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The article discusses the relationship between member retention in Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and political participation in Mozambique. The study involved 234 CSO members and showed that member retention is linked to political contact and civic engagement. The results suggest that prolonged membership in CSOs can increase the propensity for political participation, contributing to the strengthening of democracy. Further studies are recommended to explore these relationships in different geographical contexts. [Extracted from the article]

Objective/context: To learn about the contributions of women of the organized Colombian diaspora in Catalonia to creating transnational practices in favor of peace and denunciation of human rights violations in Colombia. Specifically, we seek to identify the main actors, organizational spaces, and collective action repertoires developed by Colombian women in Catalonia. Therefore, we approach the literature on the political participation of migrant and exiled women from the perspective of political transnationalism. Methodology: This qualitative and participatory research study examines bibliographic and documentary sources, semi-structured interviews with Colombian women participating in the organized diaspora, and participant observation of mobilizations. Conclusions: The analysis and discussion of the results show that for some women, their participation is based on their exile and previous political involvement. For others, it is driven by the recognition of their condition as migrant subjects, as well as the different axes of inequality that cross them, which allows them to connect their individual discomfort with the collective discomfort of their country of origin and develop new interpretative frameworks and new repertoires of action aimed at sensitizing and influencing the Colombian socio-political reality. Originality: This research contribution allows for further debate on the transnational political role of migrations in a globalized world and what role women can play in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GeSec: Revista de Gestao e Secretariado is the property of Sindicato das Secretarias e Secretarios do Estado de Sao Paulo (SINSESP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A participação política é indissociável da democracia e partimos da premissa de que não existe uma sem a outra. Entretanto, nos estudos sobre juventudes, não existe um consenso em relação ao conceito de participação política, podendo variar de acordo com o entendimento de democracia dos(as) autores(as). Os(as) adeptos(as) da democracia representativa possuem a crença de que o Estado é o garantidor da participação política dos sujeitos, enquanto os(as) autores(as) de tendências mais libertárias, que entendem a democracia como um projeto de autonomia, têm como base a disjunção entre Estado e democracia. Nesse sentido, o presente artigo tem como intuito fazer uma breve discussão sobre a participação política a partir dessas duas perspectivas e trazer a teoria libertária “estadocrítica” como proposta teórico-metodológica para a compreensão da participação política das juventudes, utilizando a tríade com/contra/apesar do Estado como eixo norteador.

Na esteira da institucionalização da juventude enquanto categoria social e política através do surgimento da Política Nacional de Juventude, especificamente do fortalecimento das Instituições Participativas, o Governo do Rio Grande do Norte (RN) através da Secretaria Extraordinária de Juventude (Sejurn) iniciou em 2015 o processo de mobilização e construção do Conselho Estadual da Juventude (Cejuv). Entretanto, até a efetivação do Conselho em 2019, existiram dinâmicas e desafios que redirecionaram as ações políticas, fazendo com que esse processo não fosse retilíneo. Nesse sentido, este artigo tem como objetivo analisar como as organizações de juventude aproveitaram as mudanças de governo e como as estruturas relacionais podem explicar a dinâmica que possibilitou o processo de efetivação do Cejuv em um contexto nacional adverso à participação. A metodologia está ancorada na abordagem qualitativa. Através da análise de documentos e conteúdos no Diário Oficial do Estado e nos sites oficiais do Governo e da Secretaria e da realização de entrevistas com atores fundamentais nesse processo, observamos que a vontade política foi influenciada pela capacidade de articulação e agenciamento dos ativistas e movimentos sociais que configuraram a estrutura relacional do campo político em questão.

