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This article examines the contributions of the English School to the development of Global International Relations (Global IR) through a critical analysis of its systemic framework, historical development, and normative theoretical focus. By undertaking a qualitative and historical analysis of foundational texts by figures such as Manning, Wight, and Bull, as well as relevant secondary literature, the study illuminates the interaction between the English School and Global IR. The study's key findings indicate that, while the English School's Eurocentric legacy presents theoretical constraints, its focus on norms, international society, and justice offers valuable frameworks for addressing contemporary global challenges. Furthermore, the study identifies the integration of emerging powers and non-Western perspectives as evidence of the English School's adaptability in a pluralistic global order. Methodologically, the study's focus on historical analysis and qualitative approaches constrains its capacity to offer broader empirical generalisations. Additionally, its theoretical scope reflects the challenges of reconciling diverse perspectives within a cohesive framework. Despite these limitations, the article highlights the potential for transformative dialogue between the English School and Global IR, with practical implications for fostering inclusive global governance and providing pathways for future interdisciplinary research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital media have fundamentally altered how knowledge is produced and distributed, often being blamed for contemporary democratic problems. This short essay examines recent contributions to normative democratic theory, focusing on three questions: 1) characterization of media-related threats, 2) media and communication aspects supportive of democracy, and 3) diagnosis of democracy's core challenges. Our reading reveals that while digital media is seen to contribute to the epistemic crisis, the core problem can be traced back to the profound impact of communicative capitalism on our epistemic infrastructures. We call for political communication scholars to prioritize the study of epistemic inequalities by critically examining and addressing the pervasive influence of market logic in both our work and the subject of study. In doing so, we can make an empirically informed contribution to democratic theory's quest to defend democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that a renewed focus on how dominant international practices produce ontological insecurity can help better orient ontological security studies (OSS) to injustice in world politics, particularly as it affects structurally marginalized political actors at multiple levels. It makes this case by bringing the work of Iris Marion Young to bear on OSS, particularly her theory of justice as the elimination of domination and oppression. Drawing on Young's "Five Faces of Oppression," this paper argues that multiple injustices endemic to the international system should be understood as key producers of ontological insecurity in the international system, both in their direct ability to destabilize identities and in their undermining of disadvantaged actors' ontological security-seeking practices. On international scales, these processes transcend levels of analysis, affecting individuals, social groups, and even states in differing ways. Incorporating Young's work into OSS not only helps build a vital bridge between the oft estranged sub-disciplines of political theory and IR, but also can provide scholars a means of better theorizing how ontological insecurity is so often a product of the international system's injustices. The paper thus concludes by proposing a normative turn within OSS, asking whether global justice should be understood as a precondition for ontological security-seeking among multiple co-existing actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Leibniz's metaphysics already justifies evil not only through the normative power of God, assuming that it is simultaneously the omnipotence of reason. For Kant, evil becomes definitively the sole problem of the rational being, human. While for Leibniz, the divine will had organized all practical relations of humans and movements of the physical world in such a way that the practical reason of all individuals is metaphysically constituted and evil is justified, Kant shifts the focus to the practical reason of humans as autonomous subjects. In this paradigm, God loses his metaphysical power, retaining only a moral role. Nietzsche and Musil build upon this context, yet surprisingly, they do not further advance this development. Instead, they reject the power of pure reason, which becomes absolute for Kant. Simultaneously, they draw on God's metaphysical power over evil to formulate their concept of the new evil that confronts us in the practical contexts of modern life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The connection between women representation in parliament and the extent of substantive representation of women’s interest remains ambiguous. Objective: this paper aims to understand if women representation in African parliament catalyses growth in women business ownership in Africa. Prior work: the paper inclines on the normative theory of democracy and the theory of politics of presence through the lens of descriptive or substantive representation. Approach: The paper’s method is both theoretical and quantitative. It uses a cross-sectional secondary data for women in parliament and women ownership of businesses for a sample of 26 African countries, through the application of simple regression analysis. Result: The regression result, which emerges at P>0.05 indicates that within the confines of the 26 African countries used as the sample, women's representations in these African parliaments have not catalysed a significant effect on women’s business ownership in Africa. Implications: The paper provides policy and academic implication as an academic study material in university administration and development classes and for women political manifesto guide. It also provides an agenda for further research. Value: The paper contributes to the political theory of presence by ushering a different result linked to women’s business interests based on an African sample. The paper also contributes a framework and suggests a new concept of inquiry for additional gender equality advocacy, namely the inclusion of women-in-women advocacy for political participation and women’s interest.

