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Research on the underrepresentation of youth in parliaments has rarely focused on political parties. This is surprising as parties are central in the selection of candidates and therefore should play an important role in determining the demographic composition of elected politicians. We created a data set of party parliamentary groups between 2017 and 2020 and conducted a linear regression as well as a fuzzy set QCA. Building upon previous literature, we expected the share of young Members of Parliament (MPs) to be higher under the following conditions: a low/high GDP per capita, a proportional representation electoral system, decentralized nomination processes, strong party youth organizations, an inclusive party ideology and young party structures. Our research support previous findings that electoral systems matter. Furthermore, our results indicate that whilst ideology might be a significant factor by itself, it becomes influential especially in combination with PR systems. The role of strong youth organizations, decentralized selectorates and party age seem to be highly context-dependent and more ambivalent. In summary, there is no singular condition under which we observe adequate youth representation, but rather different configurations of conditions. By applying the newest guidelines on good practices in QCA research, we present one of the first applications of these techniques in party and representation research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we engage with recent calls to research parliaments as gendered workplaces, which build on earlier international discursive turn and institutional reform initiatives towards gender-sensitive parliaments. Our engagement explores this workplace framing and how well it translates across pluralised, global parliamentary paradigms. We develop our arguments with a special focus on the Indian parliament as a gendered institution. Viewing the parliament as a gendered workplace through an intersectional lens, we show how gender dynamics and institutional configurations of power are embedded in class, race, and caste inequalities but can shift over time through reflexive challenges. We organise our discussion through two approaches to studying parliaments as workplaces--vernacular and professional--to argue that paying attention to these approaches critically can contribute to sensitising the workplace debate to a more capacious, theoretically nuanced reading of parliaments as more gender-sensitive, gender-inclusive, and gender-responsive representative institutions. In outlining the case for paying attention to the vernacular critically, we ask whether such an understanding can help to effectively bridge local and global understandings of parliaments as workplaces and institutionalise them. In studying professionalisation, we examine the paradox that professionalisation could lead to the depoliticisation of parliaments, which might affect the nature of gender-sensitivity that is being institutionalised. This analysis thus brings together institutional, postcolonial, and intersectional strands of work to think anew about gender-equal political practices in representative bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst cross-national comparative analyses provide distinct opportunities for the study of gender-sensitive parliaments, the inherent challenge in conducting comparisons necessitates a continued search for innovative methods. This article responds to this need by proposing the "most significant change" (MSC) approach (Davies & Dart, 2005), which centres on collecting and analysing "stories of significant change." Drawing on our own application of MSC in an international study commissioned by INTER PARES, we show that MSC's bottom-up, inductive, and participatory approach proved valuable in uncovering hitherto unknown instances of gender-sensitive changes across countries, illuminating the broader impact of such changes beyond parliaments and incorporating practitioners' perspectives. The flexibility of MSC also enabled context-specific applications, which we illustrate through three examples from Cyprus, Germany, and Trinidad & Tobago. By offering a complementary approach to compare parliaments' gender sensitivity across countries, our study provides a novel perspective for future comparative analyses in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender equality reforms implemented across various parliaments around the world have diversified. Introducing the thematic issue Gender Equality Reforms in Parliaments, we trace the context of making parliamentary institutions more gender-sensitive. We highlight both international organizations' top-down efforts and grassroots movements' bottom-up approaches and emphasize the complexities of descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation. We argue that next to the broader setting, feminist institutionalism provided a critical lens to examine these relationships while acknowledging the need for gender-sensitive parliaments that prioritize gender equality. We illuminate contributions from both the Global South and North and pay particular attention to "extraordinary cases" as well as methodological, theoretical, and conceptual innovations, highlighting the challenges and opportunities in institutionalizing gender equality in diverse political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although research has highlighted how parties use parliamentary tools to monitor coalition partners and ensure that they loyally execute compromises, the role of electoral competition in intra-coalition oversight is less well documented. Do coalition parties actually 'police the bargain' or do they rather use their tools to publicly target and potentially discredit parties with whom they will eventually compete for votes? Although generally difficult to disentangle, this study focuses on the unique Belgian polity, where Flemish and francophone parties govern together in a federal cabinet but compete electorally in two separate party systems. Multivariate analyses of MPs' use of parliamentary questions between 1995 and 2018 (N = 30,661) confirm that coalition partners are particularly scrutinized when they are ideologically distant or control salient portfolios. Contrary to expectations, however, electoral competitors are not targeted more