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Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines Indonesia's position during the Russia-Ukraine war, highlighting the tension between its traditional foreign policy principles and pragmatic approach to international conflicts. Indonesia's support for UN resolutions condemning Russia, compared with its avoidance of directly naming Russia as the aggressor, reveals an ambivalence rooted in the paradox of upholding equal sovereignty norms while promoting a 'familial' approach to conflict resolution. This paradox is evident in Indonesia's simultaneous support for Ukraine's territorial integrity while calling for peace negotiations, which equates the aggressor with the victim. The study explores the historical context of Indonesia's foreign policy, emphasizing sovereign equality and non-alignment, and how these principles are challenged by the current geopolitical landscape. Through qualitative content analysis of official statements, public opinion and media narratives, the article argues that Indonesia's ambivalence in the Russia-Ukraine war reflects a tension between its normative commitments to sovereignty and pragmatic needs to peacefully end conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For people with disordered eating, support groups can play an important role in treatment and recovery journeys. Such resources became crucial during COVID-19, as people with disordered eating reported increased isolation, symptomology, and decreased treatment access. This study examines participants' experiences of nine, rolling, clinician-led, free, virtual support groups for disordered eating. Participants (207 attenders and 70 nonattenders (individuals who signed up for groups and never attended)) completed an online survey. Codebook thematic analysis of open response items generated topics and themes including: reasons for signing up ("community connection and seeking support," "filling a treatment gap," "behavior and support changes due to COVID-19"), barriers to participation ("interpersonal dynamics," "accessibility factors," "group structure"), and benefits of attending group ("feeling less alone," "identifying new treatment needs," "coping skills and reduction of symptoms"). Participants discussed lack of accessible, identity-aware treatment options outside of these groups, particularly for those with minoritized identities. This paper highlights the role of groups in participants' eating disorder recoveries and explores how virtual clinician-led support groups fit into the constellation of eating disorder care that increasingly includes virtual resources. Group psychotherapy specialists could consider bringing skills to facilitate spaces for community-based healing to complement conventional treatment approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Westphalian system refers to the shifting of the supreme political authority from medieval practices to modern sovereign states and related concepts such as sovereignty, non-intervention, and international law. While the system has shaped the Western political environment since 1648, it has in fact not been validated for the rest of the world. In this paper, the idea that the Westphalian system has not opened a new avenue in the discipline of International Relations is exemplified by the case of the British occupation of the Mosul Vilayet. Contrary to the terms of the Mudros Armistice and Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points, the British illegally occupied Mosul. The occupation was a clear violation of the Westphalian principles and thus the British mandate regime encountered resistance from both the Ottoman Empire and further the Republic of Türkiye. Despite all resistance, Mosul was ceded to the Iraqi government under the British mandate after the war.

The American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man is often cited as evidence of the longstanding centrality of human rights in Latin American approaches to international law. However, when the Declaration is brought into the history of inter-American regionalism, a more complex picture emerges. This article places the early codification efforts of regional human rights within the post-war construction of inter-American regional organisation. It argues that for Latin American and US elites, the priorities lay on institutional, collective security, and economic aspects. In this context, they instrumentally embraced the flexible language of human rights to advance broader regionalist visions. As a result, human rights gained ground, albeit as a contested idea. The article reveals that the post-war institutional settlement ultimately comprised a collective security apparatus, crucial for the United States, supplemented by the principle of non-intervention, vital to Latin American states, in which human rights were not central. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arab League's observance to the norm of Westphalian sovereignty has witnessed significant transformation since the 2011 Arab uprisings. Historically, the Arab League had acted as the primary institutional expression and guardian of the Arab sovereign state system as the core constitutive principle of the Arab regional order. However, in an unprecedented setback to the norm of Westphalian sovereignty in the Arab world, the Arab League has moved, in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, in the direction of endorsing the principles of regime change and intervention in the domestic affairs of Arab countries as acceptable norms in Arab regional politics. This transformation in the politics of the Arab League, the article contends, has been triggered by concurrent changes in the global and regional balances of power, both of which have been instrumental in bringing the politics of the Arab League under the dictate of a strategic alliance of global and regional actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While digitalization has led to renewed attention to the principle of non-intervention, not the least by Western states rediscovering the protective dimension of sovereignty, it remains plagued by a certain vagueness. Attempts by academics to fill the gaps lead to starkly different results, ranging from the insertion of democratic values to the inadvertent reinforcement of protectionist tendencies. Overall, digitalization has so far had less of an effect on the principle of non-intervention than its renewed importance may have on the type of international law more generally.

