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In this study, it is argued that a microhistorical perspective applied to historical archaeologies provides intelligibility to certain mechanisms of exercise of power and forms of resistance in the local sphere. Adopting a microhistorical approach, two primary mechanisms of social order consensus creation and contestation are explored through the creation and negotiation of symbolic capital. Micropolitics are understood as a set of poorly formalised but meaningful practices that define, model, and negotiate forms of social domination by integrating different communicative languages. Infrapolitics shape the forms of resistance and agency of subaltern groups and, by definition, are not easy to track and identify. Through the study of small empirical illustrations from the medieval period in the Basque Country, the aim is to argue that there is a correlation between the intensity and complexity of the political practices that develop in local societies and the forms of contestation of rights and cohesion mechanisms. To carry out this analysis, material, textual, mnemonic, and oral records are used.

Interventional reality programmes often give rise to speculations about how they treat their contributors. However, little is known about the actual production practices that lie behind these complex and often contradictory media texts. Based on in-depth interviews with crew members of a variety of popular formats, this article explores how ordinary people are turned into subjects of emancipation and spectacular transformations. By analysing the ideals, tactics and constraints characterising this process, I address how particular discursive and organisational mechanisms support or hinder morally viable compromises in situations where the imperative of 'selling strong performances' and personal standpoints come into conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mourning ceremonies related to Muharram have had a special place in the Qajar period, but the views of the Qajar aristocracy and nobility with ordinary people about these ceremonies cannot be considered the same. These two classes have had different traditions in holding mourning ceremonies. In this article, this issue was studied based on the reports written by the foreign travel writers of the Qajar period and it was tried to answer the question of what differences there have been between the mourning traditions of the Qajar aristocracy and nobility and ordinary people based on these travelogues. This hypothesis was followed that the aristocracy and nobility probably held mourning traditions at a different level from that of ordinary people in terms of rituals, luxuries, and expenses because of having greater access to wealth resources. Hence, by examining 22 travelogues, which were based on the travel writers' objective observations, it was concluded that the aristocracy and nobility differed from ordinary people in terms of their mourning places and forms, as well as expenses. They followed different rituals and customs when holding these ceremonies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how ordinary people in the Poltava oblast (Central Ukraine) commemorated the Russia-Ukraine war during the 2014–2021 period (prior to Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022). Focusing on physical commemorative objects constructed by ordinary people, this article investigates the commemorative activity of ordinary people in Central Ukraine who are 'activated' to carry out commemorative work by this turbulent and emotionally charged event in Ukraine's recent history and seek to project their individual, private memories into the public arena. This article's central argument is that ordinary people in Central Ukraine actively exercise their agency in the area of commemoration, to ensure the memory of the Russia-Ukraine war is present in the commemorative landscape, playing an important role in public meaning-making. Thus, by utilising different types of visual language, ordinary people narrate soldiers' sacrifice in the name of the nation, presenting Ukraine's response to Russia's aggression as a righteous and noble struggle. Through linking this event to other periods of Ukraine's history, they create plotlines of Ukraine's centuries-long struggle for sovereignty and self-determination. Therefore, ordinary people contribute to the construction of narratives about history and the identity of the Ukrainian nation. This article is an empirical contribution to the body of knowledge on the commemorative activity of ordinary people as social memory actors, and it also contributes to the knowledge of how ongoing violent conflicts are commemorated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper starts with the trajectory of ancient graffiti study since the 19th century. This study was well inserted in the scholarly context, paying particular attention to the differences of language use in relation to standard learned Latin (or Greek). In the 20th century, beyond scholarship, there was an overwhelming normative and historical perception that graffiti represented most of all unlearned people, those who were unable to have access to learned culture. This improved the knowledge about graffiti, but it continued to focus on distance from the rule. In the late 20th century there was a growing critical approach, considering that graffiti may produce evidence about people's daily lives. In this context, the edge has been able to produce a plethora of innovative interpretation. Brazil produced a critical approach, centring on a couple of subjects: popular culture and female agency. Popular culture means highlighting the originality of ordinary people culture. Then, within this approach, female agency. The authors then discuss some graffiti, enabling to discuss popular culture and female agency. The paper concludes by stressing how graffiti may be a way of promoting life, fostering living together, against hatred and destruction.