intensively, nor does direct electoral competition decrease the relative importance of ideological divisiveness or issue salience. These findings provide new insights into how and to what extent parliaments serve as arenas for intra-coalition governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a small but growing literature on the staffs working in national parliaments. These are mostly single-country studies studying one role that staff can play or one principal that they serve. Our contribution provides a comprehensive measurement instrument of the role of parliamentary staff, which takes into account organisational diversity within and between parliaments. We recognise four types of staff that may be present to a greater or lesser extent in different parliaments, which have different principals (PPG staff, personal staff, plenary or committee staff). These different staffs can play different roles (information broker, advisor, ghostwriter, compromise facilitator and marketeer). We apply this typology to the Dutch lower house and find out how different types of staff combine multiple roles in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While studies of the formal adaptation of parliaments to the European Union (EU) have dominated legislative scholarship in the last two decades, there is a growing interest in the substantive impact of the EU on legislative production and parliamentary behaviour. We contribute to this research agenda by exploring the effects of Europeanisation on the national parliament of one democratically backsliding EU member state, Hungary. Comparing periods marked by Europhile and Eurosceptic parliamentary majorities between 2004 and 2018 shows that governmental attitudes towards the EU are not reflected in parliamentary law-making and that parliamentary attention is mainly influenced by the level of Europeanisation of the policy field. This shows that backsliding governments do not generally oppose greater integration and underscores the necessity to distinguish between rhetorical Euroscepticism and Eurosceptic legislative action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Committee assignments continue to be gendered with men having higher chances than women to be appointed to the most visible, resourceful and influential committees. I contribute to a better understanding of this phenomenon by investigating to what extent women in parliamentary party groups push for gender parity in committee assignments. The empirical analyses build on original data from the 16 German states between 1990 and 2021. I find no indication that women as leaders of parliamentary party groups narrow sex gaps in appointment to the most prestigious committees, but higher shares of women representatives enhance women's access to these posts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The identification of problem information is an important driver of political attention in parliament. This is widely acknowledged in the literature on party competition but there has been surprisingly little empirical research on the extent and when it matters. By relying on an extensive cross-country data set matching data on the policy content of parliamentary oral questions from ten European parliamentary democracies with well-established problem indicators (economy, immigration, and terrorism), this study sets out to answer these important questions. Our time series analysis reveals that not all problem indicators drive political attention in parliament to the same extent and that responsiveness varies based on differences in how government and opposition parties strategically take up problems as well as a partisan logic between left and right parties. While real world problem indicators can be a strong driver of parliamentary attention, that drive is still filtered through political and institutional processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Swiss Political Science Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of University of Sharjah Journal of Law Sciences (JLS) is the property of University of Sharjah - Scientific Publishing Unit and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While there has been scholarly attention to the politics of the third wave of regionalism in South America, this typically focuses on the performance of the Executive Branch rather than the domestic constraints. This article innovatively compares the behaviour of Mercosurian parliaments to understand their role in regional integration. It contributes to Foreign Policy Analysis, by drawing on Qualitative Comparative Analysis to systematically identify the configurations of conditions for rapid approval of enlargement treaties and investigate the impact of national parliaments. Nine cases are analysed related to the episodes of enlargement of Mercosur to empirically test the political conditions to achieve fast approval of treaties. The key finding is that domestic support (channelled in national parliaments) is important to confirm and conduct international projects – and specifically regional integration. This has implications for understanding the possibilities for how future accessions to Mercosur and other regional organisations will take place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst cross-national comparative analyses provide distinct opportunities for the study of gender-sensitive parliaments, the inherent challenge in conducting comparisons necessitates a continued search for innovative methods. This article responds to this need by proposing the “most significant change” (MSC) approach (Davies & Dart, 2005), which centres on collecting and analysing “stories of significant change.” Drawing on our own application of MSC in an international study commissioned by INTER PARES, we show that MSC’s bottom-up, inductive, and participatory approach proved valuable in uncovering hitherto unknown instances of gender-sensitive changes across countries, illuminating the broader impact of such changes beyond parliaments and incorporating practitioners’ perspectives. The flexibility of MSC also enabled context-specific applications, which we illustrate through three examples from Cyprus, Germany, and Trinidad & Tobago. By offering a complementary approach to compare parliaments’ gender sensitivity across countries, our study provides a novel perspective for future comparative analyses in the field.

