Search

Major wars or battles, political revolutions, scientific breakthroughs, or profound social changes often constitute substantial historical turning points. The nineteenth century was a period of intense struggle for America, wrestling with its identity and unity, the quest for emancipation, and conflicts with Mexico. Amid these turbulent times, an initially inconspicuous essay, "Civil Disobedience," penned in 1849 by a then-unknown Henry David Thoreau, proved to be a turning point that eventually changed the world. The essay provided the framework for a conscience-driven protest, which, when applied on a mass scale, gave the world an effective and non-violent method of war. The power of the voice rooted in conscience and courage, an approach sans violence, inspired "successful" movements across cultures, countries, and time. The essay Civil Disobedience laid the foundation for a conscience-driven, non-violent struggle against injustices that changed the course of human history and remains the best hope for fighting injustices in the future. While less recognized in the annals of popular culture than the political machinations of Machiavelli or the strategic doctrines of Sun Tzu, Thoreau's essay on civil disobedience has wielded a far more profound influence. In a world still riven by conflict and injustice, Thoreau's 1849 essay offered the most impactful turning point in humanity's struggle against injustice. It remains as compelling as ever, offering a blueprint for confronting tyranny not with arms but with the power of human conscience. It serves as a reminder that revolutionary changes sometimes begin with the quietest voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will investigate the dynamic nature of Latin American Christology, a Christology that cannot be separated from the tenets of liberation theology. I will first offer an overview of the development of Latin American Christology and liberation theology, along with its unique features; then, I will analyze some major representatives of Latin American Christology, specifically Jon Sobrino and St. Óscar Romero (through the research of Edgardo Colón-Emeric). Lastly, I will conclude with the relevance of Latin American Christology within the greater landscape of Christian theology today. The theologians considered in this paper are primarily Catholic theologians, with the exception of Edgardo Colón-Emeric, a Methodist pastor, who has become a global voice of authority on the life, thought, and vision of the martyred St. Óscar Romero. Latin American Christology, as will be argued in this paper, cannot be understood separately from the space, culture, and identity of Latin America—the land and the context. This measures to a pivotal pedagogical claim of Latin American Christology as a global teaching pillar for all Christologies and theologies, Catholic or Protestant, within Latin America or outside Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stemming from a critical perspective of feminist studies on masculinities, this article proposes to explore how dominant and hegemonic masculinities are being reimagined, renegotiated and reconstructed, by understanding new patterns of violence amongst boys, on the one hand; and how care, as the opposite of violence, and a concept in construction from a feminist perspective, can be adopted, put in practise and understood. From a feminist standpoint masculinities studies need to go through a renewed problematisation of the social constructions of masculinities in a space-time context that intersects the economic crisis, health crisis and, on the other hand, implementation of legislation and initiatives for gender equality and citizenship, and is marked by social challenges that are related to the increase of gender inequality, violence indicators and extremism but also the emergence of caring masculinities that need closer attention. This feminist approach to masculinities allows us to critically challenge hegemonic models of boyhood/manhood, specifically by developing a FEMINIST THEORY OF CARING MASCULINITIES. Through a critical understanding of the new patterns and ways in which patriarchal masculinities are perpetuated in society, and placing CARE as the centrepiece and pro-active practise that opposes violence sustained models of masculinities, feminist masculinities studies can challenge dominant forms of masculinity by taking action in diverse social contexts and emphasising empathy, emotional expression, and cooperative relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay briefly discusses accounts of violence in India before reviewing three recent books that examine the place of violence in Indian political thought. All three books provide insights into the minds of some of the thinkers who have shaped modern India. While two of the authors focus on Mahatma Gandhi and V. D. Savarkar, respectively, the third is more wide-ranging in focus. All three books are important contributions to the study of violence in India, but also a reminder that India's founding figures remain the objects of contestation and appropriation by political parties and movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article summarizes the influence of two great minds, who lived during the period between 19th and 20th centuries. Despite the fact, that the two great social reformers and thinkers Mahatma Gandhi and Leo Tolstoy, hailing from different geographical areas and having diverse cultures, traditions, mentalities, religions, yet, both of them shared common values, principles, and doctrines of love, truth, non-violence, peace, faith in humanity, tolerance, and brotherhood. The two, were also regarded as great humanitarian for their true services to humanity, who always raised their voices against all nature of evils and came forward without any personal ambitions to lead those who were exploited, hopeless and weaker sections of the society. Their prime aim was not only to strengthen them, but