Some normative theorists appeal to the concept of basic needs. They argue that when it comes to issues such as global justice, intergenerational justice, human rights or sustainable development our first priority should be that everybody is able to meet these needs. But what are basic needs? We attempt to inform discussions about this question by gathering evidence of ordinary English speakers' intuitions on the concept of basic needs. First, we defend our empirical approach to analyzing this concept and identify a number of its potential features. Then we present three preregistered empirical studies that were conducted to investigate the extent to which ordinary speakers endorse these features. The studies yield convergent evidence for the following three claims: (1) ordinary speakers sometimes apply the concept of basic needs to necessities for a flourishing (not just a minimally decent) life, (2) most ordinary speakers attribute at least some degree of subjectivity to the concept, and (3) most ordinary speakers attribute at least some degree of relativity to the concept. We discuss the implications of these findings for philosophical analyses of basic needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rural weekly newspaper industry rooted in traditional geographically bounded U.S. communities was long thought to have been shielded from industry dilemmas—revenue and circulation—at larger mainstream daily newspapers. However, recent data show a shift in these rural community journalism trends, particularly since the COVID-19 pandemic. Using normative theory and diffusion of innovations, this study examines how rural weekly newspaper publishers perceived, nearly 18 months after the onset of the pandemic, how COVID-19 impacted their newspapers' advertising, news, technology, and community involvement. Survey results reveal short-term and long-term content and financial challenges plague U.S. rural grassroots information sources with circulation less than 3,000—indicating the end of the "golden era" of weekly newspapers. Despite the constraints, publishers remain optimistic and dedicated to their audiences, albeit reluctant to swift change, as they perceive themselves as the only reliable information source for their rural communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SYNOPSIS: This paper proposes a new framework for financial statement presentation that provides users with a more detailed understanding of the relationship between cash and accrual information and earning power. To accomplish these objectives, we provide new classifications for assets, liabilities, equity, statement of income, and statement of cash flow. Assets are classified as either operating or nonoperating, economic or financial, monetary or nonmonetary. Liabilities and equity are initially classified under the title "means of financing assets." Next, they are either classified as monetary or nonmonetary and further classified as either: (1) expected cash requirements during next reporting period, (2) expected cash requirements in future periods, or (3) no expected cash requirements. The statement of income utilizes current period, prior period, and future period for cash flow categories. The statement of cash flows is developed along the lines of primary economic operations and nonoperating economic/financial activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While deliberation has traditionally played a central role in philosophical and behavioral accounts of ethical decision-making, several recent studies challenge the value of deliberation. These studies find that deliberative thinking, such as considering divergent views or different perspectives, leads to less ethical decisions. We observe, however, that these studies do not address normative deliberation, in which decision-makers consider or apply a normative standard. We predict that normative deliberation improves ethical decision-making. Across six experiments, we examine the effects of non-normative deliberation (mathematical calculations, word problems) and normative deliberation (elicited by considering ethical obligations, stakeholder interests, or a corporate ethics framework) on ethical decision-making (judgments, intentions, and behaviors). We find that normative deliberation improves ethical decision-making and, in contrast to recent studies, no form of deliberation harms ethical decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of an experimental research project on the causes of Mexicans’ law-abiding and non-abiding behaviour. Firstly, it explains the theories tested, namely, deterrence and normative theory of law-abidance, and defines the concepts measured. Regarding deterrence theory, the causal efficacy of knowledge of legal punishment was measured and of normative theory that of social and personal norms. Second, it describes how these concepts were operationalised and how the two-stage experimental survey was conducted. Finally, the paper outlines the main results. The statistical analyses show that neither social norms explain unlawful behaviour nor knowledge of legal punishment influence law-abiding behaviour among Mexicans in specific situations. However, the analysis did show a statistically significant disagreement between Mexicans’ behaviour and normative beliefs, which reveals a case of pluralistic ignorance whereby Mexicans behave illegally and believe others approve of illegal behaviour, but they personally disapprove of it. These results, however, would have to be confirmed in a study with a representative sample to be conclusive.