Gender equality reforms implemented across various parliaments around the world have diversified. Introducing the thematic issue Gender Equality Reforms in Parliaments, we trace the context of making parliamentary institutions more gender-sensitive. We highlight both international organizations’ top-down efforts and grassroots movements’ bottom-up approaches and emphasize the complexities of descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation. We argue that next to the broader setting, feminist institutionalism provided a critical lens to examine these relationships while acknowledging the need for gender-sensitive parliaments that prioritize gender equality. We illuminate contributions from both the Global South and North and pay particular attention to “extraordinary cases” as well as methodological, theoretical, and conceptual innovations, highlighting the challenges and opportunities in institutionalizing gender equality in diverse political contexts.

In this article, we engage with recent calls to research parliaments as gendered workplaces, which build on earlier international discursive turn and institutional reform initiatives towards gender-sensitive parliaments. Our engagement explores this workplace framing and how well it translates across pluralised, global parliamentary paradigms. We develop our arguments with a special focus on the Indian parliament as a gendered institution. Viewing the parliament as a gendered workplace through an intersectional lens, we show how gender dynamics and institutional configurations of power are embedded in class, race, and caste inequalities but can shift over time through reflexive challenges. We organise our discussion through two approaches to studying parliaments as workplaces—vernacular and professional—to argue that paying attention to these approaches critically can contribute to sensitising the workplace debate to a more capacious, theoretically nuanced reading of parliaments as more gender-sensitive, gender-inclusive, and gender-responsive representative institutions. In outlining the case for paying attention to the vernacular critically, we ask whether such an understanding can help to effectively bridge local and global understandings of parliaments as workplaces and institutionalise them. In studying professionalisation, we examine the paradox that professionalisation could lead to the depoliticisation of parliaments, which might affect the nature of gender-sensitivity that is being institutionalised. This analysis thus brings together institutional, postcolonial, and intersectional strands of work to think anew about gender-equal political practices in representative bodies.

A burgeoning comparative politics literature investigates the role of key political actors, such as political parties and members of parliament, in the global challenge of tackling climate change. While text-based indicators of political behaviour, such as parliamentary speeches, questions or social media, provide abundant sources of data for comparative research, much remains to be learned from the rigorous large-scale quantitative analysis of political text in relation to climate change. As a typical first step of text-as-data (TADA) workflows, the isolation of climate-related content is crucial. Yet it is also bedevilled by crucial conceptual complexities inherent to the nature of climate change as a global policy problem. In this note, we unpack these complexities in order to urge future TADA research to be mindful of them. We argue that, especially in comparative research settings, TADA analysts must find means to attenuate the tension between ‘overlooking’ and ‘overstretching’ climate-related text content. An illustrative example drawing on more than 400,000 parliamentary questions in the UK and Germany suggests that a thoughtful combination of off-the-shelf methods can be usefully leveraged to address this important challenge in applied political research.