also to generate a feeling in them that only they themselves could change their fate and destiny. As far as Gandhi's and Tolstoy's relationship is concerned, it was filled with warmth and respect. Each of them was very close to each other. Although Gandhi considered himself a disciple of Tolstoy, yet, they had equally influenced each other. In this article, we have tried from Gandhi's angle how Tolstoy's principles, ethics and morals, had transformed his life and helped him not only to become a great leader and freedom fighter, but also the father of nation and Mahatma. We hope that this article would not only enable the students and young researchers to know the greatness and the depth of the relationship between Mahatma Gandhi and Leo Tolstoy in a much better way, but also encourage them to do some comparative studies on Gandhi and Tolstoy, to uncover those aspects of their lives, which are still a mystery to many of us. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Major wars or battles, political revolutions, scientific breakthroughs, or profound social changes often constitute substantial historical turning points. The nineteenth century was a period of intense struggle for America, wrestling with its identity and unity, the quest for emancipation, and conflicts with Mexico. Amid these turbulent times, an initially inconspicuous essay, “Civil Disobedience,” penned in 1849 by a then-unknown Henry David Thoreau, proved to be a turning point that eventually changed the world. The essay provided the framework for a conscience-driven protest, which, when applied on a mass scale, gave the world an effective and non-violent method of war. The power of the voice rooted in conscience and courage, an approach sans violence, inspired “successful” movements across cultures, countries, and time. The essay Civil Disobedience laid the foundation for a conscience-driven, non-violent struggle against injustices that changed the course of human history and remains the best hope for fighting injustices in the future. While less recognized in the annals of popular culture than the political machinations of Machiavelli or the strategic doctrines of Sun Tzu, Thoreau’s essay on civil disobedience has wielded a far more profound influence. In a world still riven by conflict and injustice, Thoreau’s 1849 essay offered the most impactful turning point in humanity’s struggle against injustice. It remains as compelling as ever, offering a blueprint for confronting tyranny not with arms but with the power of human conscience. It serves as a reminder that revolutionary changes sometimes begin with the quietest voice.

The fact that Martin Luther King, Jr. held a moral philosophy of non‐violence is well known. What is less familiar is that he made various exceptions to his prohibitions on violence. Given the absolute language he often used in condemning violent acts, he can give the impression of inconsistency in his ethics. The reality, however, is that his moral framework possesses both consistency and functionality. That is, it holds together logically and has practical usefulness. The key to understanding King is to view his moral philosophy through the lens of Virtue Ethics, not rule‐based ethics. This approach to a philosophy of non‐violence provides value and utility to adherents of both pacifism and Just War Theory, a difficult feat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the darkest hours of the history the nature endowed the sub-Continent with a man who lit his life for the illumination of each and every corner of the continent and rendered meritorious services for the amelioration of his fellow men irrespective of social, ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds. The light and glitter of his archetype humanitarianism was not limited to the frontiers of sub-Continent rather it reached to the farthest horizons of the world to equally facilitate his brothers and sisters who were groaning hard under the discriminatory legislation of the South African authorities. The main objective of his life was to undo the injustices committed by the unbridled powers of the imperialists and put in order the indigenous society by weeding out all the invidious evils which had made life hellish for some segments of the society. That is what he did for turning the lot of the Untouchables of the hard-core Hindu society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stemming from a critical perspective of feminist studies on masculinities, this article proposes to explore how dominant and hegemonic masculinities are being reimagined, renegotiated and reconstructed, by understanding new patterns of violence amongst boys, on the one hand; and how care, as the opposite of violence, and a concept in construction from a feminist perspective, can be adopted, put in practise and understood. From a feminist standpoint masculinities studies need to go through a renewed problematisation of the social constructions of masculinities in a space–time context that intersects the economic crisis, health crisis and, on the other hand, implementation of legislation and initiatives for gender equality and citizenship, and is marked by social challenges that are related to the increase of gender inequality, violence indicators and extremism but also the emergence of caring masculinities that need closer attention. This feminist approach to masculinities allows us to critically challenge hegemonic models of boyhood/manhood, specifically by developing a FEMINIST THEORY OF CARING MASCULINITIES. Through a critical understanding of the new patterns and ways in which patriarchal masculinities are perpetuated in society, and placing CARE as the centrepiece and pro-active practise that opposes violence sustained models of masculinities, feminist masculinities studies can challenge dominant forms of masculinity by taking action in diverse social contexts and emphasising empathy, emotional expression, and cooperative relationships.

