seeking new, creative spaces and modes of expression to challenge stigma, express dissent, and challenge inequalities in their communities. With support from grassroots youth and community organisations, youth activists can build trust, critical thinking skills, and solidarity. However, the extent to which youth activism can succeed in challenging structural causes of inequality, especially in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, requires further scrutiny. We draw on Nancy Fraser’s theory of participatory parity to explore how redistribution, recognition, and representation play out in the lives of young people, and how grassroots youth and community organisations support their development as activists. Based on a research study on the barriers and enablers to youth activism in Scotland, we seek to understand how neighbourhood‐based efforts to challenge stigma and economic inequality build dignity and hope, how relationship‐building between young people and the adults in their communities can support status recognition, and how these both contribute to emergent youth political representation.

Copyright of Veritas is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Covid-19 pandemic has changed the face of Higher Education Institutions (HEI) in profound ways. Since 2020 HEI’s have been forced to think creatively and quickly about how to respond to arising challenges of completing the academic year and ensuring throughput and retention of students. Historically Disadvantaged Institutions (HDIs) have been hard hit in respect of resources and the under-preparedness of the student cohort who are attracted to HDIs to take on the challenge of online learning. This article uses mixed methods approach, which includes survey data to measure service delivery and an auto-ethnographic approach using the observations and reflections of the author to discuss the impact of online learning and support during the Covid-19 pandemic. Utilizing Nancy Fraser’s model of social justice, which focuses on the concept of participatory parity the paper will using the economic and cultural dimension provide an understanding of the constraints and enablements that impacted student’s ability to access online learning and support.

Copyright of HiSTOReLo: Revista de Historia Regional y Local is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro Editorial Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aims: Contemporary approaches to pursuing public value and the vision of health and wellbeing for all have evolved notably in the past few decades, with distinct approaches termed 'co-creation' and 'health promotion' gaining traction. This article explores a critique of ongoing paradigmatic shifts in public health and the public sector, focusing on cross-fertilisation between co-creation and the promotion of health and wellbeing. Drawing on Nancy Fraser's claims for social justice through redistribution, recognition and representation to achieve participatory parity, we discuss a need for transformative change to achieve societal goals of creating health and wellbeing for all, leaving no one behind. Conclusions: Health promotion and co-creation converge in a quest for active citizenship through participation, as well as embracing a whole-of-government and whole-of-society approach. However, inequity in such processes, as well as health and wellbeing outcomes, are still persistent and contradictory to health promotion aims. This article argues that radically attending to human relationships and our dependency on other humans as a 'collective' need to be placed at the core of future-forming social construction of public and democratic institutions to allow the ongoing cross-fertilisation between health promotion and co-creation to work. Responding to this calls for transformation, the article presents a framework for developing a relational approach to welfare. The framework advocates for 'relational welfare', which captures the intersection of the welfare state, democracy and human relationships attending to social justice, capabilities and health and wellbeing for all as key public values in societal development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this review of Nancy Fraser and participatory parity: Reframing social justice in South African higher education, edited by Vivienne Bozalek, Dorothee Hölscher, and Michalinos Zembylas, book reviewer Sergio Celis discusses why this book is an invitation to reimagine our participation in the higher education field, as scholars, teachers, and citizens.