This article aims to explore the links between the structural organisation of the television industry and the wellbeing of the ordinary people who take part in its productions. Following a series of high-profile suicides, calls have been made for broadcasters to reconsider their duty of care. New regulations have been initiated in the UK, emphasising the need to risk-assess vulnerable contributors and provide them with psychological support. But these changes have been driven by moral outrage and media criticism rather than empirical research, and a lack of attention has been paid to understanding the views of the participants themselves. Based on in-depth interviews with a sample of 30 documentary contributors and producers, this article will seek to contextualise their experiences within the political economy of TV production, focussing on the impact of five recent developments in relation to working practices, jobs functions, narrative norms, marketing strategies, and the wider media ecology. My argument is that the wellbeing of contributors, producers, and the production environment are all intrinsically connected, and have been fundamentally reshaped by the neo-liberal reorganisation of the industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using evidence regarding the consolidation of Hindu nationalism in India we put forward new ethnographic data about the variety of popular support for a Hindutva project and a new framework that proposes an interactive theory of social identity. This framework helps us understand how Hindu nationalism becomes embedded in society. We assert that Hindu nationalism in India could be fruitfully analysed by focusing on the processes through which ideas of exclusive nationalism spread among ordinary middle-class people and are expressed in micro-level psychological changes at the individual level. The consolidation of Hindu nationalism in India is being authored not only by parties or the state, but also by societal actors, specifically, ordinary middle-class Indians. Hindu nationalism has been spreading in micro-public spheres in a time of apparent peace and between elections, and with the participation of willing supporters. Building on our fieldwork and research in psychology and history, our conversations have also helped us to identify profiles of different types of nationalists, which we categorize as willing ethnic-nationalists, hardliners, bystanders, and moderates. Further, we suggest the need to focus on inter-linked micro-level mechanisms such as diffusion and emulation of Hindu-centric beliefs and ideas, mobilization by hardliners and organizations, and impunity resulting from protection by state agencies, which helps to create willing ethnic-nationalists and sustains Hindu nationalism. Evidence regarding social interactions from a variety of survey organizations concurs with our findings and our ethnographic material allows us to delve deeper into varieties of Hindu nationalist support across diverse ordinary people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we analyse mediated representations of elite and non-elite voices about climate change, by juxtaposing two Swedish non-fiction television series: one narrates the work of environmental scientists, the other discusses climate change with diverse citizens in a vox pop format. We argue that the discursive practices of these programmes reproduce the antagonistic subject positions of experts and ordinary people, allocating them radically different positions of power in relation to climate change. Whereas the experts are presented as actors of change with the knowledge to solve the crisis, ordinary people are shown as passive recipients of advice and moral judgment, in need of change. In addition, we highlight the role of media professionals in these articulations. The article shows how these subject positions support persuasionist strategies, but also how the elite/non-elite juxtaposition tends to exclude the latter from a meaningful engagement on equal terms.