This paper will investigate the dynamic nature of Latin American Christology, a Christology that cannot be separated from the tenets of liberation theology. I will first offer an overview of the development of Latin American Christology and liberation theology, along with its unique features; then, I will analyze some major representatives of Latin American Christology, specifically Jon Sobrino and St. Óscar Romero (through the research of Edgardo Colón-Emeric). Lastly, I will conclude with the relevance of Latin American Christology within the greater landscape of Christian theology today. The theologians considered in this paper are primarily Catholic theologians, with the exception of Edgardo Colón-Emeric, a Methodist pastor, who has become a global voice of authority on the life, thought, and vision of the martyred St. Óscar Romero. Latin American Christology, as will be argued in this paper, cannot be understood separately from the space, culture, and identity of Latin America—the land and the context. This measures to a pivotal pedagogical claim of Latin American Christology as a global teaching pillar for all Christologies and theologies, Catholic or Protestant, within Latin America or outside Latin America.

In this article, Laura Quintana elaborates on a conceptual distinction between violence and rage. Along with this distinction, she recognises that while rage may possess a destructive potential, it can also be politicised in emancipatory practices that confront conditions of injustice and structural violence. Her analysis centers on contemporary political movements in Latin America, which she views as collective manifestations of rage. Within these movements, the manifestation of rage is intertwined with forms of care and communal labor. Quintana characterises such movements as embodying a "dignified rage" (digna rabia) that calls for an emancipatory transformation of the status quo. She contends that these practices can be understood in terms of the notion of "anti-violence," as it has been coined by Étienne Balibar. In this she diverges from Judith Butler, since, according to Quintana's analysis, such practices challenge the demand for non-violence that has often served to neutralise the disruptive force of such manifestations and movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The prolonged Sri Lankan conflict in Sri Lanka occurred between the majority Sinhala govt. and the minority Sri Lankan Tamils on the island. The discrimination of identity and ethnicity led to major ruins on the land. This paper emphasizes the role of Buddhist values in Sri Lanka during the ethnic conflict. The principles of Buddhism help people rehabilitate and restore peace in the war-torn nation. In particular, the paper attempts to examine the Buddhist values practiced by the people irrespective of their religious denominations during the Civil War, through the literary landscape of Anuk Arudpragasam's The Story of a Brief Marriage. The noble precepts of Buddhism are four noble truths and the eightfold path, which teaches non-violence, selflessness, and tolerance. The doctrines of Buddhism restored humanitarian values at the height of the ethnic conflict in society. The current research paper helps to identify the influence of Buddhism on the people of the island nation in maintaining self-control, self-discipline, and morally upright behaviors. However, it proves the absence and ignorance of the Buddhist precepts which incited many ethnic clashes among the people. Further, it focuses on the causes of the major devastation and the collapse of the Sri Lankan socio-political system and the role of Buddhism in restoring peace in the war-torn nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Niñez y Juventud is the property of Centro de Estudiso Avanzados en Ninez y Juventud alaianza Cinde, Universidad de Manizales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The environmental ethics of the Ao-Naga, a major tribe from Mokokchung in the state of Nagaland, northeast India, are examined to create a theoretical space to engage with deep ecology. The first section shows that Ao-Naga ecology resists modern instrumental rationality. Anthropocentric reasoning is certainly not the core of their conception of ecology. Ao-Naga worldview is rooted in non-anthropocentric reasoning and the full measure of its radicalism becomes evident due to an antimodernist stance. The second section argues that deep ecology as developed by Arne Naess shares certain common features with the Ao-Naga ecology. Narrative, poetry, place, ritual and self fit into the conceptual framework that forms Ao-Naga ecology, which deepen the ethics and ontology of deep ecology. The concluding section suggests that identification with nature not only results in an adequate moral theory—the practice of non-violence, but the moral theory is itself based upon strong ethical reasoning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Strategic Public Management Journal (SPMJ) is the property of Strategic Public Management Journal (SPMJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Knowledge systems and social philosophies from Indigenous communities in the Global South have long promoted non-violence through a sense of shared humanity and community building, and as such are valid counter-hegemonic alternatives to the existing colonial, Eurocentric model of knowledge production in use. This article details the contributions made by two specific Indigenous wisdom traditions – ubuntu and Buen Vivir – to a non-violence education teacher training programme in Chile framed within decolonial epistemologies. Using participatory workshops as a method, this study sought to offer Chilean trainee teachers a set of tools to explore issues of discrimination and exclusion and to deal with tensions arising from these issues informed by non-violent approaches. Participants read and reflected on how these wisdom traditions could contribute to their own teaching practice and later planned and facilitated a session with their peers to help them develop awareness on the principles of ubuntu and Buen Vivir. Results show paradigm shifts in three areas: individual versus collective action; their perception of human interconnectedness and of our interconnectedness with the environment; and how these perspectives could inform their teaching practice to foster greater inclusiveness.

