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It is well-established that a person's post-exercise condition is best characterized by the indicators of the body's functional systems during the recovery period. Functional physical condition is a comprehensive measure of the extent to which all basic vital biological functions, organs, and systems, contribute to the servicemen's high, adequate, or inadequate (low) level of physical performance. This condition is closely linked to the readiness of soldiers for military and professional duties, for performing specific special actions, movements in difficult combat conditions and the impact of various adverse factors: stress, physical and mental stress, acceleration, swaying, vibration, high or low temperatures, oxygen deprivation, noise. Physical training is an important means of ensuring a high level of combat readiness of each serviceman in the modern. Purpose: to determine the influence of orienteering on the dynamics of functional indicators of cadets and their recovery after passing different distances. Material and Methods: Objects: 66 healthy cadets of a military educational institution studying artillery intelligence. The competition program included six orienteering exercises, namely: sprint, middle and long distance of choice, middle distance in a given direction in the city, middle distance on a marked track and middle distance of choice, which was held in the dark. The study was conducted 2 times for 1 hour on weekdays and 3 hours on weekends and holidays. All participants of our study gave their informed consent to participate in the experiment. Research was conducted and performed in accordance with the ethical standards of the Declaration of Helsinki. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new Polish military branch, the Territorial Defense Force (TDF), has been described both as a defensive tool against Russian hybrid warfare and as a private paramilitary force of the incumbent Law and Justice Party. This paper examines the strategic, political, and military purposes of the Territorial Defense Force using two theoretical models. One is designed for analyzing units intended to protect against external threats, the second for units targeting internal threats. Comparing these models with the officially declared objectives of the TDF, our results indicate a stronger correlation of the new branch with the second model and reveal distinct political motivations for its creation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

California law enforcement academies provide training for individuals entering law enforcement Stress Inoculation Training (SIT) is included in the academy. The topic addressed in this research is the perceived efficacy of SIT in preparing officers to make decisions about when to use force and how much force is reasonable for the situation. The problem is the SIT that California law enforcement officers receive in the academy may not be perceived as adequate to make decisions about the use of force under stressful situations. The purpose of this study was to explore the perceived efficacy of SIT in the reduction of use of force incidents. Four main themes were derived from the data analysis that revealed that SIT is important as a process: (a) SIT and Recruitment Selection, (b) Use of Force Decision-Making, (c) SIT as Entrance Standards and Ongoing, and (d) Critical Thinking to Avoid Liability Issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary arguments about private paramilitary organizations often focus on the threat of physical violence that they pose to the state: if such organizations garner enough physical power, then they can overtake the state via violent coup. Inspired by the legalist scholar Han Feizi's position, we contend that such organizations also represent a sociopolitical, existential threat to the state. Specifically, their tendency for ideological expansion and subsequent gathering of political influence undermines state institutions, even without the use of overt physical force. Consequently, the sociopolitical enterprise of having a unified, stable state is incompatible with the existence of, and public political support for, private paramilitary organizations, regardless of their actual or potential physical power. This argument succeeds regardless of the moral status of such paramilitary groups. Such groups, when they match the essential components of the description Han Feizi provides, are practically and politically antithetical to the integrity of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pregled is the property of University of Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

• Assesses the effects of illegal armed groups on municipal capital investments and current social spending in Colombia between 2000 and 2023. • Empirical results suggest an apparently differentiated impact on capital investments and current social spending, with an apparently negative impact on investments and apparently positive impact on social spending. • Exploration of causal mechanisms reveals that the apparent impact of illegally armed groups works through these channels: population displacement, physical structure damage, economic activity disruption, and revenue disruption. This study assesses the effects of illegal armed groups on expenditures made by municipal governments in Colombia between 2000 and 2013. Specifically, the study examines how the presence of illegal armed groups seems to affect the level of municipal expenditures, while distinguishing between capital investments and current social spending. Limits on political participation and institutional weaknesses helped to propagate the violence that disrupted Colombia in the 1970s and 1980s. Searching for solutions, Colombia transferred important decision-making responsibilities from the central government to regional and local governments. Paradoxically this decentralization opened an opportunity for illegal armed groups to play meaningful roles in local political and economic life, eventually taking control over local resources in several municipalities. To assess the role of these non-state armed groups in municipal resource allocation, our empirical analysis exploits annual data on municipal expenditures and local armed conflict. Empirical results suggest a differentiated impact on capital investments and social spending. These results are robust to multiple treatment framings and definitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article i’ll try to make you understand the phases of the war started by the Russian Federation in Moldova. This warfare caused more than 500 dead people, disappeared, tortured or fallen on the battlefields; about 4.000 injured people in fights and sick people, many of the died after the war. Consequences of this war are severe: the economic and social crisis in bassarabian society persists even today and it will not be over until all the politicans from Moldova will be changed with others wich will have different perspectives and political affiliations.