Various studies have been devoted to explaining the conditions under which parties engage in attack behavior. However, the existing literature has overlooked the issues on which parties attack. This study addresses this gap by arguing that the issues on which parties attack others are conditioned on their salience and the parties' ownership. We argue that parties decide to increase attacks on issues that receive high levels of scrutiny in society and in the media (salience hypothesis). At the same time, the attention devoted to attacks is also expected to be higher on issues that parties own (issue ownership hypothesis). Therefore, attention to attacking others on a salient issue is expected to be the highest for parties that own a salient issue (congruence hypothesis). Using data on parties' attacks during question time sessions from Belgium and the United Kingdom, together with a diverse set of measures on salience and ownership, we confirm our expectations in both cases. Parties attack others on salient issues and on issues that they own, and when a party has ownership over a salient issue, it will devote the greatest attention to attacking on that issue. These results provide an understanding of parties' attack behavior and contribute to the broader issue competition literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legislative oversight of the executive branch is a fundamental mechanism for ensuring government accountability, good governance, and enhancing democracy. However, formal oversight powers alone are insufficient, and the practical application eventually determines effectiveness. In contemporary times, a distinct set of political phenomena exists, notably the emergence of populism and polarisation, a deep-seated crisis of representation, and a systematic decline in public trust regarding diverse branches of government, coupled with the personalisation of politics and the weakening of political parties. In light of these developments, it is essential to engage in a meticulous examination of the means by which legislatures can enhance their capacity to effectively oversee governments. This article examines the parliamentary committee of inquiry led by Knesset Member Eitan Cabel in Israel from 2017 to 2019, which focused on credit arrangements for large business borrowers. This committee's rigorous investigation into financial system failures makes it an exemplary case of robust oversight in action. The article analyses the Committee establishment, composition, mandate, systematic meeting-planning and questioning process, unique physical setting, report publishing, and other details. The analysis of the Committee's work reveals important insights regarding effective oversight, and isolates the practices which made its work such an augmented performance of legislative oversight. Factors such as the committee's activeness, cooperation, independence, preparation, respectful yet critical approach, transparency, accurate use of media, and precise procedure, created an exceptional performance of legislative oversight. The article concludes that while legislative oversight relies partly on formal mechanisms, it is primarily driven by how political actors apply them, and reveals the importance and centrality of the human factor. This single case analysis, focusing on the committee's oversight practices can inform comparative learning on delivering robust oversight beyond Israel's context, and derive widely applicable insights into key practices for effective legislative supervision of the executive branch. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In around 1900 debating rules came under attack. This special issue examines debates in parliaments as well as popular meetings. Changes in parliamentary ideals and the rise of democracy put the rules of parliamentary debate under pressure. This article considers the question whether there existed an alternative ideal to reasonable parliamentary debating. As a competing ideal for political debates, this contribution discusses the agonistic notion of honour. Honour is the claim to be respected by significant others. Honour is competitive, gendered, public and theatrical, and ought to be defended in a fair fight. Honour is local rather than universal, i the exclusive code of a certain community, a relevant 'honour group'. Using examples from Britain, France, Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands and from parliaments as well as political popular meetings, this article argues that honour helps us to understand public and parliamentary meetings in around 1900. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Covid-19 has shocked governance systems worldwide. Legislatures, in particular, have been shut down or limited due to the pandemic, yet with divergence from one country to another. In this article, we report results from a cross-sectional quantitative analysis of legislative activity during the initial reaction to this shock and identify the factors accounting for such variation. Exploring legislatures across 159 countries, we find no relation between the severity of Covid-19 and limitations on legislatures' operation, thus suggesting that legislatures are at risk of being shut down or limited due to policy "overreaction" and that a health risk may serve as an excuse for silencing them. However, we find that legislatures in democratic countries are relatively immune to this risk, while those in frail democracies are more exposed. In partially free countries, the use of technology can mitigate this risk. We also find that the coalitional features of the government may lead to legislatures' closing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional integration blocs are subject to the admission of new members, which must be approved by domestic institutions. This article analyzes how the incorporation of Venezuela and Bolivia into Mercosur passed in the Paraguayan Congress. While the first case lasted from 2007 to 2013, demonstrating parliamentary opposition, the second episode took place between 2015 and 2016, suggesting convergence between the executive and legislative branches on the issue. Using process tracing, the unveiled mechanism shows how government and opposition forces act to alter the duration of the bill in Congress and that political parties have a pendular behavior according to political cleavages. Moreover, the findings of this study suggest the existence of a parliamentary veto power in foreign affairs and the importance of having homogeneous coalitions to achieve faster