It is commonly acknowledged that international law applies to cyberspace. But "how" it applies is still a matter of dispute; a matter that was hampered by the limited number of legal opinions by States. It was assumed that an increase in opinio iuris and State practice would crystalize how international law applies to cyberspace. However, the recent surge in legal opinions has had a contrary effect, i.e. increasing rather than decreasing the differences – and hence the legal uncertainty. This development could even create legal asymmetry: while some States will comply with international law, others will exploit the ambiguity and cherry-pick the interpretation that supports their strategic goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While cyber technologies have been advancing since the late 1980s and early 1990s, cyberspace became one of the platforms in which interstate relations occur, ranging from politics and economics to war and conflicts as a result of the mainstreaming of broadband Internet access in the early 2000s. Previously imagined as a platform for free and open communication among people without any state controls or regulations, cyberspace has become one of the main topics of international politics over the last decade. However, laws and policies managing cyberspace have fallen behind the technological developments. Thus, the issue only started to gain the global attention it deserves when modest progress was observed in international law concerning the legal status of cyberspace and the relevant valid principles in the 2000s. State-led cyber operations against Estonia in 2008, Georgia in 2009, and Iran in 2010 supposedly played a significant role in transforming cyberspace into an area of national and international concern. Subsequently, various initiatives have emerged at the international level for adopting internationally recognized cyber rules and principles. Within the framework of Janssens and Wouters' (2022) study Informal International Law-Making: A Way Around the Deadlock of International Humanitarian Law?, this work aims to discuss how and to what extent international law can be developed for application in cyberspace by focusing on the Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare (Schmitt [Ed.], 2013) and the Tallinn Manual 2.0 on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Operations (Schmitt [Ed.], 2017), the most comprehensive, albeit non-binding, works published to date on the applicability of existing international law in cyberspace. Using a literature review as its method, the study presents the results of the main legal texts and academic studies and argues that even though the issue has only recently come to the fore as one of the newest areas of international legal systems, the specific rights and duties of states flowing from the age-old principles of international law (i.e., sovereignty, territoriality, and non-intervention) have not become obsolete in this domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

War as a human phenomenon has been one of the catastrophic problems of human societies throughout history. Endeavors of some philosophers especially during contemporary century, being used to eliminate war by applying human rights and ethics. The output of this corporation is rejection of offensive war and accepting defensive war as justifiable and legitimate. John Rawls considering fundamental principles and emphasizing human rights and ethics, has made attempt to take new steps towards limitation of war. This research is based on analytic philosophy through “conceptual analysis” and “critical evaluation”. It has analyzed Rawls’ viewpoint on basic principles of Just war, reasons of offensive wars and taking part of it as unjustifiable, and reasons of defensive war and participation of it as justifiable. Furthermore, refusal of joining a war and also methods of defensive war in different systems of government are discussed. Critique and evaluation of Rawls’ doctrine on assessment of the specific situation indicate that there are contradictions between his realistic attitude and legal and moral obligations. So findings of the research reveal approval of hidden intervention in other countries by domestic governments based on national security, approval of attack on civilians by governors in emergency situations for the interest of political system, and justifying bombardment of Germany by Britain in Second Word War based on legal and moral constraints.

While digitalization has led to renewed attention to the principle of non-intervention, not the least by Western states rediscovering the protective dimension of sovereignty, it remains plagued by a certain vagueness. Attempts by academics to fill the gaps lead to starkly different results, ranging from the insertion of democratic values to the inadvertent reinforcement of protectionist tendencies. Overall, digitalization has so far had less of an effect on the principle of non-intervention than its renewed importance may have on the type of international law more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how ASEAN has reacted to the military coup in Myanmar. The February 1, 2021 coup was appalling because Myanmar was progressing toward democracy especially since Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory in the 2015 general election. This article shows that although ASEAN tries to adopt ‘constructive engagement’ towards Myanmar, its approaches remain ineffective because it basically still maintains the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of its member states. ASEAN must recognize that regional stability depends on respect for democracy, human rights, and rule of law within each member states. This article argues that ASEAN needs to transform its ineffective approaches toward more active response by gradually internalizing the new concept of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) and actively put pressures on the military to restore democracy in the country.