In 1935, when the U.S. Supreme Court's new building opened and displayed the phrase "Equal Justice Under Law," racial segregation was commonplace, as were barriers limiting opportunities for men and women of all colors to participate in economic and political life. The justices on the Court and the lawyers appearing before them reflected those facts; almost all were white men. Today, the Supreme Court's inscription has become its motto, read as if it always referenced an understanding of equality that has become central to the identity and the legitimacy of courts. The judiciary "looks" somewhat different than it did and, in a sense, has become more "representative" of the range of people appearing in courts. Given the role that courts had played in sustaining discrimination, the impression that courts ought to welcome everyone is a major achievement. Yet, to assess the impact of new judicial demographics requires analysis of other major alterations in U.S. courts—the influx of diverse litigants newly entitled to pursue legal claims; the economic barriers facing many claimants; the emergence of judiciaries as agency-like promoters of agendas; and the displacement of public adjudication through the privatization of dispute resolution. Studies of women as judges focus mostly on their rulings, but probing the "difference that difference makes" requires looking beyond judicial opinions. Courts in the United States have developed structural capacities to propose rules and legislation, create education programs, commission research and task forces, and lobby for resources. When women of all colors and men of color became lawyers and judges, they created affinity organizations and pressed courts to research court-based bias and to revise rules of ethics, doctrine, and practice. Those changes are part of the impact of diversification within the legal profession, as is the backlash against affirmative efforts to reform practices. Another difference of the last decades is that new rights have brought into court many claimants with limited means. Participatory participation ("equal justice under law") remains elusive, while the "justice gap" (shorthand for the lack of sufficient governmental help for under-resourced litigants) is pervasive. Worse yet, in some jurisdictions, courts have served as "revenue centers," using court-imposed assessments as income. Failure to pay "legal financial obligations" can result in suspension of driver's licenses, the loss of voting rights, and other sanctions levied disproportionately on people who are poor and of color. Instead of being seen as fonts of fairness, courts are coming to be identified as sites of inequality. In addition, many courts have embraced alternative forms of dispute resolution that make both processes and outcomes less visible to the public. Through doctrine and rules, U.S. courts have shifted their own practices as well as enforced mandates imposed on consumers and employers that push them out of court and out of class or joint actions. In sum, the new faces on the bench ought not to obscure that the project of representation, inclusion, and equality is far from complete. The vivid inequalities in courts are problems for courts because such disparities undermine their ability to be places of justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper argues that the Scholarship of Teaching and Learning (SoTL) is a necessary strategy for mitigating the many teaching and learning challenges in South African higher education that prevent a large proportion of students from achieving academic success. Research suggests that well-structured and coordinated educational practices that are valued and supported by institutions are crucial for student success. While there exists a very useful body of scholarship on teaching and learning in higher education in South Africa, the persistently high levels of student failure and dropout across the system points to the need for more research into teaching and learning dilemmas in diverse institutional, disciplinary and classroom contexts. I argue that if more academics are to conduct SoTL, it has to be valued and supported by institutions and academic leaders. Even though more SoTL is needed to contribute to solving the many pedagogic dilemmas South African academics encounter, it is counter-productive to expect all academics to conduct SoTL. Rigorous SoTL requires immersion in educational ideas, concepts, theories and research processes. Many academics may not have the time or inclination to work in the area of SoTL, but I suggest that all must be scholarly teachers of their disciplines. Keywords: Scholarly teaching, Domains of SoTL, Collaborative SoTL Participatory parity, Curriculum How to cite this article: Vorster, J-A. 2020. SoTL: A mechanism for understanding and finding solutions to teaching and learning challenges. Scholarship of Teaching and Learning in the South. 4(2): 6-21. https://doi.org/10.36615/sotls.v4i2.149. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

RESUMO: O objetivo do presente artigo é estudar a justiça ambiental como objetivo do Estado de Direito Ecológico, justiça essa incluindo o conceito de paridade participativa como elemento do reconhecimento, a partir do estudo do caso da Usina Hidrelétrica de Belo Monte. Especificamente, objetiva-se compreender a teoria do Estado de Direito Ecológico e a justiça ambiental como seu objetivo, com o método dedutivo e a técnica de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, cujo documento é a Declaração Mundial para o Estado de Direito Ambiental. Em seguida, busca-se discutir o conceito de justiça ambiental, a partir da teoria do reconhecimento de Honneth e de sua crítica feita por Fraser com o conceito de paridade participativa. Para tanto, utiliza-se da técnica de revisão bibliográfica, utilizando-se dos próprios termos trazidos pelos autores em citação direta. Por fim, estuda-se o caso de Belo Monte, em um relatório sucinto de como foi seu processo de construção, discussão e licenciamento ambiental, com foco no desrespeito aos povos indígenas, em um verdadeiro contexto de não-reconhecimento e de, portanto, grave injustiça ambiental por negativa de paridade participativa. ABSTRACT: The aim of this article is to study the environmental justice as an objective of the Ecological State of Law, including the concept of participatory parity as an element of recognition, based on the case study of the Belo Monte hydropower plant. Specifically, the objective is to understand the theory of the Ecological State of Law and environmental justice as its objective, with the deductive method and the bibliographical and documentary research technique, whose document is the World Declaration for the State of Environmental Law. Then, it discussed the concept of environmental justice, based on the theory of recognition of Honneth and his criticism made by Fraser with the concept of participatory parity. For this, it is used the technique of bibliographical revision, using the direct citation. Finally, the case of Belo Monte is studied in a succinct report of its construction process, discussion and environmental licensing, with a focus on disrespect of indigenous peoples, in a true context of non-recognition and, therefore, serious environmental injustice due to negative parity.