approvals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International relations scholarship has long overlooked the role of parliament in shaping states' decision to go to war. In contrast, recent studies explored variations in parliamentary war powers across time and countries and their impact on troop deployments abroad. However, a systematic analysis of the determinants of support for military interventions in parliament is still missing. This article fills this literature gap by examining votes on 119 missions in twenty-one democracies between 1990 and 2019. Our findings suggest that parliamentary contestation is fundamentally driven by government ideology and the type of mission. Parliamentary support for military intervention is significantly higher when a left-wing government is in power. Moreover, "inclusive" missions with a robust humanitarian dimension draw a considerably lower level of contestation than "strategic" missions aimed at contrasting a security threat. Through such findings, the article contributes to the debates on the relevance of domestic political institutions in foreign policy and the party politics of military interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiparty governments are based on delegation and compromises but, at the same time, coalition parties have at their disposal several legislative instruments to keep tabs on their partners. Whereas previous studies focused on policy divisiveness and issue salience as main factors able to explain parliamentary scrutiny, in this article we suggest uncertainty as a complementary factor. In particular, we theorize that the use of parliamentary questions (PQs) is a function not only of policy characteristics but also of actors involved in coalition governance. When ministers increase intra-coalition uncertainty, cabinet parties use PQs to extract information from ministers and to reduce uncertainty in policy implementation. Statistical analyses of all written and oral parliamentary questions in the Italian Chamber of Deputies between 2006 and 2018 support our main hypothesis that when intra-coalition uncertainty increases, coalition parties ask more questions of 'hostile' ministers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parliaments and legislatures are central institutions in political systems to provide legitimacy. In crisis situations, that currently seem to abound, parliaments have been diagnosed as side-stepped, fitting into a broader trend of legislative decline. Based on a fundamental discussion about what parliaments and crises are and how best to study them, it becomes clear that three relationships must be considered: First, what role parliaments in crisis situations play, second, how crises are dealt with in parliaments and third, whether this can lead to a crisis of parliaments. The article lays the conceptual groundwork for future academic study of these issues and highlights the need to identify the determinants of variety. This can help for a better understanding of parliaments in the political system and help to make institutions resilient for future crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Meezan for Law & Islamic Studies is the property of World Islamic Sciences & Education University (WISE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Women's access to political leadership positions has increased greatly in recent decades, which calls for research concerning the conditions of women's political leadership in more gender-balanced contexts. This article responds to this need by exploring the leadership ideals, evaluations, and treatment of men and women leaders in the numerically gender-equal Swedish parliament (the Riksdag). Drawing on interviews with almost all the current top political leaders in the Swedish parliament, along with an original survey of Swedish members of parliament, we reveal a mainly feminine-coded parliamentary leadership ideal that should be more appropriate for women leaders. Masculine practices remain, however, and women leaders continue to be disadvantaged. To explain this anomaly between ideals and practices, we argue that a feminist institutionalist perspective, which emphasizes how gender shapes a given context in multiple ways, contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of the conditions for women's political leadership than that provided by the widely employed role congruity theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note highlights the underrepresentation of younger people in parliaments across the globe, which has been a persistent issue for decades. We introduce a novel open-access dataset containing information on mean and median age as well as the share of MPs in specific age brackets in party parliamentary groups in lower houses or single chambers of national parliaments. The dataset covers 163 cases from 30 countries and features variables that present these aforementioned shares in relation to the respective group's presence in the voting-age population (Age Representation Index). Furthermore, the dataset includes the share of women within the party parliamentary groups as well as identifiers that enable matching the dataset with indicators from the Political Party Database (PPDB), the V-Party dataset, PartyFacts and the Manifesto Project Database. Our main finding underlines the importance of research focusing on party level factors influencing youth representation as there is not only variation between countries, but also within them on the party-level. Additionally, we show that most party parliamentary groups in which women are underrepresented also have low relative shares of young people, which is in line with theoretical arguments on party behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Largely inspired by western donor good governance agenda, the current African parliaments literature has overlooked the significance of new parliament buildings that have been constructed by China and tends to place a premium on appraising the performance of parliaments and parliamentarians in executing their legislative, representation, oversight and constituency support. While understanding how parliaments perform is important and necessary, it does not sufficiently address all the ways in which these parliaments are establishing themselves as sustainable political institutions. By disregarding the new parliament buildings, the literature potentially undermines prospects of a wider understanding of the development of African parliamentary institutions. This article leverages the Chinese government donated parliament buildings in