This paper critically examines Just War Theory and its philosophical foundations, which are conventionally positioned in opposition to pacifism and nonviolent conflict. This paper, however, takes the view that both, Just War Theory as well as pacifism and nonviolent conflict, are equally necessary and complementary approaches to living with the possibilities and tragedies of the human condition. Its approach is grounded in feminist theory and methodology and their connections with Galtung’s models of violence and peace. The paper argues that the weaknesses of Just War Theory are intrinsic to the concept and its intent. The inherent contradiction of Just War Theory being that it intended to translate universal moral principles into reality, which makes them context dependent. Fundamentally, Just War Theory is derived from an ethic of justice ultimately centred on the right to use violence and kill. The right is conditional but means that a path to peace inevitably starts from death. An ethic of care is a philosophy where feminist thought meets pacifism and nonviolent conflict. It starts from the creation of life and charts paths to positive peace through the nurture of the conditions for lives in dignity. If we seek to contain the destructive and give space to the creative aspects of the human condition and understand its two extremes, life and death, in their relation to human agency, better we need to complement the traditional ethic of justice (of war and violence) with an ethic of care.

While they were critical to the 2019 protests that brought down former president Omar el-Bashir, Sudan's young people were not fully present in the negotiations for the transitional constitutional document that formed the post-Bashir civilian government. After the coup of late 2021, however, they stepped forward again to organize continual non-violent protests that maintained pressure on military leaders and kept Sudan in the news. This article will use interviews with Sudanese activists and resistance committee members, as well as contemporary reports, to explore how Sudan's youth arranged themselves into self-governing community organizations – Resistance Committees – that have become centers of power for resisting the authority of the military junta. I explore the notion that these hyperlocal groups are already implementing a series of democratic practices and ask whether they can contest the force-based sovereignty of the authoritarian regime to provide a sustainable, and recognizable, form of democratic governance for Sudan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminists argue that the genre of Chinese martial arts film maintains a Confucian discourse that limits women's rights, because the typical cinematic image of female warriors is under patriarchal control, which fails to represent feminist emancipation. This article explores a Chinese female warrior within a Daoist cultural discourse, Nie Yinniang, who first appeared in Tang Chuanqi in Tang China (618–907) and was adapted into the film of The Assassin (2015), directed by Hou Hsiao-hisien. By applying ecofeminism and Daoism as the theoretical approach, this article argues that The Assassin (2015) represents both Daoist and ecofeminist understanding of nature as One. The cinematic style of The Assassin (2015) incorporates the Daoist philosophy and thus constructs a unique female warrior in the genre of Chinese martial arts films that moves beyond the Confucian discourse. Importantly, this article argues that the character of Nie Yinniang in The Assassin (2015) represents a strong feminist value of non-violence that is both Daoist and ecofeminist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study employs a Verbo-Visual Discourse Analysis to comprehensively examine the relationship between comics, women's empowerment, and nonviolent resistance in the Pakistani context. Focused on Nigar Nazar's Gogi character, the analysis utilizes visual grammar theory proposed by Kress and Van Leeuwen and Halliday's SFL. It aims to explore the fusion of verbal and visual elements in Gogi comics, emphasizing their impact on female readers' perceptions and behaviors. Besides, this research scrutinizes Gogi's persona, assessing its influence on women's empowerment and its subversion of social mores, encouraging women to participate in nonviolent resistance activities. The long-term effects of Gogi's persona on reader engagement in nonviolent activities are also explored. Additionally, the study investigates women readers' responses to Gogi's lighthearted approach to empowerment, highlighting the role of humor as an effective medium for conveying messages about nonviolent resistance. The Verbo-Visual Discourse Analysis aims to decipher the semiotic nuances of Gogi comics, emphasizing visual and linguistic components that contribute to shaping the discourse of nonviolent resistance. Through this methodology, the study seeks to advance knowledge and understanding of the transformative potential of comics in challenging societal norms and fostering active engagement in