On 23 June 2019, as Dean of the College of Humanities and Development Studies (COHD) at China Agricultural University, I delivered a speech entitled 'Experience the world as a weak person' at the graduation ceremony. However, in our society, everyone wants to become strong, and no one wants to be weak. It is observed that in Chinese society the increase in material wealth has gone hand in hand with an increase in rage and hostility. One of the reasons behind is that many people approach society and treat others with the mentality of a strong person. In fact, people are not at all able to comprehend the life realities and inner worlds of the weak ones, thus we need to maintain an attitude of trying to experience the world as a weak person. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theology is the most specialized branch of belief. Although theologists made it obligatory for the accountable person to learn about God, they had different opinions about that level of knowledge, due to their different methods of studying theology. Theologists have presented it in a philosophical, specialized language that is only accessible to specialized scholars. Hence, an answer to the following question is needed, ‘if learning about God is obligatory for the accountable person, what do ordinary people have to learn, given the ban theologists imposed on delving into it?’ The researcher used a descriptive, analytical approach and a critical approach to shed light upon theologists’ viewpoint on the issue of learning theology by ordinary people and what they should learn about it. This paper is characterized by eliminating the contradiction between the ban on learning theology by ordinary people and what they should learn about theology, since this topic was not discussed in an independent paper. One of the outcomes of this paper is that although theologists imposed a ban on ordinary people to delve into theology to prevent any potential tribulation, they made it obligatory on them to refer to scholars when they are faced with doubts and suspicions. Otherwise, ordinary people must focus on the practical part of the concept of belief, rather than the theoretical part. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the nations of the world, serious attention is now being paid to the environment because of the increase in environmental disasters. Most of these disasters are not natural but as a consequence of the activities of human beings and their science including their technological apparatuses and deployments. Issues such as global warming, climate change, flooding, desertification, air, water and land pollutions, deforestation, wild fires among so many debilitating issues that affect the environment today have become a source of concern to world leaders, environmentalists, philosophers and other concerned individuals. But the question is; what is the cause of the increase in environmental disasters? Is anything being done to change the narrative? Are the 'ordinary people' aware of the impact of their use and enjoyment of science and technology on the environment? Who takes the lead in shifting the paradigm? Thomas Kuhn had opined in his magnus-opus -- The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, that every paradigm has relevance in the age to which it is accepted and practiced by the scientific community. But a time will come when anomalies would begin to be noticed in accepted paradigms. These anomalies will lead to crisis that will finally lead to a shift in paradigm thus heralding a scientific revolution. A shift in paradigm means a deliberate departure from the old way of doing things in other to face new challenges that may have been caused by the former way things were done. Using the analytic and critical methods, this paper attempts to situate the impact of science and technology and the activities of the ordinary people on the environment. The Kuhnian notion of 'paradigm shift' shall be adopted as a framework to establish a workable panacea to change the narrative. The idea is to canvas for a paradigm shift in the management of the environment by co-opting 'ordinary people' to participate in shifting the environmental paradigm of this age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences & Philosophy is the property of Research Center for Humanities & Social Sciences, Academia Sinica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigates the representation of ordinary people in the inaugural speeches of two Iranian presidents and their underlying ideologies through the lens of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). An aggregate model integrating Fairclough’s three-dimensional (1989), Van Dijk’s socio-cognitive (1993), and Van Leeuwen’s socio-semantic (1996) approaches to CDA was proposed and applied as the analytical tool. Both quantitative and qualitative techniques were employed for the study design. In the quantitative part, statistically significant differences in the use of vocabulary items and structures were investigated based on the description stage of Fairclough’s and van Leeuwen’s frameworks. In the qualitative part of the study, attempts were made to justify the found similarities and differences based on the interpretation and explanation stages of Fairclough’s and van Dijk’s frameworks. The study showed that in spite of differences in the presentation of political self, both presidents design similar strategies in their political discourse to project the identity of common people within their sociocultural context.

Background: The rate of cardiac arrest outside hospitals remains high in Indonesia. Performing Cardio Pulmonary Resuscitation (CPR) is advised as an emergency procedure to save a person’s life. However, lack of ordinary people is able to do CPR. Therefore, cardiac arrest management training is considered important to form a bystander in the community. Objective: This study aimed to determine if there is an effect of cardiac arrest management training on the ability of ordinary people to perform high-quality CPR. Methods: This study used one-group pretest-posttest design method with a total sample of 35 participants. Observation sheet based on American Heart Association was used to measure the ability to perform CPR. Paired-t test was used for data analysis. Results: There was a significant effect of the cardiac arrest management training on the ability to perform high-quality CPR (p

As a result of the parliamentary elections held in Slovakia on February 29, 2020, the movement «Ordinary People» became the undisputed winner. Its head – Igor Matovic – got the opportunity to form a government. In view of his previous opposition, the new ruling cabinet in- cluded parties that criticized Peter Pellegrini’s government (SMER-SD). First of all, we are talking about the movement «We Are Family», the parties «Freedom and Solidarity» and «For People». Despite the anti-SMERian rhetoric uniting them, political players disagreed on many ideological points and, above all, the vision of their participation in the new government. In turn, this led to intense negotiations, which successfully ended with the introduction of the new government on March 21. A quick decision in the presence of significant disagreement was due, in many respects, to an unprecedented event in world history – the COVID-19 virus pandemic. The article focuses on the consideration of the main contradictions between the coalition partners, indicates the most noticeable phenomena at the moment that can lead to a political crisis in Slovakia in the future.