Unilateral coercive measures are deeply rooted in the history of statehood, yet their legal qualification continues to evolve. In a factually unequal international order, the governments of core countries continue to apply such measures as a foreign policy tool in driving peripheral countries to submission despite human rights concerns and a growing consensus on the illegality of their conduct. As most legal scholars struggle to define what constitutes a unilateral coercive measure, the conditions that beget coercive measures and the historical progress that led to today’s predominant views are largely overlooked. Thus, this article is the fruit of a historical and doctrinal study of unilateral coercive measures and their qualification, as it aims to provide an insight as to what lies ahead in light of the historical precedent and the current progress in the field of public international law, human rights law and international criminal law.

This article explores Russia's official discourse on democracy in international law, addressing the following questions: When Russia speaks of democracy in the context of international law, what precisely does it mean and what does it advocate for? What do these discussions truly signify regarding Russia's understanding and interpretation of democracy in international law? What are the potential consequences of Russia's interpretation for the discourse on democracy in international law? The central hypothesis of this study suggests that Russia strategically leverages the counter-Western democratic discourse within international law to secure its position as a great power rather than offer a meaningful alternative to the Western "hegemonic" ideas of democracy. This study is novel, as Russia's discourses on democracy have received little attention in international legal scholarship. It is relevant in light of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which is often framed within the broader context of the struggle between autocracy and democracy. The main analysis is construed around the official discourse of Russia's high-ranking officials. The research highlights that although Russia's discourse is directed against the Western liberal "hegemonic" idea of democracy, it does not offer any substantive alternative to it and aligns with the paradigm of realpolitik. Instead, it inadvertently reinforces the fundamental principles of Western liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military force of Turkey and Turkey-backed Syrian forces attacked Northeastern Syria on 9 October 2019. The concept of "safe zone" has been used in different terms in International Humanitarian Law. In this article, the legal status of the formation of a safe zone on Syria's Northern borders with Turkey is examined in the light of international law. The main question of this study is that under what conditions, the safe zone is acceptable in international law. Given the fact that the Syrian central government was opposed to the Turkish military invasion and the creation of the zone, and that there was even military conflict between the parties, and regarding the lack of authorization of the Security Council to establish a safe zone in Syria, Turkish military invasion and establishing such a safe zone was contrary to Article 4(2) of the United Nations Charter. On the other hand, Turkey's attempt to resettle Syrian refugees in the claimed safe zone, displaced from other parts of Syria, is being done to the detriment of the Kurdish population of Northeast Syria, and is in violation of international human rights and International criminal law.

In spite of significant interest in British responses to the Spanish Civil War (1936–39), the raft of eyewitness accounts which hitherto anonymous Britons relayed to the regional press during the opening months of the conflict are yet to receive systematic attention. By using Britons who were present in Catalonia between July and September 1936 as a case study, this article seeks to reconstruct the multifaceted process by which numerous eyewitness testimonies came into existence, as well as their subsequent relationship to broader debates about the Civil War in Britain. It argues that the lived encounters which were sustained between both tourists and long-term residents with the revolutionary events which took place in Catalonia following the military rising in July were fundamentally circumscribed by their status as foreigners, as well as their tendency to rationalize their experiences with the aid of pre-existing, culturally rooted stereotypes and assumptions. British reactions generated 'on the ground' in Spain were subsequently converted into supposedly authoritative first-hand testimonies in close cooperation with local journalists eager for sensational 'human interest' content, before going on to form an early input into the widespread attitude that the Spanish Civil War amounted to little more than incomprehensible anarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In our ethnographic study of palliative care in a UK medical setting, we concerned ourselves with instances when medical staff chose not do something, which we came to call ‘noninterventions’. Such instances raised an obvious question: how does one study something that is not happening? In this Position Piece, we outline three ways in which we have tried to engage with this methodological question, from the initial grant application process to the point we are at now: first, a somewhat positivist approach, which allowed us to delineate the phenomenon of our study; second, a following technique, adopted to understand noninterventions as and when they are conceived by our informants; and third, an approach that tries to trace enactments of ‘not doing’ by mapping the range of different practices and, in so doing, elucidates how ‘not doing’ invariably occurs alongside other forms of doing. We describe what these approaches have taught us so far and reflect on the limits of each. We do so in the hope of providing others with starting points for studying nothings, ‘not doings’, and absences.