social and political change within the Pakistani setting. Future research could delve into the broader cultural impact of Gogi comics in Pakistan, examining how they contribute to shaping societal perceptions beyond the scope of women's empowerment and nonviolent resistance. This exploration could shed light on the multifaceted influence of comics on cultural norms and values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Akofena is the property of Universite Felix Houphouet Boigny and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Rumi and Gandhi, two great world reformers coming from different race and culture, present noticeable similarities mostly justified by the unity of humanity, mutual intellectual interconnection between Iran and India, exchange of mysticism between them, and the increasing prevalence of Persian language in Indian subcontinent. The present study aims at comparing the two figures (Rumi and Gandhi) in terms of “nonviolence theory” based on their works and thoughts. As indicated by the results of the present study conducted based on the French school of adaptive literature and through adaptive-descriptive content analysis, “nonviolence”, as Gandhi’s most important thesis, is also considered as the cornerstone of Rumi’s thoughts and doctrine. In addition to several samples from Masnavi evidently supporting nonviolence, most of Rumi’s thoughts and works are implicitly connected to Ghandhi’s “nonviolence” theory. In other words, All Rumi’s basic beliefs including forgiveness, altruism, modesty, anonymity [avoiding conspicuity], and globalization try to direct human toward spiritual development and excellence. This direction ultimately results in spiritually self-developed individuals seeking peace and friendship for the whole world. Most importantly, the concept of “love”, the most opposite of violence, is evident in Rumi’s works. However, Rumi elaborates on “love” from a mystic point of view while Gandhi considers it as a political necessity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Review of STAN AMALADAS, SEAN BYRNE (editors): Peace Leadership. The Quest for Connectedness New York: Routledge 2020, 232 p.

This paper critically examines Just War Theory and its philosophical foundations, which are conventionally positioned in opposition to pacifism and nonviolent conflict. This paper, however, takes the view that both, Just War Theory as well as pacifism and nonviolent conflict, are equally necessary and complementary approaches to living with the possibilities and tragedies of the human condition. Its approach is grounded in feminist theory and methodology and their connections with Galtung's models of violence and peace. The paper argues that the weaknesses of Just War Theory are intrinsic to the concept and its intent. The inherent contradiction of Just War Theory being that it intended to translate universal moral principles into reality, which makes them context dependent. Fundamentally, Just War Theory is derived from an ethic of justice ultimately centred on the right to use violence and kill. The right is conditional but means that a path to peace inevitably starts from death. An ethic of care is a philosophy where feminist thought meets pacifism and nonviolent conflict. It starts from the creation of life and charts paths to positive peace through the nurture of the conditions for lives in dignity. If we seek to contain the destructive and give space to the creative aspects of the human condition and understand its two extremes, life and death, in their relation to human agency, better we need to complement the traditional ethic of justice (of war and violence) with an ethic of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Distributism, an economic and political proposal made by the intellectuals Gilbert Keith Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc, among others, is presented as a political, legal and economic proposal compatible with the vulnerable condition of the human being. First thing done in this reportis a characterization of the vulnerable condition of the person and analyze some of the underlying anthropology of the distribution, to indicate how this anthropology is based on the vulnerability of the human being. The article shows that distribution and its application are consistent with human vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last 20 years, the number of non-violent movements oriented to oust authoritarian regimes to establish democratic models has increased. Our focus is centered upon a movement of non-violent action and female initiative, built on the principles of the ethics of care, born in August 2020 from the presidential elections in the Republic of Belarus. We consider that this is a different movement from the color revolutions, as the Russian and Belarus governments insist on their link with the latter. The objective of this research is to make known this new movement for which we utilized the methodology of document analysis. The present research theme contributes to Irenology, the study of peace.