Copyright of Trans/Form/Ação is the property of Trans/Form/Acao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article provides a philosophical explication of an African religious moral philosophy. Often philosophers repudiate the view that African Traditional Religions (ATR) can embody a religious moral philosophy. Theologians, on the other hand, tend to believe that ATR can, but they often do not provide a systematic account of such an ethical system. The article demonstrates that ATR can embody an under-explored moral philosophy. ATR refers to indigenous religious ideas, beliefs, and practices of the indigenous people below the Sahara. The article will invoke the metaphysical and moral concept of vitality as the basis to construct an African religious moral philosophy. (It is worth noting that this article merely constructs, but it does not defend, this ethical system.) Vitality is the spiritual energy that originates, maximally inheres and defines God, and God has since distributed it to all that exists, albeit in varying degrees. By 'moral philosophy', the article focuses on (1) meta-ethics (it proffers a vitality-based account of the moral terms right and wrong); (2) normative theory (it expounds on the perfectionist and deontological principles of right action); and (3) applied ethics (it invokes a vitality-based conception of moral status to explore environmental ethics and select bioethical themes). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social dimension of artificial intelligence is a strategic line of research that has been barely addressed to date in relation to information and communication technology policy-making. Debates on new expert information systems have generally revolved around taxation, content moderation, security, privacy and transparency, in addition to new forms of assessment that artificial intelligence assumes in platform capitalism. The existing theoretical and regulatory gaps require, however, a comprehensive approach to the economic, political, philosophical, geopolitical and ecological aspects of communication in the relations between states, international bodies and global corporations. Accordingly, the aim here is to review the state of the art of policy-making on artificial intelligence in Latin America as well as to draw a number of parallels with the current situation in the European Union for the purpose of performing an exploratory analysis on the main regulatory challenges facing public policy-makers from a practical and theoretical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public sphere is the site where the collective will of the people is formed. The thesis is that to the extent that the people are constructed as entities that pre-exist their collective will, the public sphere contributes to fostering the evil among a people and between the people. This is discussed using the cases of nationalism, sovereigntism and populism. The narrative of Pandora's box provides the analytical leverage for retelling the theory of the public sphere. The story is that after the evils escaped Pandora's box, hope remained. This leads to two propositions: hope as preventing the closing off of the future of a people and hope as fostering collective learning processes that rectify the evils. These propositions provide the ground for a critical theory of the public sphere in which the force of the better argument is insufficient to explain the capability of a people to rectify the bad. It is a theory in which social relations matter that turn individuals into a people beyond national, statist or populist containers, making a people that is open to define and redefine itself in collective learning processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes issue with public sphere theories' lack of focus on the consequences of social inequality. Citizens divide the work of following politics between them, and we need a cohesive conceptualization of such divisions, through and beyond today's intrusive media and with attention to social inequalities. Instead of ideals of fully informed individual citizens, I propose we take the empirical fact of distribution of citizens' public connection as a starting point and anchor our theoretical ideals in the social world with an "ethnographic sensibility." Doing so facilitates an operationalized concept of distribution of citizens' public connection into four elements: issues , arenas , and communicative modes , which citizens variously rely on over time. With such an operationalization, we can assess when and for whom the distribution of public connection goes too far and disfavors certain citizens. This helps bring public sphere theory beyond the conundrum of our societies' paradoxically uninformed citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Journalists' increasing focus on news users is often seen as diverting the news agenda away from the core issues that are important to democracy. Hence, the practices of connecting journalists to the audience tend to be assessed as detrimental to the democratic function of journalism: informing citizens and facilitating public opinion. However, this normative link between practice and ideals has rarely been empirically addressed when studying audience engagement. In this article we use a case study (BiobioChile) to provide a more precise understanding of the democratic relevance that everyday engagement with the audience—through and beyond metrics—entails for journalism. First, our analysis suggests that audiences can be integrated into journalism's democratic framework by moving beyond the dilemma of informed citizenship versus news user's metrics to include what we propose to call living citizens: empirical concrete living beings grounded in journalistic practice. Second, we distinguish three audience oriented roles—observer, listener and connector—aimed both at maximizing the attention of news users, and at making sense of their needs as living citizens. These roles cover verifiable routines and values, thereby enabling a better assessment of the fulfilment of the democratic ideals of journalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the Right to the City (RTTC) still a useful framework for a transformative