This article explores the importance of international law in debates about responsible behaviour in cyberspace – in providing a rules-based framework, in legitimising states' actions in response to unlawful activity in cyberspace by other states, and in lending normative force to statements calling out malicious cyber activity. At the same time, the article seeks to highlight the challenges involved in applying international law, and uses the application of two peacetime precepts of international law – the principle of sovereignty and the principle of non-intervention in other states' internal affairs – to illustrate some of the doctrinal issues with which states are grappling. While acknowledging these challenges, the article concludes that even if the UN parallel processes in the form of the Open Ended Working Group and Group of Government Experts do not result in substantial agreement between states on issues of international law, the debates in themselves are valuable in encouraging states to deliberate on these issues and to make their views public. By publicising their views, states add momentum to the journey towards cyber-specific understandings of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2018, the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights held that Mali's 2011 Family Code violated women's and children's rights. Widespread protests halted the adoption of a more progressive draft Code passed by the Malian National Assembly in 2009. In Francophone Africa, family codes are legacies of the patriarchal 1804 Napoleonic Code whose reform has been contentious. Drawing from the work of Frances Olsen and Roland Barthes, anthropology of the state, African feminist thought, and critical comparative family law, I argue that by emphasising that the Code 'reflect[s] socio-cultural realities', Mali mobilises a myth of non-intervention of the state in the family. This myth serves to legitimate the postcolonial state which faces challenges concerning diversity, democracy, development, and secularism. Tracing the myth back to the Napoleonic Code and through French colonialism, I conclude that it helps to bolster the state while distorting the possibilities for more egalitarian reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions: Managed forests often show a more homogeneous age structure compared to unmanaged forests, but also a higher share and frequency of canopy and soil disturbances due to harvest operations. Here, we investigate what happens when non‐intervention is introduced in formerly managed forests: Was there a significant decrease in vascular plant species richness?Which species were particularly affected? Are there non‐random shifts in species composition?Were typical shade‐tolerant forest species also jeopardized due to prolonged deep shade? Location: Four recently installed strict reserves in Atlantic to Sub‐Atlantic lowland oak and beech forests on fertile loess soils east and southwest of Brussels (Belgium). Methods: We compared vegetation relevés in permanent plots (183 plots of 16 m × 16 m) with a 10‐year interval. Total species richness per site was derived from rarefaction curves; significance of differences in species richness and composition at plot level were tested using paired t tests and Wilcoxon signed rank tests. Non‐metric multidimensional scaling analysis (NMDS) was used to check for non‐random shifts in species composition. Results: We registered significant declines in species richness both at reserve and plot level. This decline was not random, but strongly dependent on ecological traits and strategies, with strong declines in light‐demanding gap phase‐associated species like Lonicera periclymenum and Deschampsia cespitosa, and species requiring soil disturbance, such as Juncus effusus and Carex sylvatica. Shade‐tolerant mesic species like Anemone nemorosa and Allium ursinum clearly increased in frequency and cover, despite strong declines in previous decades. Conclusion: The effect of lower disturbance frequency leading to continued closed canopy, against a background of reduced atmospheric deposition, induces the development of a ground vegetation with lower species richness, due to decrease of species related to disturbance, but with higher dominance and cover of characteristic species of mesic lowland oak and beech forests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an ongoing debate about whether China's growing economic presence in the Middle East will eventually make it more politically assertive on the Middle Eastern affairs. This paper demonstrates, from a theoretical perspective of "path dependence," that China's promotion of the "Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence" since the 1950s as the guiding doctrine of its foreign relations has forged a "path" for China to follow, along which it has made and repeated promises against interventionism and imperialism to other countries including the Middle Eastern ones. It, in turn, has created a situation where moving away from that "path against interventionism and imperialism" will cause huge damage to China's reputation as a reliable non-interventionist partner to the Middle Eastern countries, and the "Global South" in general. As a result, China has refrained, and will arguably continue to refrain, from being too politically assertive on the Middle Eastern affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using 'media policy silence' as a construct, this article discusses three types of policy practices that are marked by policy opacity rather than policy visibility, by the absence of formal policy or 'un-decisions' rather than decisions and by policy inertia rather than intervention. They are, respectively, first, the 'elephant in the room' type of silence that mostly refers to lacunae in policy outcomes and agendas; second, policy 'undecisions' (i.e. policy scenarios in which no formal policy decisions take place); and last, 'considered silence' that refers to government non-intervention. I will talk about these three different types of media policy silence and their relationships by drawing upon existing literature, using examples from different political and regulatory contexts, and where appropriate, reflecting on the methodological challenges that those silences pose to traditional policy research. To sum up, the article intends to identify the opposite side of the official and formal policy sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that a state-centered theory of global justice exhibits an epistemic problem of perspective, and that this worry exhibits a gendered character. Within a liberal domestic theory of justice, the public/private distinction has been repeatedly shown to be bad for women because it creates a domain for injustice that becomes invisible to public policy and the law. This article argues that state-centered theories of global justice create an analogous space that is cut off from questions of global justice. The article therefore suggests that this way of framing questions of global justice is problematic, and is problematic for women in particular. Just as the public/private distinction in liberal domestic justice leaves cases of injustice outside the vision of the law, the hard distinction between the domestic (state) sphere and the international realm of justice leaves cases of injustice invisible to international law. For the question of global justice, the privileging of sovereignty and non-intervention compromises the ability of the theory to achieve its purported goal of universal justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While persistent patent ductus arteriosus (PDA) in preterm infants has been known to be associated with increased mortality and morbidities including bronchopulmonary dysplasia, and necrotizing enterocolitis, there is minimal evidence supporting their causal relationships, and most traditional medical and/or surgical treatments have failed to show improvements in these outcomes. As such, the pendulum has swung toward the conservative non-intervention approach for the management of persistent PDA during the last decade; however, the benefits and risks of this approach are unclear. In this mini review, we focused on whom, when, and how to apply the conservative non-intervention approach for persistent PDA, especially in extremely preterm infants.