Copyright of Memorias is the property of Fundacion Universidad del Norte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: By referring to the Bible and the teachings of Christian Saints, we can conclude that Christianity inspires peace in the world. However, the history of Christianity shows numerous internal and external religious wars. The starting point of Christian wars goes back to the time of Constantine the Great's conversion to Christianity, who combined religion and politics and established the state religion. In the history of Christianity, the theories of Just War and Holy War have been presented to justify war. The purpose of this article is to consider the approach of Orthodox Christianity towards war and peace and then conclude which approach is accepted by this religious tradition. Research Question: which of the ethical approaches of war and peace is compatible with the orthodox theological tradition and therefore has the capacity to conceptualize the Orthodox ethical approach? Research Hypothesis: It seems that the all approaches that justify war (including just war and holy war theories) are not accepted by the Orthodox churches; in this context, the Just Peacemaking Approach may help to define the practical approach of the Orthodox tradition towards peace. Methodology and Theoretical Framework: The theoretical framework that is used to combine the Orthodox tradition with the Just pacifist approach is that of Reinhold Niebuhr's Christian Realism. By offering the following theoretical possibilities, Christian realism can help the orthodox Christian tradition to adopt a just pacifist approach as a basis for conceptualizing its own distinctive approach to the peace and war;1) Moving beyond Christian idealism to focus on reforming fallen society 2) providing new and useful interpretations of Christ's teachings to solve the problems of contemporary society; 3) the possibility of using new sciences to interpret and even complete the teachings of the Bible; 4) Criticism of common Christian approaches related to war and peace (including the theory of just war, holy war, pacifism and non-resistance). In terms of research method, this research follows applied modeling with qualitative research method. Results and Discussion: The ideal of Orthodox Christianity is to avoid war and promote peace. In explaining this approach, Orthodox theologians mainly refer to the Bible and the original teachings of Christ, which include the principle of non-resistance to violence and any physical force. Therefore, the approach of Orthodox Christianity can be considered a part of the Christian pacifist discourse. In such a framework, any Christian theory to justify war is not acceptable in the orthodox Christian tradition. Therefore, the Orthodox rejects the "Just War" and "Holy War", theories presented in Western Christianity to justify war. In the Orthodox tradition, war and any other forms of physical violence belong to human sin and is an obstacle to salvation. Peace is the begining of being a Christian and living like Christ. What comes with justice is peace. War has nothing to do with justice and is not holy in any way. Wars appear as a result of injustice and end with more injustice. Accordingly, in the orthodoxy Sharia, war and the killing of human beings are basically considered as objective evil, even if it is to fulfill "Justice" or is considered "Holy" by Shariareasons. Given these basic beliefs, it is clear that Orthodox Christianity accepts Christian pacifism. But it should be noted that pacifism is accused of passivity and utopian idealism. Because, only by condemning war and praying for peace, we cannot eliminate the institutional injustice or "structural evil" that dominates social and political life; an evil that, according to the consensus of experts, is the root of war and conflict in the modern world. Therefore, it may be argued that the Orthodox churches lack a coherent practical approach to peacemaking. In this context, it is the mission of Orthodox theologians as well as peacebuilding experts to theorize the distinctive Orthodox approach to sustainable peace and justice. As such, the Orthodox Church does not have to define its approach exclusively based on the concepts and sources of the Orthodox tradition, but it may develop based on preexisting views, but compatible with the Orthodox tradition. Christian realism emphasizing the use of new scientific achievements and dynamic interpretation of Christian teachings to solve the problems of the contemporary world, provides the necessary theoretical framework for this work. Conclusion: According to our argument, the Just peace approach has the right capacity to fulfill the Orthodox mission in order to create lasting peace. The basis of this argument is the compatibility of the orthodox tradition with the assumptions of the Just Peacemaking Approach on the one hand, and the empirical efficiency of the proposed practices of the Just Peacemaking Approach, on the other hand. The main features of the pacifist Approach to justice, which is deeply compatible with Orthodox Christianity, are: belief in nonviolence, belief in the ontological unity of humanity, moral contextualism, non-secular trans-religious orientation, efforts to prevent war through justice and development. The manifestation of these adaptations can be clearly seen in the convergence of some actions, for example, in the field of providing humanitarian aid. Theoretically, Christian Realism of Reinhold Niebuhr, by shifting the focus from Christian idealism to realism, can help Orthodox thinkers to conceptualize the assumptions and practices of Just Peacemaking in orthodox teachings. Thus, Orthodox Christianity takes a practical approach to establishing lasting peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author