The article analyses a national professional learning programme through a social justice lens, drawing on Fraser's framework for social justice and Moje's distinction between socially just pedagogy and pedagogy for social justice. The South African Teaching Advancement at Universities (TAU) Fellowships Programme seeks to advance inter-institutional collaboration and social justice in teaching and learning by building a cadre of senior academics as scholars, leaders and change agents in various disciplinary fields, across all South African public universities. Fraser's framework allows evaluation of strategies used to support participation with parity; Moje's distinction is extended to show the interface between socially just staff development and staff development for social justice. The article analyses the substantial impact on participants through Fraser's cultural and political dimensions, and assesses the current and cumulative impact on social justice in teaching and learning through present and planned subsequent iterations of the programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist literature on care has extensively addressed inequalities that cut across the social categories of gender, class and ethnicity in relation to care work. One category that has received less attention in theories of caregiving so far is age. Built on the feminist literature of care and taking young (female) carers as its subject matter, this article tackles age as a third social category of intersectional inequalities along with class and gender. Firstly, through dealing with Nancy Fraser's justice framework of participatory parity, it is argued that addressing the intersectional inequalities that young (female) carers face necessitates a justice framework that contemplates both the distributional and recognitional aspects of care. In this respect a dual conceptualisation of care is presented – both as a social good and a social process. Secondly, a critical analysis will be presented of the elements of the justice framework of Fraser, where the notion of subordinated status will be related to the identities of young carers. Lastly, the normative framework participatory parity will be discussed in relation to the politics of need, as care practices define the needs of young carers that are contextualised in the care processes, but also in a childhood space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores care as an inequality-creating phenomenon pertaining to the position of young female carers. Engaging the normative theory of Nancy Fraser on 'participatory parity' as a framework for equality, an intersectional analysis of childcare practices of young female carers reveals inequalities that cut across class and gender, and given the focus on young carers, age is incorporated as a third social category. The experiences of sibling care practices of older daughters are explored in the familialist institutional and cultural setting of Istanbul, where the gendered identity of the young carer is constructed, and the childhood participation is shaped in relation to the care work. Driving on the empirical study conducted in Istanbul, the article aims to build the link between the normative theory of equality and intersectional analysis of care family care practices of young female carers. The article argues that care emerges as an inequality-creating phenomenon that cuts across not just gender and class but also age in cases where the participatory parity is hindered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South African universities are currently tasked to consider how best to prepare students for working not only in a context of diversity but also in one of continuing segregation and inequality. We need to take into account people's understandings, and the need to involve dialogue as they manoeuvre through entangled discourses. However, engaging with discourses of justice in South Africa necessitates engaging with the past, specifically apartheid, which many find discomforting. Based on Nancy Fraser's work on participatory parity, the aim of this article is to present thoughts on how English Language Education pre-service teachers at a university in Johannesburg, in their final year of study, engage with notions of justice through the lens of parity, and how this is later enacted in moments of their teaching during their seven-week work practice teaching experience. Themes of resistance, pain, and discomfort emerge from interviews, as the teachers negotiate silences and visibility. These ideologies, however, are not always present in their teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía UIS is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