In 2019, voter turnout among young Portuguese citizens in the European Parliament election was the lowest across the European Union. This article aims to identify youth mobilization strategies for the 2024 European elections. To this end, this article provides a descriptive typology that distinguishes between short- and medium/long-term mobilization strategies. This typology was tested in three focus groups, totalizing twenty-one young Portuguese citizens. The results indicate a convergence in support for some mobilization strategies and a divergence regarding others. The article concludes with some recommendations aimed at promoting the participation of young Portuguese citizens in the upcoming European elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos em Comunicação is the property of Labcom / Universidade da Beira Interior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Tendencias: Revista de la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Administrativas is the property of Universidad de Narino, Facultad de Ciencias Economics y Administrativas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of GeSec: Revista de Gestao e Secretariado is the property of Sindicato das Secretarias e Secretarios do Estado de Sao Paulo (SINSESP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

RESUMO O artigo tem por objetivo desenvolver e validar uma escala de mensuração da participação política. A partir de uma revisão sistemática, desenvolveu-se um instrumento de mensuração baseado na constatação de que as medidas usadas não abrangem as diversas dimensões do construto. O instrumento foi inicialmente avaliado por especialistas e, posteriormente, testado e validado usando-se dados de duas amostras diferentes, coletadas em Moçambique. Os dados da primeira amostra foram usados para realizar uma Análise Fatorial Exploratória - AFE e os dados da segunda amostra serviram para executar uma Análise Fatorial Confirmatória - AFC e validar a escala. A AFC comprovou a plausibilidade de cinco fatores, nomeadamente, atividade de campanha; votação; contato; engajamento cívico; e protesto, ao mesmo tempo que apresentou ótimos índices de ajustamento. A escala alcançou validade convergente; validade discriminante; e apresentou boa consistência interna nos cinco fatores. O modelo de mensuração desenvolvido e validado é constituído por 27 indicadores da participação política que podem ser utilizados em qualquer contexto geográfico. Foram feitas recomendações de uso da escala em estudos futuros sobre engajamento político de cidadãos.

Analisa-se o efeito das clivagens social e política sobre a participação política de jovens em distintas modalidades. Para tanto, foram testadas hipóteses de que [H1] as clivagens sociais têm efeitos sobre a participação política de jovens, [H1a] mulheres jovens participam mais do que homens jovens e [H2] as clivagens políticas não têm efeitos sobre a participação política de jovens. Os dados são oriundos um banco de dados oriundos de survey aplicado junto a estudantes do Ensino Médio de Porto Alegre pelo NUPESAL (UFRGS). Os achados confirmaram parcial e/ou integralmente as hipóteses, denotando haver diferenciação entre os determinantes da participação juvenil conforme as modalidades testadas, com destaque ao impacto do gênero à clivagem social e do processo de socialização nos anos impressionáveis, levantando aspectos para a continuidade da agenda de pesquisas sobre o tema no Brasil.

O artigo é a narrativa dos protagonismos das mulheres militantes na oposição ao golpe e à ditadura militar implantada, desde 1964, no Brasil, a partir de diversas iniciativas políticas, inclusive em contraposição às ações das militantes golpistas, fundamentada na abordagem de gênero de linha marxista e no feminismo decolonial. A partir das articulações entre as suas vidas íntimas e públicas, excertos de suas biografias e inserções nos partidos e movimentos sociais de esquerda, procura-se evidenciar as relações históricas, dialéticas e materiais da interseccionalidade do sexo-social no processo da luta de classes, entendendo a história dessas mulheres atuantes no Recife como um micro-universo interferindo e desvendando a macroestrutura nacional e latino-americana, no bojo do movimento mais amplo de oposição às políticas de neocolonização orientadas pelo capitalismo internacional e organizadas pelos países imperialistas. Esta narrativa se faz na percepção da construção sociocultural da sujeita reveladora da estrutura político-econômica da resistência ao estado de exceção, ao mesmo tempo em que ressalta que a busca pelas origens psicológicas de ações nos eventos históricos narrados não é o princípio norteador da análise, concordando que a complexidade humana, dialeticamente observada, resulta objetivamente na história, sendo contestável qualquer alusão subjetiva sem fundamento na práxis.