reflects on some old and new emphases in the Catholic evaluation of war in light of the traditional just war theory. In the introductory part, the author briefly reflects on war as evil (mysterium iniquitatis), and then concisely presents traditional arguments in support of the justification of the so-called just war in light of the just war theory. The author proceeds with some recent emphases in the Catholic evaluation of war, highlighting the teaching of the Second Vatican Council, which had condemned war and called for the prohibition of all war. In the course of the article the author outlines some interpretations of war and nonviolence in the post-conciliar Catholic opinion, with a special emphasis on the messages of a pastoral letter about the peace challenges of the American bishops from 1983, and then on the arguments of one of the most famous moral theologians of the 20th century, Bernhard Häring, in support of abandoning the traditional theories of just war and unconditional agreement with the evangelical logic of non-violence. Based on these analyses, the author points out the necessity of overcoming the contradiction that exists between the traditional understanding of a just war and evangelical peace and calls for non-violence. In this sense, in the last part of the article, the author briefly showcases the latest Catholic proposals for abandoning the just war theory, which throughout history served as a sad justification for almost all wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The urgency of the problem is caused by the importance of formation of ability to non-violent interaction in students of socionomic (helping) sphere as the most important professional competence that assumes study of factors and conditions of its formation and development. The aim of the research is to identify the relationship between neuropsychological and personal factors with the choice of students ‒ future medical, psychological, pedagogical psychologists in the process of interaction strategies of coercion or nonviolence. Materials and Methods. The study involved students from a number of universities in the Russian Federation: Moscow, Cherepovets, Vologda region, Ivanovo, Ivanovo region. In total – 334 people. As a diagnostic tool, the authorʼs questionnaire was used to identify the positions of interaction among students, the Carver ‒ White questionnaire in the adaptation of G. G. Knyazev, the questionnaire for the diagnosis of five personality factors in the adaptation of L. F. Burlachuk and D. K. Korolev, the scale “Moral normativity” questionnaire “Adaptability” Maklakov – Chermyanin. Mathematical processing was carried out with the help of correlation analysis; Spearman ʼs rank correlation coefficient was also used. Results. It was established that the choice of coercion strategy by students in the process of interaction is associated with a high level of behavioral activation, low levels of benevolence, conscientiousness and moral normativity. The choice of manipulation strategy, in addition to this, is correlated with high neuroticism. Nonviolence is positively associated with benevolence, conscientiousness, and moral normativity, and negatively to neuroticism. Noninterference correlates negatively with the Behavioral Inhibition System and positively with the Behavioral Inhibition System, as well as with neuroticism, introversion and closeness to experience and low conscientiousness. Discussion and Conclusion. The obtained results make a certain contribution to understanding of the problem of the relationship between students’ choice in the process of interaction of strategies of coercion or nonviolence with neuropsychological and personal factors, which makes it possible to develop special programs aimed simultaneously at teaching methods of nonviolent interaction, and at the development of certain personal qualities, taking into account individual severity. systems of activation and inhibition of behavior.

This article is built around a fundamental issue: the way in which a reflection on the ethical and the political could be articulated if we consider violence as a central vector of the ethical-political itself. In other words, I show how violence can be seen as the main phenomenon within social life, producing a certain ethos in contemporary societies. For this purpose, I use the works of the Jewish-American philosopher Judith Butler and the ethical-political aspects that emerge from her work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Swadeshi movement in Bengal, the bhadralok advocated an idea of Indian nationalism that freely used Hindu myths, symbols and imagery and hence tended to exclude several multi-ethnic religious communities from its reach. A section of intellectual and political elites in Bihar saw this as a narrow projection of the idea of Indian nationalism. They challenged it as a form of Hindu nationalism and argued that a true idea of nationality could evolve in India only when backward regions like Bihar achieved a certain level of progress and development, as well as a separate sub-national political identity. They also rejected the revolutionary militant, nationalism that was gaining popularity among the youth. Exploring the tensions that played out between the bhadralok political elites and the intelligentsia in Bihar over the question of Indian nationalism during the Swadeshi movement of Bengal, this article argues for an emphasis on the sub-regional and secular aspects of nationalism and that the non-violent freedom struggle against colonialism was a critical dimension for understanding the rise of nationalism in early twentieth-century India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía UIS is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)