By dint of a critical engagement with Marilena Chaui's writings on democracy and nationality, the article claims that nationality is conducive to democracy to the extent it upholds a minimum degree of union among citizens which allows them to negotiate the many conflicts that divide them without putting into question their participatory parity and equal belonging to the same demos. After reviewing Chaui's criticism of "nationality," the article dwells upon a passage where Chaui herself redefines nationality in a way that makes it compatible with democracy. Nationality is compatible with democracy when, far from positing a homogeneous and static representation of the people that smothers conflict and denies participatory parity, it works as a dynamic referent that permits citizens to equally participate in politics and negotiate their conflicts without appealing to violence, thus avoiding the different political groups of the demos from disintegrating into different demoi. Endorsing Chaui's definition of democracy, the article builds upon the articulation between nationality and democracy made by modern and contemporary political thinkers and surmises it is precisely because conflict is an inevitable element of democratic coexistence that the maintenance of a minimum degree of union and equality among citizens is indispensable to the stability of democracy. By satisfying such demand, nationality can be considered to be conducive to the consolidation of democracy over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Teoria Jurídica Contemporânea is the property of Teoria Juridica Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the biggest debates in South Africa is the use and usefulness of apartheid categories when analysing society and societal behaviour. This paper examines the process of learning and unlearning that took place when a political reporting lecturer and an academic staff developer sought to explain racially biased voting in South Africa and its historical origins to students. The autoethnographic method of reflecting on teaching practice is used to explore the tensions and dilemmas that arose when introducing a specific pedagogic intervention- the Privilege Walk—to help students understand privilege as systemic, intersectional and historically rooted. We also discuss our own further development of the walk to allow students to create a new grid based on alternative values and that would affirm difference. Framed by Fraser's participatory parity, critical pedagogy and Massumi's affect theory, we trace our journey in engaging and disrupting identity politics by developing a decolonising pedagogical approach that emphasises post-apartheid identity as fluid and becoming and capitalises on affective and embodied learning in South African classrooms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses Nancy Fraser's concept of participatory parity to reflect on data gathered by and from third year students in a final year research module in the Women's and Gender Studies Department at the University of the Western Cape in 2015. During the course students developed a research proposal, collected and shared data with other students, and then used this data to write a final (externally examinable) research report. Employing a participatory photovoice methodology, the students' research focused on ways in which social and group identities had shaped their experiences of feeling empowered and disempowered on campus. Each student took two photos representing experiences of feeling empowered and two of feeling disempowered on campus and wrote narratives of about 300 words explaining and describing the experience foregrounded by each image. Students shared these narratives and accompanying images with each other, their teachers and the wider university community through a public exhibition in the library. In the paper we draw on Fraser's concepts of maldistribution, misrecognition and misrepresentation to highlight constraints to equal participation identified by students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy is crucially about inclusion: a theory of democracy must account for who is to be included in the democratic process, how, and on what terms. Inclusion, if conceived democratically, is fraught with tensions. This article identifies three such tensions, arising respectively in: (i) the inauguration of the democratic public; (ii) enabling equal participation; and (iii) the relationship between instrumental and non-instrumental accounts of democracy’s value. In each case, I argue, rather than seeking somehow to dissolve or avoid such tensions, theories of democracy should allow us to live with their implications reflexively: to work with them. Such tensions are counter-democratic to the extent that they derail what Nancy Fraser calls “participatory parity,” under which citizens count as “full partners in social interaction.” But the extent to which they do this is not itself dependent on points of paradox in the very idea of inclusion. Such parity relies on complex factors, social and economic, which democratic institutions and procedures will not by themselves address. To achieve full democratic inclusion we must already have addressed such factors; no account of democracy itself, however finely-tuned, will do this.