urban politics? Given recent scholarly criticism of its real-world applications and appropriations, in this paper, we argue that the transformative promise in the RTTC lies beyond its role as a framework for oppositional struggle, and in its normative ends. Building upon Henri Lefebvre's original writing on the subject, we develop a "radical-cooperative" conception of the RTTC. Such a view, which is grounded in the lived experiences of the current city, envisions an urban society in which inhabitants can pursue their material and social needs through self-governed cooperation across social difference. Growing and diversifying spaces and sectors of urban life that are decoupled from global capitalism are, we argue, necessary to create space for this inclusionary politics. While grassroots action is essential to this process, so is multi-scalar support from the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Principles of global political justice define how global society's governing institutional powers should be constituted, and by whom they should be exercised. Political justice seeks to establish political legitimacy under moral constraint—achieved through forms of governance function, political inclusion and political participation that respect the equal autonomy of all individuals within the global order as a whole. Over the last century, the dominant institutional model of political justice has been liberal internationalist. But erosion of the territorial and national boundaries of state-based political governance, accelerated by processes of 'globalization', has produced deepening legitimacy crises in the liberal international order. This article addresses this challenge by assessing what normative framework of political justice is best suited to the new global era of complex interdependence. Drawing on claims articulated by real-world global justice activists, it argues for a normative theoretical critique and reconstruction of the idea of pluralist legitimacy—replacing the familiar liberal internationalist model of pluralist legitimacy with a more complex variant of global pluralist legitimacy. This analysis contributes a cohesive conceptual framework for understanding the normative significance of diverse contemporary global legitimacy crises and activist justice claims that may otherwise appear disparate. In doing so, it illuminates the role played by justice ideals in guiding trajectories of change within the dynamic global political order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we apply deductive content analysis to the 100 most influential publications in the field of social entrepreneurship (SE) to identify the normative assumptions in SE scholarship. Using eight contemporary schools of thought in political philosophy as a template for analysis, we identify the philosophies underlying SE literature and the important consequences of their (often ignored) normative stances, such as: ambiguous concepts, justifications and critiques, and normative contradictions. Our study contributes to the SE literature by proposing that political philosophy can help to identify what counts as the 'social' in SE. We are showing some of the field's inherent normative tensions that could dampen its impact, and propose ways in which a normative awareness would help to establish a basis upon which to evaluate and demonstrate the social, economic, and cultural impact of SE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing attention has been placed to the societal downsides of social media, and appropriately so. Less attention has been paid to the qualities to which social media should aspire. We contend that this is critically important. Not only must social media, and social media scholars, identify and reduce negative outcomes, but we must also critically engage with what is desirable. The purpose of this theoretical essay is to propose a normative framework for digital public spaces. We lay out four categories, and 14 sub-categories, of normative ideals to which social media could aspire. It is our hope that chronicling these qualities will allow scholars to more critically reflect on their normative assumptions when they research social media and will encourage practitioners to think about how social media could be built with these ideals in mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that the debate between "the limits to growth" movement and Julian Simon could be reconstructed and reinterpreted in the light of three pairs of models that map three distinct levels of discussion: (i) a "model of man" and (ii) a model of institutional structure and design, both encompassed by (iii) a model of --what the contemporary literature calls-- the Social-Ecological System (SES). Ultimately the "the limits to growth" problem is not so much about resources and demographics, as it is about SES and their resilience. Moreover, at a first glance, the debate between the proponents of the "the limits to growth" movement and Julian Simon seems to be about empirical data and predictive models. However, on a closer look, behind the positive analysis there is a much deeper structure, of a normative bent, which has a decisive influence on the perspective and approach one adopts regarding the proposed themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The influence of John Duns Scotus' doctrine of the free will on Charles Peirce's normative theory is proposed in the context of commentaries on James J. Liszka's latest book on Peirce and the normative sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When can states justly make ultimatums? How should the recipients of ultimatums respond to them? This manuscript argues that because bargaining behavior like ultimatums and redlines causes war by generating bargaining failure, these behaviors should be scrutinized in the same ways that overtly aggressive acts like invasion are examined. It then argues that parties have a general duty to avoid eliminating alternatives to war. Ultimatums can only be justified if they satisfy the just war criteria of just cause, necessity, and proportionality. Likewise, the decisions to reject ultimatums can impair later claims that a state is fighting justly if they do not reflect