How rulers organize and use their security forces is thought to have important implications for regime survival, repression, and military effectiveness. While a number of studies provide insight into the coercive institutions of individual states, efforts to understand systematic patterns have been hampered by a lack of reliable data on state security forces that can be compared across states and within them over time. This article presents the State Security Forces (SSF) dataset, which includes 375 security forces in 110 countries, 1960–2010. It tracks how each force is commanded, staffed, equipped, and deployed, as well as the number of security forces and potential counterweights in each state's security sector as a whole. After illustrating how the SSF dataset differs from related ones and presenting descriptive trends, the article shows how it can be used to deepen our understanding of coup-proofing and strategic substitution, and identifies additional research uses of the dataset. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the fall of Srebrenica in summer of 1995, the Scorpions unit, dispatched to support the Bosnian Serb Army as it took over the enclave, shot six men in Trnovo. The men, three of whom were underage, were some of thousands of Bosnian Muslims that fell into the hands of Bosnian Serb troops, and that were executed in the days and weeks following July 11th. A member of the unit filmed the execution. Fragments of the video were first shown during the Slobodan Milosevic trial, and multiple times in the years after, in the courtrooms in The Hague and Belgrade. The video provides unique insights into the nature of the crime, as well as the behavior of the perpetrators, and this article will discuss them in detail, contributing to what we know about Srebrenica, and how individuals are held accountable for mass atrocity crimes.

This qualitative phenomenological study utilized interviews and focus groups to discern the impact of The Ulster Project, specifically Ulster Project Delaware, U.S.A (UPD). Ulster Project Delaware was formed as a response to sectarian violence in Northern Ireland. Established to increase good will and religious tolerance between Catholic and Protestant Northern Irish, UPD includes adolescents from the towns of Banbridge, Coleraine, and Portadown, Northern Ireland. A discussion of the history of this sectarian violence, also known as “The Troubles,” contextualizes the study, as does an overview of the origin of Ulster Project International (UPI) and UPD. The founder of UPI hypothesized that participation in the Ulster Project would assist and facilitate increased religious, social, and political tolerance for differing religions and cultures, as well as foster increased good will between Protestants and Catholics. To decrease negative stereotyping of those whose faith and cultures differ and subsequently decrease sectarian violence, UPD participants (i.e., Northern Irish and American adolescents) engaged in integrated activities and intense retreats. The short- and long-term impact and efficacy of UPD from Northern Irish participants’ perspectives are shared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The widespread impact of criminal violence in Latin America, has led it to be ranked as the most dangerous region in the planet by United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. This situation, combined with the ineffectiveness of the policies implemented so far to mitigate it has generated an intense debate about how, some classic conflict resolution tools as mediation could be explored to contain the violence associated with drug cartels, militias and gangs. However, which are the principal risks to mediate with criminal groups? This article aims to answer this question, using as a case study the city of Medellin. In 2003, the Antioquian capital experienced a dramatic drop in homicides product of aka Don Berna hegemony over all the armed actors operating in the city and subsequent demobilization of his paramilitary group Cacique Nutibara Block, period best known locally as Donbernability. In this way, based on the Colombian case, this work analyzes, under a qualitative approach, the main constraints faced by Governments to mediate with criminal actors to reduce the levels of lethality, usually in exchange for judicial benefits.