O Estado moçambicano conhece dois modelos de democracia: democracia popular e liberal. A democracia popular inicia com a conquista da independência e termina com o desmoronamento do socialismo. A democracia liberal acompanha toda política multipartidária e o capitalismo. Nos dois modelos sempre teve problemas da fraca participação dos cidadãos na vida política. Este problema nos leva a pensar que a democracia moçambicana deve ser reconstruída. A reconstrução deve ter como fundamento um triplo contrato que vai fazer com que as leis, projectos políticos e socias sejam resultados das preocupações do povo. O triplo contrato alicerça-se em três pilares nomeadamente: contrato cultural, político e social onde todos pugnam pela participação política. O contrato cultural tem a ver com as leis, o político tem a ver com as ações dos políticos e o social está ligado a distribuição dos bens. A problemática da participação política dos cidadãos atravessa os três contratos.

The literature on political participation has consistently found that protest positively and significantly correlates with voting. However, Chile can be considered a deviant case to this pattern. During the last decade, Chileans who participated in street demonstrations were unlikely to participate in elections. What explains this anomaly? We argue that this rupture between participation in protest and in elections results from an effective distancing between social-movement organisations (SMOs) and institutional politics. However, this distancing of SMOs from party politics has not been homogeneous. To examine this heterogeneity, we conduct a comparative design of two cases: the labour and student movements. Based on a mixed-methods study that combines interviews with movement leaders and surveys of protest participants in marches, we seek to highlight the mediating role of SMOs in the promotion of different forms of political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This article identifies the profiles of candidates who are more likely to report acts of electoral violence during the 2022 legislative elections. To this end, we define the concept of electoral violence, review national and international literature on the phenomenon, and identify two relevant aspects as risk factors. First, we look at identity-related characteristics such as age, sex, and ethnic background of the candidates. Second, we explore characteristics related to their political standing, for example, identifying as a left-wing candidate. Methodology: To conduct the analysis, we used a survey of 512 candidates for legislative elections designed by the authors and implemented in collaboration with the Electoral Observation Mission (MOE). With this data, we performed linear regression models to identify the characteristics of candidates associated with different forms of electoral violence reported during the campaign. Conclusions: We found that identity factors, particularly being a young candidate, a woman, and from an area affected by the armed conflict, are associated with reporting acts of electoral violence. Surprisingly, we did not find a statistically significant association with candidates who identified themselves as left-wing, as claimed by national and international literature on the subject. This finding is preliminary because the sample has an underrepresentation of candidates from ideological extremes; therefore, this result should be explored more deeply in future research. Originality: Although studies on electoral violence are abundant, few focus on the candidates. This is the first time in Colombia that a survey has been conducted with candidates that investigates forms of electoral violence that go beyond physical violence, such as psychological, economic, and sexual violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Internet, and especially social media, have provided new opportunities to express, mobilize and share opinions on current affairs. Particularly young people who have grown up in digital environments and who, because of the covid-19 pandemic, have lived in isolation during their formative years, choose social media for their news consumption and use these platforms to discuss and share issues of interest with their peers. This study aims to understand how the habits of disseminating current events on social media are related to offline political mobilization, news consumption habits and media trust of young residents in Portugal. Using a questionnaire survey and a sample of 337 young residents in Portugal aged between 18 and 30 years old, the research allowed us to assess that young people who share current affairs on their social media more frequently are also more assiduous in other forms of civic and political mobilization such as voting, participating in manifestations and citizens' movements and that they also tend to consume news more assiduously on social media, in newspapers and through podcasts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Neste artigo apresentamos brevemente o histórico do direito ao voto feminino pela perspectiva da interseccionalidade, com o objetivo de pontuar como esse direito chegou de formas diferentes para as mulheres a partir de questões de raça, etnia e classe. Abordaremos também os capitais políticos e o comportamento eleitoral para discutir os obstáculos históricos, sociais e institucionais para a participação e representação política feminina no Brasil.