the same criteria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Motivation: The article aims to bring together research on policy coherence for development (PCD) with normative theorizing and normative analysis. Purpose: The article presents a case study of normative coherence for development between the three policy areas of the European Union (EU): development, migration, and foreign policy. It shows that normative analysis can be fruitfully applied to answer the question of how coherently normative arguments are used over time and between different policy areas. Methods and approach: The article offers a comparative study of policy coherence between the three EU policies. Methodologically, it compares the normative logics used in the relevant EU policy documents. Findings The study finds that coherence between the three EU policies has increased since the European "migration crisis" in 2015–2016, but not necessarily sustainably: development policy has become an instrument of migration policy, and both are increasingly coherent with foreign and security policies. Along with these policy changes, the normative logics of argumentation for each policy area have become more uniform, both over time and between the policies. Furthermore, the normative principle of PCD has been replaced with a technical understanding of coherence. Policy implications: The findings support the hypothesis that for rules‐based (regional) co‐operation, such as the EU, it matters how the policies are argued. As a focal actor on the global development and migration agendas, EU policies have implications far beyond its borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

River recreation often contributes to ecological degradation – a primary concern for river management professionals. Using social science data to inform ecological management helps mitigate recreational impacts, particularly at sites that experience high recreation use. This paper demonstrates the utility of an approach to collect, display, and use social data based on an indicators and thresholds approach at Buffalo National River in Arkansas (BUFF). Specifically, we presented a series of digitally manipulated photographs to river recreationists at BUFF that depicted varying levels of use, or density of use, to identify social thresholds – the levels of use deemed unacceptable by river users. We coupled the photos with quantitative questionnaires and found that paddlers, anglers, and campers thought that moderate to high‐density levels were unacceptable. Pairing such data with empirical evidence of ecological degradation born from recreation use (e.g., erosion, water quality issues) provides a robust and defensible justification for a range of management actions, including altering use levels and river access. The research methods presented in this paper are transferable to a range of high‐use rivers and waterways, and thus provide a blueprint for river professionals who by design or default interface with recreation and ecological resources. In the end, combining social and ecological data can fortify management decisions and decrease associated conflicts among important groups of river recreationists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populism – which positions a 'true people' in opposition to a corrupt elite – is often contrasted with liberalism. This article initially outlines the incompatibility between populism and normative theories of political liberalism. It argues that populism is an unreasonable form of politics by liberals' standards because: it unfairly excludes those who are not deemed to be part of the true 'people'; and it is objectionably anti-pluralist in the way that it assumes unity amongst the 'people'. Despite this, it is hard to derive specific duties to contain or challenge populism per se from a liberal perspective, though such a duty might be present for some forms of contemporary right-wing populism that combine populism with illiberal goals. Underpinning this view is a belief that many populist movements articulate grievances that are at least somewhat legitimate. The article concludes by arguing that there might be circumstances where a populist movement could, against this backdrop of injustice, advance the liberal cause. However, this is not because there are ways of dissolving the tension between political liberalism and populism, but because political liberals might be justified in violating the regulatory norms that they believe ought to govern politics in some, exceptional, circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political communication is a dynamic, interdisciplinary field that has grown in stature and reach in recent decades, becoming more international in scope and orientation while gaining respect in political science as a legitimate area of inquiry. In the evolving and participatory media-politics landscape, it becomes important to ask how the cross-disciplinary project of political communication research is keeping pace with changing conditions that provide a greater structural role for the press in politics and new technology in the enactment of citizenship. To track these trends in research, this paper reports the results of a longitudinal content analysis of research articles published in the journals Political Communication and the International Journal of Press/Politics for the period 1996-2016. For each year, we selected one issue at random and examined all research articles in that issue, excluding reviews, invited theme essays, and commentaries. Altogether, 229 articles were included in the analysis. Results indicate a noticeable increase in the internationalization of political communication research over the 20-year analysis period, a slight decrease in research expressing a negative evaluative tone toward the media over time, and consistent growth in the percentage of articles with a media-centric focus, defined as positioning the press as a central consideration in the study and regarding news media as central to democratic life. In light of these findings, the unique interpretive lenses that researchers adopt depending on discipline are explored in relation to ongoing developments in political communication