The Fresh Start Agreement of November 2015 set out the Northern Ireland Government's commitment to tackling paramilitary activity and associated criminality. It set up an independent three-person panel to make recommendations on the disbandment of paramilitary groups. In response to the panel's report, the Probation Board for Northern Ireland (PBNI) set up the Aspire Project in September 2017. The aim of Aspire is to reduce criminality and risk-taking behaviour in men aged 16-30 who are marginalised from communities and at risk of becoming involved in paramilitarism. One year after establishment, the impact of Aspire was measured by the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency (NISRA). The findings demonstrate positive outcomes and highlight challenges and recommendations for the future direction of the project. This paper provides an introduction to the Aspire Project, describes its context and rationale and highlights the findings of the evaluation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Northern Irish murals function as internal dialogues within two disparate communities, whilst also operating as memorials to 'volunteers', celebrations of heritage and affirmations of identity. They also serve as territorial markers, often aggressive in their nature, depicting masked gunmen and paramilitary emblems. These political murals are the subject of much debate. Authorities have been trying to replace unwelcome reminders of violence for a number of years. Community groups, residents, artists and local politicians have been involved in consultations and some of the more bellicose images have been replaced with depictions of less contentious history. The replacement of murals - carried out under the 'Re-imaging Communities' scheme - has, though, caused a division within Loyalist and Republican communities, including historians who consider the paintings part of their history, their identity, and the collective and individual trauma of the past, whilst some residents, journalists and politicians regard the old wall paintings as intimidating and therefore approve of the new ones. This war over memory offers particularly rich scope for analysis. It raises several questions, including the concern that the 'Re-imaging Communities' scheme initiates a 'whitewash' with all political murals expunged, and that a process designed to facilitate individual and societal healing has, in some cases, resulted in the opposite. Paying attention to these issues, this chapter focuses on the central questions of what it means to censor and sanitise the history of Northern Ireland's trauma. Is there a case for maintaining strident images of trauma? Do such changes reflect a transitional society and a post-conflict culture, or do the new murals represent the social truth of irreconcilable differences despite their apparent lack of belligerence? The chapter also pays considerable attention to the history of the Northern Irish political mural and its proneness to change and resistance in the urban landscape, including murals that appear to reflect the political climate, specifically the cease-fire period of 1994 and The Good Friday Agreement accord of 1998. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the local and regional contexts surrounding the creation and evolution of the Police Mobile Unit (PMU), Bechuanaland's (Botswana today) paramilitary unit that was created in 1963 to contain internal riots. After Botswana's independence in 1966, the PMU acted as a quasi-military because the country had no armed force to preform those duties. This was because from the mid-1960s, Southern Africa was marred with bloodshed due to armed struggles in Rhodesia, South Africa among others. Botswana then became a safe haven for fleeing guerrillas who would enter the country illegally. Being the only line of defence, the PMU was quickly militarised and tasked with patrolling Botswana's borders in order to arrest those guerrillas and possibly avoid being attacked by security forces of both Rhodesia and South Africa. This however did not work as planned because the PMU was simply too small and ill equipped for the task. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The objective of this study was to determine the prevalence of traumatic dental injuries (TDIs) in the anterior teeth among children attending paramilitary and nonparamilitary schools in Benin City, Nigeria. Materials and Methods: A multistage sampling technique was used to select children aged 8–12 years with a previous history of trauma to the orofacial region. A self-administered questionnaire was then applied, and each participant was examined clinically. Data collected included demographic characteristics, etiology and place of injury, affected teeth, type of dental injury, lip competence, and overjet values. Analysis of data was done with the SPSS version 21.0 software. Pearson's Chi-squared test was used to determine the association between variables and odds ratio. Statistical significance was determined at P < 0.05. Results: A total number of 1352 children (mean age: 9.89 ± 1.4 years) were examined and 154 (11.4%) had a previous history of TDI. The prevalence among respondents in the paramilitary schools was 84 (6.2%) and those in nonparamilitary