The present work aims to analyze the impacts on political parties (and on democracy itself) of the ban on coalitions in proportional elections stipulated in Brazilian legislation through Constitutional Amendment 97/2017. To this end, it examines some of the most significant issues related to the subject, notably: the relationship between democracy, representativeness and parties; the majoritarian and proportional systems; and the trend towards fewer parties. In methodological terms, it relies mainly on bibliographic research. In the final part of the article, it is also supported by a quantitative survey of data provided by the Superior Electoral Court (TSE), with the aim of presenting a concrete example of an election. It is anticipated that, in addition to the barrier clause, the ban on coalitions could result in the elimination of smaller parties, compromising the logic of the representative system and the constitutional guarantee of multi-partyism and representativeness. The results show that there is a risk that the reduction in the number of parties will not succeed, and that the participation of parties representing minorities will be strangled, maintaining the presence of larger groups, less ideologically committed parties. The conclusion is that the reform introduced by the constitutional amendment needs to be further developed if the aim is to invest effectively against the reproduction of parties that are not committed to representativeness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social protests of 2019 and 2021 in Colombia marked a turning point in the political culture of protest. From the perspective of the processes of mediatization, digitalization, and democratization that digital convergence confers on political participation, a reflection is made around the concept of participatory culture as the axis of analysis of the transformations of social protest, its media construction, and its individual and collective experimentation. Sixteen digital communicative pieces produced by native digital media were analyzed, which, supported by resources of digital communication, evidence a political and media culture of protest, supported by the logic of social media, with a strong counter-hegemonic and discursive opposition component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This study proposes an analysis of the assumptions of Deliberative Democracy, and the contemporary public management model, based on the idea of governance. This theme is delimited from the premises of the Federal Constitution of 1988, and the contributions of the Habermasian deliberative matrix. The work is socially justified by the constant need to seek institutes that can enable the care of the public interest by those who decide. The problem that guides this research seeks to diagnose the convergent points between Deliberative Democracy and the public management model based on the idea of governance, indicating contributions that deliberative assumptions bring to this management model. The work uses the deductive method, presenting the following results: deliberative democracy and governance converge in order to appreciate participation in the quality of good results, promoting the exercise of citizenship in an idea of shared public management, thus, deliberative assumptions serve as the basis for the institutionalization of governance in management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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O presente artigo tem objetivo de refletir sobre a organização e participação política dos povos indígenas no Brasil e suas demandas para a política de assistência social com base na análise de relatórios conferencistas. Para tanto, realizou-se, pesquisa documental e bibliográfica com abordagem qualitativa. A conclusão inicial mostra que a organização e participação política dos povos indígenas tem avançado, significativamente, sendo de suma importância o fortalecimento das organizações indígenas, dos seus espaços participativos e deliberativos para que se possa avançar no atendimento às suas demandas e defesa dos seus territórios.

El presente ensayo propone el entendimiento de la participación política como un derecho constitucional conformado por principios y reglas. La exposición de este argumento, en el contexto combativo de la experiencia política reciente en los países latinoamericanos, incluido Brasil, pasa por comprender cómo este derecho constitucional se separa de las ideologías, sobre todo porque estas han impregnado varios espacios, entre ellos el de la interpretación de los derechos humanos y fundamentales. Para lograr este objetivo, se demuestra, en primer lugar, la construcción elemental del derecho como una normalización de los intereses individuales, ilustrando su conformación en principios y reglas. Después, se muestra la conexión entre la participación política y las ideologías, a partir de la separación de las ideologías en un sentido fuerte y débil. Finalmente, se propone un mecanismo para separar la participación política de las concepciones ideológicas en favor de un enfoque constitucional, en el que la participación política se presenta a partir de un mandamiento de no “egotopía”, sosteniendo que, mientras el pueblo es fundamento de la Constitución, se debe exigir la normatividad que viene de su texto.