research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The controversial mandatory immigration detention framework in Australia restricts individual freedoms in the most fundamental way and warrants close scrutiny. This article takes a pre-formulated theory of administrative justice as a lens to consider law-making and decision-making in mandatory detention cases where people sought asylum in Australia without a valid visa. In so doing, the article takes novel steps beyond defining the concept of administrative justice to applying a comprehensive administrative justice theory to this particular Australian setting. It provides a basis for analysing the limitations of the mandatory detention framework from a normative legal perspective and highlights areas of concern that are ripe for reform in the delivery of administrative justice. The article proposes a set of normative benchmarks that are founded on four administrative justice themes: the proper exercise of power, equal treatment, due process, and accessibility. These immigration detention-specific benchmarks are drawn from domestic law and policy, international law and literature in public administration and human rights. The article then analyses overseer recommendations, law reform reports and scholarly material to reveal the extent to which immigration detention practices meet normative administrative justice values. The article analyses how power imbalances destabilise the principled tensions that should exist between administrative justice properties and the subsequent effect that such imbalances have on those subject to mandatory immigration detention. This article proves that administrative justice theory provides a suitable lens for normative analysis of a public law system and emphasises the need for principled tensions between administrative justice properties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace journalism has enjoyed increased attention in recent decades, though this interest does not necessarily correspond to less polarized conflict coverage or more peaceful societies around the world. Although these realities cannot be attributed to peace journalism alone, such disconnects invite a clearer conceptualization of peace journalism and its scholarly development. Analyzing more than 100 studies, this theoretical exploration reviews three primary domains of peace journalism research—as a concept, as a practice and, by extension, as media content and effects—to illustrate the relatively disparate goals and evaluation metrics put forward by each area. The paper offers a conceptual model that bridges levels of analysis and institutional efforts to advance a better understanding of the normative value of peace journalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an overview of Anglo-American stocktaking of media and communication studies, this article situates Nordic media studies as a third route staked out between academic binaries of administrative and critical approaches. The key argument is this: Nordic media studies displays distinctive features of development that are shaped by Nordic welfarist ideals from the 1970s and 1980s rather than by international trends in the academy. Furthermore, these ideals are worth holding on to if the field of media studies is to thrive with quality and relevance in a globalised, connected, and deeply datafied platform society. I take media studies – not communication studies – as my point of departure, since this is the most feasible umbrella term when studying current modes of communication that are technologically mediated in ways that can be stored, shaped, and shared across time and space.

To counteract the spread of Covid-19, many countries have introduced mobile applications for contact tracing, which raises considerable questions about how these apps protect users' information privacy. Through an exploratory analysis of Covid-19 contact tracing apps being used in Australia, France, Germany, Japan, and New Zealand, we identify normative and technical principles for the design of privacy-sensitive contact tracing apps. Based on a Restricted Access/Limited Control (RALC) account of information privacy, we discuss how the apps protect users' information privacy through limiting access to and allowing users to actively manage their personal information. Our findings illustrate what understanding of information privacy is evident from the various designs of Covid-19 contact tracing apps, and how competing design principles can contribute to users' information privacy. From a practical perspective, our findings can inform the design of contact tracing apps and the development of privacy approaches that can be applied in particular contexts. Our work thus bridges the gap between ethical design guidelines and technical analyses of specific implementations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning with Margaret Somers and Christopher Roberts' review of the sociology of human rights and Bryan Turner and Malcolm Waters' debate therein, the author presents some of the questions which have been so far been the focus of this sociological sub-discipline. This review raises the question of 'rights' as a subject of study, and the normative consequences therein. From here, the author introduces recognition theory as a potential participant in these discussions around human rights. The author traces recognition theory from its Hegelian origins to the work of Axel Honneth, and the critiques of Nancy Fraser, Frantz Fanon, and Glen Sean Coulthard. Despite Fanon and Coulthard's critical accounts, they reinforce the value of recognition within any sociology of human rights. Lastly, the author briefly engages with Alasdair MacIntyre as both a dialogical participant, and a means towards dialogue in the first place between recognition theory and human rights. Concluding, the author argues that the normative and descriptive nature of recognition theory offers a useful tool to aid in sociological theorizations of human nature and rights, while addressing some of the problems raised by early theorists of the sub-discipline and preventing siloing of the sub-discipline within a universalist or particularist vein. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]