schools 70 (5.2%). Falls and play was the most common cause of TDI and was higher in children in paramilitary schools. Ellis Class I was the most prevalent type of injury in 91 (59.1%), tooth number 21 was the most traumatized, and the school environment was the most common place. Of the total number of respondents with TDI, the relationship between etiology with age, lip competence, and overjet was statistically significant (P < 0.05). Conclusion: The prevalence of TDI among the study participants was 11.4% and more in the paramilitary schools than the nonparamilitary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American way of war in Afghanistan presents a conundrum for proponents of 21st-century state-building projects. How can liberal peace proponents engage in efficient state building without sacrificing their ideals? The US learned that state-building allocates a degree of command and control to powerbrokers operating in the shadows to launder aid money, traffic illicit narcotics, and engage in extrajudicial punishments. These clients failed to represent the liberal values foreign patrons endorsed, because the latter not only offered resources without conditions but also rewarded bad behavior. This issue is examined by looking at the case of post-2001 northern Afghanistan, where powerful warlords should have held greater control over their paramilitary forces, limited predatory behavior, and built stronger relationships with the community. Instead, warlords-turned-statesmen expanded their material and social influence in the north, while holding onto the informal instruments of racketeering and patronage that overwhelmed Western ideals and shaped the predatory state present in Afghanistan today. Moreover, paramilitaries were influenced by material, social, and normative incentives that rewarded violent and predatory behavior and further eroded already weak community control mechanisms at the subdistrict level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1990s, armed actors have invaded territories in the Chocó and Antioquia departments of Colombia, inhabited by Afro-Colombians and Indians whose collective rights in these territories had recently been legally recognised. Based on long-term fieldwork among the Emberá Katío, this article examines social, cosmological and ritual alterations and re-organisation around violent death. Following a national policy of post-conflict reparations, public exhumations and identifications of human remains reveal new local modes of understanding and administration. In particular, suicide, hitherto completely unknown to the Emberá, broke out in a multitude of cases, mostly among the youth. Local discourse attributes this phenomenon to the number of stray corpses resulting from the violence, who are transformed into murderous spirits which shamans can no longer control. The analysis focusses on the unprecedented articulation of a renewed eschatology, the intricate effects of an internal political reorganisation and the simultaneous inroad into their space of new forms of armed insurrectional violence. Thus the article will shed light on the emergence of a new transitional moral economy of death among the Emberá.

After the fall of Srebrenica in summer of 1995, the Scorpions unit, dispatched to support the Bosnian Serb Army as it took over the enclave, shot six men in Trnovo. The men, three of whom were underage, were some of thousands of Bosnian Muslims that fell into the hands of Bosnian Serb troops, and that were executed in the days and weeks following July 11th. A member of the unit filmed the execution. Fragments of the video were first shown during the Slobodan Milosevic trial, and multiple times in the years after, in the courtrooms in The Hague and Belgrade. The video provides unique insights into the nature of the crime, as well as the behavior of the perpetrators, and this article will discuss them in detail, contributing to what we know about Srebrenica, and how individuals are held accountable for mass atrocity crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On April 13, 1873, hundreds of armed, white men laid siege to the county courthouse in Colfax, Louisiana. A smaller group of African American men defended the courthouse, asserting their claim that Republicans were the legitimate victors in highly contested 1872 state election. The white paramilitary forces attacked the courthouse on Easter Sunday, slaughtered many of the defendants, and executed dozens of prisoners. Known today as the Colfax Massacre, it is one of the largest mass murders to ever occur on American soil. Although as many as a hundred and no fewer than sixty-two black men were killed at Colfax, it is disregarded in traditional narratives of Reconstruction. This is due to the fact that many people would prefer to think that the violence that shook the United States during the Civil War came to an end with the defeat of the Confederacy. Omitting Colfax from the narrative also omits the paramilitary patterns of reconstruction violence, allowing racial violence to be relegated to a few isolated incidents. This promotes the view that the failure of Reconstruction was due to shortcomings of the North and an inability of the freedmen to manage their freedom and citizenship. My