Os anos de 2015 e 2016, no Brasil, foram marcados por ocupações estudantis cujas pautas gerais defendiam a educação pública e tinham a autogestão como premissa de organização. O presente artigo objetiva abordar, a partir de perspectivas histórico-culturais e freirianas, processos de aprendizado e desenvolvimento ocorridos durante ocupações estudantis paulistas nos referidos anos. O corpus de pesquisa foi construído por meio de grupos focais, entrevistas e observações participantes com estudantes de quatro cidades: São Paulo, Ribeirão Preto, Catanduva e Barretos. Em face da análise, evidenciam-se as especificidades dos aprendizados e desenvolvimentos suscitados pela participação nas ocupações. Destaca-se como a autogestão dos movimentos favoreceu o processo de educação autônoma, dialógico e libertadora. Vivências concretas vivenciadas na ocupação circunscreveram a produção de relações e subjetividades mais conscientes, ativas e potentes. Os relatos apontam para um processo de democratização psicossocial a partir das experiências em ocupações estudantis.

Este ensaio trata da atualidade do bloco no poder, no município de São Gonçalo-RJ, tendo como foco a análise dos espaços de participação política e construção de políticas educacionais, a partir do contexto do bolsonarismo, em vigor a nível nacional e local. As disputas de frações de classes e as lutas populares são destacas. Dados sobre projetos de lei relativos à mudança do plano de carreira da educação; a descrição das sessões da Câmara Municipal; atividades do Conselho Municipal de Educação de São Gonçalo; a eleição de 2018; a eleição municipal de 2020 e o tipo de condensação de relações de forças no Estado são contemplados. A investigação se deu por meio de observações participativas, interpelando a categoria participação política, à luz da teoria do Estado de Nicos Poulantzas. As constatações principais indicam que este tipo de bolsonarismo tem uma hegemonia significativa e que a análise da política educacional ajuda a entender as tensões nevrálgicas.

O texto pretende dar visibilidade para algumas das discussões apresentadas durante a terceira Constituinte da era republicana que versaram sobre a questão feminina. Entre os assuntos debatidos, que diziam respeito às brasileiras, serão destacados três, a saber: a participação feminina no corpo de jurados, o serviço militar obrigatório para as mulheres e o sufrágio feminino. Tais questões causaram certa controvérsia nas reuniões da Assembleia Constituinte e acabaram por reverberar na imprensa da época e, em especial, no jornal Correio do Povo, publicado na cidade Porto Alegre, fio condutor da narrativa aqui apresentada. Outras fontes de consulta foram os anais da Constituinte e os arquivos da Federação Brasileira pelo Progresso Feminino.

Within the democratic context of the recent incorporation of childhoods and adolescences as subjects of rights in Argentine legislation, the Law on Comprehensive Sexual Education 26.150/06 was debated during the years 2005 and 2006. In this article, we present two of the discussions that provoked divergent arguments in the National Congress. In the first place, the tension around the autonomy-heteronomy of childhoods and adolescences in regards to access to comprehensive sexual education. Secondly, the teaching approaches of sexual education -moral, biomedical and integral- in the context of a hetero-cisnormative system, which were used for the state regulation of sexuality. Conceiving childhoods and adolescences as political subjects implies rethinking the exercise of citizenship and the public school sphere where their interests, curiosities, questions, certainties, doubts, and fears, among others, are expressed in relation to sexuality; these are other questions that will thus be investigated in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined the impact of social media on political, civic, and online participation, taking into account the discursive architecture and deliberative nature of each platform, which was hypothesized to enhance these forms of engagement. Initially, we assessed the deliberative aspects of the Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube platforms. Subsequently, we investigated whether these aspects predicted participation through a national survey involving 1 750 participants. Our findings reveal a general influence of the platforms on participation and specific effects for each platform within each type of participation. However, these effects do not align with their respective levels of deliberativeness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy, development and gender policies are linked to the conditions of social justice, provided for in legislation, but still under construction (BRAZIL, 1988, 1996, 2007; CORRÊA, 2018; MADSEN, 2008; OLIVEIRA, 2018; SERPA; PETRY, 2017). Women' political participation is under-represented (IBGE, 2018a; 2018b), despite being the majority of the Brazilian population (51.7%) and of those with higher education. This study analyzed the sexual and racial division of teaching work, important for power relations, asymmetries and democracy (BIROLI, 2018), and political participation in school management. Documentary research was carried out with a qualitative approach into the results of school elections in the public school system of the Brazilian capital in the last 12 years (2008-2019), of five electoral processes. Despite the majority in the category at 76.3% (SEPLAG, 2016) and the growth of units by 10.8% in the period, there was a drop in women from 69.7% (2008) to 61.1% (2019). An increase in directors declared to be multiracial was identified, unlike the national average. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Democracia, desenvolvimento e políticas de gênero estão ligados às condições de justiça social, previstas na legislação, ainda em construção (BRASIL, 1988, 1996, 2007; CORRÊA, 2018; MADSEN, 2008; OLIVEIRA, 2018; SERPA; PETRY, 2017). A participação política das mulheres é sub-representativa (IBGE, 2018a, 2018b), ainda que sejam maioria da população brasileira (51,7%) e de escolarização superior. Este estudo buscou analisar a divisão sexual e racial do trabalho docente, importantes para relações de poder, assimetrias e democracia (BIROLI, 2018), e a participação política na gestão escolar. Foi realizada pesquisa documental qualitativa dos resultados das eleições escolares na rede pública de ensino da capital brasileira nos últimos 12 anos (2008-2019), em cinco processos eleitorais. Apesar da maioria na categoria, em 76,3% (SEPLAG, 2016), e do crescimento de unidades em 10,8% no período, houve queda de mulheres de 69,7% (2008) para 61,1% (2019). Identificou-se um aumento de diretores declarados pardos, diferentemente da média nacional.