The BBC radio feature, originally influenced by the documentary film movement, combined music and sound with speech that at first was scripted, later recorded on location, along with ‘actuality’. This paper will ask ‘whose speech?’ A memorandum from BBC Director General, John Reith, in 1924, had insisted that “only those who have a claim to be heard above their fellows on any particular subject… should be put on the programme”. Nevertheless, from the 1930s onwards, there was a continuing effort on the part of more politically-minded producers to extend the range of voices heard on the air. The BBC’s North Region, where it was easier to escape Reith’s centralising control, led the way. Pioneering initiatives used the cumbersome recording apparatus of the time to reach into people’s homes and work-places to capture working class voices. After WW2 this example was followed in other regions, until, belatedly in the late 1950s, the BBC began to accept the use of portable recording. By this time a Europe-wide culture of radio feature-making had developed, influenced by the French exploration of musique concrète and the flourishing German Hörspiel, and fostered by the Prix Italia and the International Features Workshop. British features producers contributed to this movement and won some success with highly-crafted, aesthetically innovative features. The paper concludes by examining examples of the voices heard in BBC radio features in the last decade of the 20th century.

Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the colonial experiences of Chinese people in urban Manchukuo from 1937–1945. Previous studies on Manchukuo have been framed primarily from the top-down, with emphasis on the role of government elites and Japan's military expansionism, rather than on the ordinary experiences within the puppet state. Drawing on Chinese-language sources, the present research considers the impact of material shortages in ordinary people's lives. It highlights how obtaining access to goods under the constant pressure of scarcities heavily depended on the establishment of interpersonal relations. This study examines how survival strategies and behaviours were shaped under economic pressure. It argues that ordinary people who were not in a position of power were able to negotiate their own terms for survival under the framework of superficial compliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how personal experience in the form of human interest stories has become a road to visibility, legitimacy, and impact for organizational actors and interest groups. Focusing on news media representations of health, where patients and their experiences with disease play an increasingly central role across media platforms, the article theorizes the hierarchies and dilemmas of a "human interest economy" in which ordinary people become exemplars, based on the authenticity of their experience, and their ability to attract attention and support. Departing from 38 interviews with management and communications professionals in Norwegian health interest groups, the article analyzes how organizations that provide exemplars to the news media adapt to and negotiate generic human interest formats that favor certain diseases, victims, and storylines over others. By discussing how the normative claims of immediate and authentic bottom-up voices in the news media tie in with less visible and more implicit strategic interests, the article adds to the theorizing about the role and power of ordinary people in the news, and how they serve the strategic interests of organizational actors that liaise between journalists and participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This interview-based study focuses on the experiences of ordinary transgender people in US news. Fifteen transgender people were interviewed about how they felt about their interactions with journalists, the resulting representations, and being cast as an exemplar—a representative of the trans community. Interviewees were overall satisfied with their interactions with journalists, and pleased with the resulting coverage, though they took issue with some aspects of both. Journalists sometimes asked insensitive questions or tried to pressure subjects to fit into stereotypical roles. Misgendering (the use of incorrect names and pronouns) was rare and mostly indirect, but suggests a need to reexamine reporting conventions. Subjects said the risks of being identified publicly as trans, and the challenges of representing such a diverse community were worth the opportunity to raise awareness about trans lives for other trans individuals and the general public. Ultimately, they felt a responsibility to make themselves visible in the short term to advocate for the rights of transgender people in the long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For ordinary people, the end of World War I brought not only interminable negotiations between states prior to the conclusion of treaties, but also a state of impatience to return to peace and to get rid of all deprivations caused by the conflagration. From the multitude of documents in the custody of the "King Ferdinand I" National Military Museum concerning the year of 1918, we made a selection in order to reveal how the end of the war reflected in the daily life of ordinary people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is focused on transformation of an ordinary person into a celebrity. Starting from definitions of celebrity and celebrity culture, online celebrity will be conceptualized by looking specifically at the sequence pattern: success in particular field―media-mediated fame―a celebrity status, which is typical for the media-mediated fame in the traditional, i.e. offline media, in opposition to the sequence pattern present in the online arena: self-presentation―self-media-mediated fame―a community celebrity status―success in the field. What they have in common is that leaders are firstly labelled “famous person” before they become celebrities. This paper has aimed to contribute to theorizing the role of online media in circulation of media-mediated fame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]