paper attempts to show why understanding the Colfax Massacre, and the violence it inspired, is central to explaining how white southerners were able to so effectively combat African Americans' political power during Reconstruction. It also forces us to confront the role that violence played in Reconstruction and the legacy of white supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can former insurgents in the service of counterinsurgent paramilitaries be considered a perfectly loyal force? What mechanisms may help to deter subsequent defections of individuals who have already “betrayed” once? Drawing on a unique set of primary data, this article examines the effective counter-defection practices of Chechnya’s pro-Moscow paramilitaries toward prospective defectors from among ex-insurgents. It explores three interwoven mechanisms employed with various intensities to avert “double defections” at the peak of the locally fought counterinsurgency in Chechnya from 2000 to 2005. These mechanisms are: a) extrajudicial executions of recidivists and their relatives, b) initiation violence targeting insurgents’ relatives, and c) disclosure of the identities of defected insurgents who were responsible for killing insurgents in combat to the families of slain insurgents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Lebret is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas, Bucaramanga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

• Explores social and policy barriers to naloxone and SIF implementation across Ireland. • Stigma and community objections are a barrier to naloxone and SIF implementation. • Intimidation and paramilitary coercion are unique barriers for people who use drugs. • Naloxone empowers communities and peer to peer delivery improves distribution. • Multilevel stigma campaigns are needed to implement interventions successfully. Opioid drug-related deaths continue to be a significant public health concern in the Republic of Ireland (ROI) and Northern Ireland (NI). While both regions have implemented naloxone to reduce drug related deaths, there remains a gap in the implementation of a supervised injection facility (SIF). This study aimed to identify barriers and facilitators to implementing naloxone and a SIF to reduce opioid drug-related deaths in ROI and NI. Semi-structured interviews (n=23) were conducted in ROI and NI with experts by experience (n=8), staff from low threshold services (n=9), and individuals involved in policy making (n= 6). Data were analyzed using coding reliability Thematic Analysis and were informed by the Risk Environmental Framework. The findings illustrated that stigma within the media, health centers, and the community was a significant barrier to naloxone distribution and SIF implementation. Policing and community intimidation were reported to hinder naloxone carriage in both the ROI and NI, while threats of paramilitary violence towards people who use drugs were unique to NI. Municipal government delays and policy maker apathy were reported to hinder SIF implementation in the ROI. Participants suggested peer-to-peer naloxone delivery and amending legislation to facilitate non-prescription naloxone would increase naloxone uptake. Participants recommended using webinars, Town Halls, and a Citizens' Assembly as tools to advocate for SIF implementation. Local and regional stigma reduction campaigns are needed in conjunction with policy changes to advance naloxone and a SIF. Tailoring stigma campaigns to incorporate the lived experience of people who use drugs, their family members, and the general community can aid in educating the public and change negative perceptions. This study highlights the need for ongoing efforts to reduce stigma and increase accessibility to evidence-based interventions to address opioid drug-related deaths in the ROI, NI, and internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Direct elite participation in civil wars remains unexplored terrain. It should be analytically telling, because it involves taking major risks and costs. Here, we consider the direct participation of one rural elite-big cattle ranchers-in the Colombian paramilitary saga. We claim that it was massive, locally specific, regulated by institutions, and riddled by permanent collective action issues. We focus on two important forms of direct participation: ranchers as leaders of paramilitary groups, and ranchers as promoters and beneficiaries of coercive land dispossession. This does not cover the full spectrum of potential elite participation in war, but it is a key starting point to sort out the ways in which extreme inequality is associated with political violence from above. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explain the causes and effects of paramilitary violence in the community of Zipacoa (Villanueva, Bolívar), based on the testimony of the victims and the institutional interventions carried out in the process of collective reparation. The consequences of the armed conflict in Zipacoa are analyzed, identifying the victimizing events and their articulation in the construction of reparation measures. Methodologically, the results are constructed from a qualitative approach, articulated to a holistic perspective of social research. Information gathering techniques were used to articulate the systematization of documents and the consolidation of stories by community actors. To meet these objectives, the article is divided into three parts. In the first, we analyze the theoretical assumptions of collective reparation within the framework of transitional justice and restorative justice with regard to measures of rehabilitation and satisfaction. The second part of the work describes Zipacoa as a territory affected by the armed reconflict, specifically by paramilitary violence, the genesis of the rupture of the social fabric of the community. Finally, the third part analyzes the effects and their impact on the comprehensive plan for collective redress. This shows that the lack of conditions to work the land is the problem by which violence persists in the territory. The conclusions of this article show that the effects of paramilitary violence consolidate a series of affectations that historically and culturally have hit the community; Any type of measure that intends to consolidate in the territory, should not only focus on the articulation of processes that strengthen the productivity of this, but to bet on a transformation of the social fabric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the recent era of state formation in Afghanistan, hundreds of small popular movements rebelled against the Taliban throughout the country. One in particular stands out - the Andar Uprising in the spring of 2012 gave a compelling case of local vigilantism in an area ripe with historic grievances and narratives of community defense dating back to the anti-Soviet jihad. This case is compelling as it shows one faction of the movement engaging in protective paramilitary behavior over the civilian population, while the other faction engages in predatory behavior. Controlling processes, incentives structures, and narratives were all factors correlating to the rise of a popular anti-Taliban resistance in Andar District that battled the Taliban and perceived oppression in their district. When patrons and the community engaged in complementary governance over the paramilitary group, in this case through the Afghan Local Police (ALP), paramilitary behavior was protective of the civilian population. However, when patrons and communities failed to provide complementary governance, as the case of the remaining Uprising force after ALP institutionalization, the paramilitaries engaged in predation on the local population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article challenges the well-established presentation within conflict studies of paramilitary organizations as state-manipulated death squads or self-defence groups, and argues that some present-day militias extend their functions well beyond the role of shadowy pro-regime enforcers. Drawing its empirical insights from Ukrainian pro-government volunteer battalions and supporting its findings with empirical observations from other parts of the world, the article posits that the rise of powerful militia organizations acting in parallel with the state makes it imperative to revisit the theory and typology of paramilitary violence. The key theoretical argument of the article is that ‘state-parallel’ militias differ qualitatively from the ‘state-manipulated’ paramilitaries that are typical of the Cold War period. The article shows that although ‘state-parallel’ paramilitaries are not a new phenomenon, they have thus far remained critically understudied and undertheorized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to compare and analyze perspectives of law enforcement officers with combat deployment experience, other military background, and no military service regarding the meaning, relevance, and consequences of the military model of policing.Design/methodology/approach Data were obtained from an online survey of police officers throughout a rural Northern New England state. A t-test compared the difference of means on 25 items measured as military attributes and as relevant to policing and an ANCOVA analysis examined the relationship between military service status and the meaning, relevance, and consequences of the military model.Findings Officers gave statistically lower ratings to the relevancy than they did to the military character of most of 25 stipulated attributes of the military model, particularly the use of force, but indicated that the military model had positive consequences on both police personnel and the community. There were few differences between officers of different military background regarding the meaning, relevance, and consequences of the military model. However, significantly different ratings given to empowerment of those at lowest levels, to the relevancy of military leadership, and to the effects of military organization and style on the ability to deal with stress were largely attributable to those with combat deployment experience.Originality/value This is the only study to use more accurate measures of the relevance of the military model and to empirically examine how police officers themselves, particularly with different military service background, evaluate constituent aspects of the military model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]