Este artigo parte de pesquisa de doutorado em andamento, realizada com jovens participantes de movimentos culturais atuantes no município de Maceió, Alagoas. As análises que fundamentam o presente texto baseiam-se nas narrativas de jovens atuantes no Movimento Hip Hop, a partir das entrevistas narrativas autobiográficas, conforme Schütze, para buscar interpretar suas formas de ação política. Consideramos que a atuação nos coletivos culturais possibilita uma nova forma de ação política, ligada à uma política-vida que preconiza questões dos processos autoidentitários, envolvendo uma reflexividade que permeia diversas aprendizagens biográficas na trajetória de vida dos/as jovens militantes.

Na presente revisão bibliográfica, busca-se reconhecer a produção acadêmica acerca da temática da participação política da juventude no Brasil entre os anos de 2007 e 2017, tendo como base o levantamento de artigos publicados em 10 periódicos brasileiros da área da Educação com classificação A1 no sistema Qualis e chegando ao agrupamento de 20 artigos que problematizam a participação política juvenil. Tal agrupamento foi perspectivado segundo: i) as focalizações da participação política da juventude; ii) os aportes teóricos e metodológicos mobilizados pelas pesquisas; iii) a pertinência dos contextos escolares; e iv) a presença das questões de gênero e sexualidade. Verifica-se que o aumento da visibilidade da ação política da juventude pelas ocupações estudantis foi acompanhado do adensamento das publicações acadêmicas, destacando-se a relevância das questões de gênero e sexualidade e, por outro lado, a baixa incidência de mobilizações dos Estudos da Juventude nestes trabalhos.

Participatory democrats argue that citizen engagement at the local level serves an important educational function. Through involvement in participatory mechanisms, citizens develop various skills, become better informed, and cultivate a greater sense of political efficacy. There has been considerable debate in the academic literature over the extent to which participation can produce these benefits, but deliberative and participatory theoretical approaches have been criticised for neglecting power dynamics within participatory mechanisms themselves, and for overlooking structural inequalities between women and men. Numerous critics have charged that participatory mechanisms tend to mask, but not eliminate, gender inequalities, particularly in societies where these remain firmly entrenched. While the theory on the educational function of participatory democracy is well developed, there remains a lack of empirical work on the impact of participation on women in Latin America, a region that has been at the forefront of democratic innovation. Based on extensive fieldwork in Venezuela, Ecuador and Chile, this article identifies the types of skills that women gain through participation, and questions the extent to which these reproduce traditional gender roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia is the property of Revista de Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of HiSTOReLo: Revista de Historia Regional y Local is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro Editorial Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)