Lesotho and Malawi to make a theoretical and comparative case for the utility of discussing the concept of African legislative institutionalisation through and in juxtaposition to, the parliamentary built environment. I find that although there are stylistic and operational differences, the new parliament buildings in Lesotho and Malawi have provided a bespoke parliamentary built environment, enabled the expansion of a cohort of public officials working on legislative business and facilitated the procedural activities of the institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parliaments are physical symbols of nationhood and democracy. Public access to these spaces is often strictly regulated, yet it remains highly influential to public experiences of parliament (and their engagement with it). Drawing on data collected for the Inter-Parliamentary Union's 2022 Global Parliamentary Report, this article discusses ways in which parliamentary 'space' can be utilised to encourage public engagement. This encompasses the effective use of physical space, virtual reality and augmented reality for the purpose of public engagement. In doing so, we show the most important and effective strategy for (re)using, and opening up, parliamentary spaces: the complementary use of physical and virtual methods in not only bringing publics to parliament, but also bringing parliament to publics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Committees are important units of parliaments around the world, but their use in public engagement has been underexplored. Committees can conduct public hearings, which have been analysed as tools for information processing. Following a conceptual overview, the article analyses data collected for the 2022 Global Parliamentary Report on hearings as a tool for public engagement. Based on the survey responses of 69 parliamentary chambers and interviews with MPs and staff, it explores how, and where hearings are used for engagement. Spotlighting innovations such as committee field hearings and core issues from committee practice, such as digital hearings, and mechanisms for the involvement of CSOs, it becomes clear that the perspective on hearings must be broadened beyond legislation and oversight and their role in public engagement must be taken seriously – both for academic study and political practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various research have been directed towards investigating the behaviour of political parties engaging in attacks. However, this topic has predominantly been studied in campaigning venues while focusing only on the attacker (parties that are attacking). This study contributes to the existing literature by (i) studying attack behaviour in the parliamentary venue, and (ii) analysing the interactions between both the attacker and the target. To this end, this paper uses longitudinal data on attacks during question time sessions in the parliaments (2010 to 2020) of Belgium, Croatia and the United Kingdom. More specifically, I investigate the conditions that make parties engage in mutual attacks. These conditions can be characterised along three dimensions: time (proximity to elections), status (government vs. opposition), and ideology (close vs. distant). The results confirm the overarching argument that: (i) more attacks in parliaments happen closer to election day; (ii) opposing parties are more likely to attack the government rather than vice‐versa; (iii) governing parties equally attack the opposition and themselves; and finally, (iv) the larger the ideological distance between parties, the more likely attacks happen (with mainstream parties engaging equally in attack behaviour compared to radical parties). As such, these findings contribute to our understanding of attack strategies between parties in regular day‐to‐day politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies have demonstrated the common occurrence of constituency focus in parliamentary questions, which is most often attributed to electoral incentives. If an electoral system makes use of a single nationwide district, however, these district‐oriented electoral incentives do not apply. MPs may still substantively represent a geographical region, because they are motivated to stand up for a specific region for other reasons. This article explores the extent to which Dutch MPs pay attention in parliamentary questions and debates to specific regions. We find that those with stronger ties to a region, and especially MPs who reside in a region, are more likely to mention it in parliamentary questions and speeches. In addition, we find that this effect is stronger for provinces where regional attachment among residents is relatively stronger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This short article introduces a novel framework for conceiving of the substantive representation of marginalized groups – in this case, racially minoritized women in the UK House of Commons. I outline a rubric of eight facets of substantive representation. These evaluate the degree to which claims that constitute a group are also substantively representative of that group. In doing so, I contribute a much-needed framework for distinguishing between representative claims which speak on behalf of a group versus those which merely speak about, or even against, that group. I argue that substantive representation must be considered intersectionally, reflecting the multiple structures positioning those represented. Furthermore, all facets of substantive representation can rarely be contributed by a single parliamentary speech, individual, or narrow group of legislators such as descriptive representatives. Therefore, I suggest that empirical studies of substantive representation should include a greater evaluation of the collective work of institutions as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on qualitative analysis of data obtained from interviews with twenty-two current and former Paraguayan women parliamentarians, this article presents various mechanisms through which the public/private dichotomy can be reconfigured within the public sphere to women's disadvantage. Women have increased their numerical presence in the political sphere, from where they had been historically excluded. In this way, they have crossed the boundaries that confined them to the private sphere and have occupied public spaces traditionally reserved for men, such as parliaments. However, as noted in this article, various mechanisms can operate within the public sphere to symbolically return women to the private