Current literature focusing on young people's digital technology use often reflects concerns that they may live virtual lives and withdraw from locally geographically situated spaces. It assumes the existence of a split between offline and online 'worlds' corresponding to 'real 'and 'non-real' respectively. This article reports research findings on how young people locate new social media technologies in their daily lives with particular focus on the relationship between their online and offline experiences. The voices of the young people guided the research, which found that their social media use contradicts conventional narratives of moral panic about the alleged unreality and fearful dangers of online spaces for young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social justice is a controversial topic and one that fosters a wide-ranging debate within the milieu of the social sciences. Its ambiguous nature is mainly due to the existence of a number of different ways of approaching the subject. Some see it as being derived from an institutional procedure that is bound to formal justice with a material foundation, while others see it as deriving from individual behavior bound to ethics and morality. From this perspective, the topic demands a number of questions. When one talks of social justice, what precisely are the questions involved? What are its constituent elements? At what point can one state that a person or institution is just or unjust, fair or unfair? In other words, when is an individual aware or able to state categorically that the events of his/her daily life do indeed reflect a fair social system? These and other questions are of the utmost importance when one moves ahead in the debate regarding the management and implementation of public policies aimed at achieving a high level of social justice. The purpose of this article is to contribute to the enrichment of this debate by including elements considered important to the advancement of public policies in societies like that of Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that there is a reciprocal relationship between all scholarly activities, most importantly between teaching, learning, research and professional learning. The article builds on the work of others who call for a social justice approach to inform the SoTL. It focuses on the implications for professional learning, as an aspect of the SoTL which has been neglected. The tripartite account of participatory parity as advanced by Nancy Fraser is shown to be a valuable frame to describe instances of social justice, as well as the kind of institutional arrangements that should be instituted to support participatory parity. Alongside this, the notion of a ‘pedagogy of discomfort’ is shown to be an effective, but challenging means to advance awareness of justice and injustice amongst academics. The article draws on examples from three action based research projects run by the authors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This contribution draws on Nancy Fraser's concept of ‘participatory parity’ to analyze the reproduction and contestation of inequalities internal to land reform settlements affiliated with the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement (MST) located in the cacao lands of southern Bahia, Brazil. These inequalities are variously manifest in unequal control over land and legal documents, disparities in status and what Fraser calls ‘voice'. These circumstances help account for quantitative evidence that shows a strong preference among local landless populations for land reform organizations that are more decentralized and less hierarchically organized. These circumstances also motivate direct actions undertaken by grassroots MST settlers seeking to destabilize the conditions that ground these inequalities. This research highlights the importance of attending to local histories and interactions through which participatory disparities are christened and reproduced; indicates potential methodological consequences; and examines the interplay of transgressive action, dialogue and recognition as settlers struggle to bring about ‘participatory parity' – or what they might call genuine ‘friendships' – in their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article proposes a model for judging children’s participatory parity in different social spaces. The notion of participatory parity originates in Nancy Fraser’s normative theory for social justice, where it concerns the participatory status of adults. What, then, constitutes participatory parity for children? How should we judge the extent to which they are able to participate as equals in their different social environments? And how should we evaluate the adequacy of different social arrangements for children’s participation, across the ‘private/public’ divide? The article examines the usefulness of three normative frameworks for judging the conditions for children to participate on an equal footing with others, in ways that support their well-being. Two frameworks are from the field of social justice theory; the third is from the political ethics of care. Selected concepts from all three frameworks are used to propose a normative model for children’s participatory parity. Examples from a study on children’s participatory practices in South African families illustrate the application of the model, which holds some promise for theorising children’s participation in other participatory spaces.

The question of how to make higher education more inclusive has been a central concern in South Africa and elsewhere over the past two decades. However, in South Africa there remains a disjuncture between policy aimed at promoting inclusivity and the experiences of students and staff in the higher education sector. In this article, the relationship between equity of access and equity of outcomes and the expectations that follow from these policy imperatives are examined from the perspective of Nancy Fraser's normative framework of social justice. In particular, her notion of misframing is used to analyze the current situation in the higher education sector in South Africa. The article concludes that a focus on individual higher education institutions is not sufficient to gain a perspective on the social arrangements required for participatory parity in higher education; and, in fact, such a focus is an instance of misframing and thus a form of injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a model for judging children's participatory parity in various social spaces based on Nancy Fraser's normative theory for social justice among adults. It looks at the benefits of three normative frameworks from the field of social justice theory and from the political ethics of care. It illustrates the application of the model to show some promise for theorizing children's participation in other spaces through examples on children's practices in South African families.

Social exclusion is not random, but concentrated in already marginalised groups and often related to the “frozen accidents” of particular forms of thinking about education and development that come to dominate policy and strategies for service provision. This paper examines how accessing the recently enacted right to education raises a range of justice concerns for mobile, and particularly transhumant pastoralist, children in India. It argues that provision of formal education reflects institutionalised patterns of economic discrimination and status inequality that deny such children what Nancy Fraser terms “participatory parity”. The policy norm of habitation-based provision fails to fulfil the rights criteria of making schooling available and accessible, while the colonial criminalisation of mobility leaves an enduring legacy of discrimination. Formal education is complex and contradictory in relation to both moral dimensions of the human right and its contribution to social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the importance of examining gender barriers in the deliberative processes of the public sphere. A participatory democracy is not feasible without the equal inclusion of women's voices under similar conditions to their male peers. In the past, various studies have shown that women in the media are either rendered invisible or described according to stereotyped characteristics, which results in their 'symbolic annihilation'. Arguing that television remains an important mass medium in the delivery of news to the general public, a qualitative study was conducted which aimed at understanding how gender meanings in the evening news are negotiated by television viewers. Within this context, a series of focus group discussions was organized in order to examine several gender perceptions of the news which contribute to the development of a critical perspective on media structures and content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]