sphere. The article illustrates some of these re-privatization mechanisms and the old exclusionary gender dichotomies that sustain them: body/mind, emotion/reason, dependence/independence. The aim is to shed light on the tenacity of the public/private divide and on the overlapping ways in which this divide can be redrawn within the public space to segregate and disadvantage women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature has found that politicians who lag behind in public approval ratings during campaigns resort to more negativity. However, the actual impact of approval on the use of negativity during the electoral cycle has yet to be addressed. Furthermore, due to the short-lived nature of campaigns, current studies have been unable to establish a directional causal link between approval ratings and negativity. This article addresses these gaps by: (i) building a theory for understanding the impact of public approval on the use of negativity throughout the electoral cycle; and (ii) methodologically testing this impact on a time series basis. Using data on negativity in parliaments, the results confirm that low approval ratings lead to more negativity closer to elections in Belgium (2014–2020) and Croatia (2010–2021). In the UK (2010–2020), however, approval does not appear to be a significant predictor of negativity use. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the use of negativity by political actors outside campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK Government's decision to establish the Women and Equalities Committee in 2015 redressed an institutional deficit at Westminster—the lack of a Departmental Select Committee holding the Women's Minister and Government Equalities Office to account. This 'effective' reform was by no means a foregone conclusion, however. A feminist institutionalist (FI) approach demonstrates the limitations of traditional accounts of institutional change in accounting for this reform. With greater analytical space given to women's agency and introducing the concept of gendered parliamentarianism, FI captures the gendered constraints and conducive conditions that marked this moment of parliamentary re-gendering: identifying the critical role of women MPs; the new relations between them and women parliamentary Clerks and officials and the wider—crucially gendered—(extra) parliamentary actors and dynamics in play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In modern democracies, legislatures have developed ways for their members to resolve individual time allocation dilemmas. For example, the allocation of budget resources to enhance staff capacity and open district offices improves the efficiency of legislators' work. The Uruguayan Parliament invests few resources in this type of activity. However, it has created a unique legislative leave mechanism by which members are granted time to do work outside of the Uruguayan Parliament, leaving in their place low-profile alternates loyal to the legislator's party. In this article, I describe the reform of the legislators' leave regime and I explain how deputies make strategic use of this device. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IPEX is a digital platform supporting interparliamentary cooperation in EU matters for almost 20 years (https://www.ipex.eu). The concept of this platform, which is by design informal and operating without bureaucratic structures, is related to the functions and tasks of parliaments enshrined in the Treaties. The publication presents in a synthetic way the evolution of IPEX in the direction indicated by the Conference of Speakers of the EU Parliaments as a one-stop shop for interparliamentary information exchange. It shows both the opportunities arising from the recent reform of IPEX and the challenges for parliaments on the way to the full implementation of the set goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This thematic issue provides the first comprehensive overview of women opposition leaders and their performance. Setting the stage for a new research agenda, this editorial piece integrates theoretical and empirical insights at the intersection of three distinct research areas: political opposition, political leadership, and gender and politics. It discusses various notions of opposition leaders and identifies three main lines of inquiry: (a) career pathways and trajectories, (b) patterns of selection and de-selection, and (c) the actual and perceived performance of women’s oppositional leadership. Applying a variety of theoretical and methodological approaches, this collection of original articles captures the diversity of women opposition leaders, their career trajectories, and their exercise of leadership across different political regimes and world regions.

While women have increasingly gained access to the position of opposition leader, we still know very little about their pathways to that office. Therefore, this article seeks to uncover the dynamics and patterns that distinguish the ascendency of women politicians to the office of opposition leader from a comparative perspective. In this article, opposition leaders are understood as the parliamentary party group leaders of the largest non-governing party in a given legislative assembly, which marks the closest equivalent to the Westminster understanding of leaders of the opposition that continues to dominate international notions of opposition leaders and oppositional leadership in parliamentary democracies. We draw on data from opposition leaders in 28 parliamentary democracies between 1996–2020 to identify opportunity structures that allow women opposition leaders to emerge across countries. In addition, we test how factors on the individual level (e.g., previous experience in party and parliament as well as in government) and at the party level (e.g., ideology) affect the likelihood that a parliamentary opposition leader is a woman. Our analyses demonstrate that the share of women in parliament significantly increases the likelihood that at least one of the parliamentary opposition leaders of the past 25 years was a woman. Moreover, opposition leaders in leftist parties are more likely to be women than their more rightist counterparts. Surprisingly, and contrary to our expectations, previous political experience does not shape the probability of women becoming opposition leaders. Thus, overall, the institutional and ideological contexts of selecting parliamentary opposition leaders seem to matter more than the experience and qualifications of individual candidates.