This article analyses Indonesia's foreign policy with respect to Myanmar and the forced displacement of more than 1 million Rohingya refugees from Rakhine State, Myanmar. Its main concern is to evaluate the effectiveness of Indonesia's policies, including diplomatic efforts and humanitarian aid contributions, in regard to finding a solution to the ongoing disaster that affects both Rohingya remaining in Myanmar and those who have found temporary sanctuary in Bangladesh. For its diplomatic and humanitarian engagement, the Indonesian government has explored various avenues and utilised a range of instruments, including the purposeful engagement of non-state actors and faith-based humanitarian organisations. Our inquiry predominantly focuses on the time between the first Andaman Sea crisis (May 2015) and the second Andaman Sea crisis (mid-2020), not least because this is when Indonesia saw the arrival of Rohingya boats at its shores, which in turn fuelled local public interest in this matter. Our analysis pays special attention to domestic appeals from large Muslim organisations that sought to pressure the Indonesian government to become more proactive on behalf of the displaced and discriminated Rohingya. Yet, while a variety of Muslim organisations have at times demanded a more interventionist stance by the Indonesian government, their pressure has not been consistent or particularly successful. Therefore, it is likely the Indonesian government will continue to pursue its 'quiet diplomacy' efforts in order to balance the regional non-intervention paradigm and humanitarian imperatives caused by the forced displacement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antalya Bilim University Law Review is the property of Antalya International University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Syria is generally considered a case of non-intervention. One of the dominant (since the 1990s) kinds of intervention, namely multilateral humanitarian intervention, failed, as did other attempts by a select group of countries to implement a 'red line' concerning the use of chemical weapons. However, in this case, there is no sharp dichotomy between intervention and non-intervention. In lieu of an intervention that would tilt the balance and coordinate help to halt massacres, various rival and uncoordinated international and regional interventions overlapped over time, fuelling a market for violence. 'Weakened interventionism', as opposed to principled and hierarchical intervention, has manifested itself in Syria in a model recalling "the struggle for Syria" of the 1960s in a new, contemporary setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a field that is so loosely theorised, an investigation into intra-GCC conflict is both apposite and challenging. Empirically, interventions by Gulf states have proliferated across the GCC and MENA since 2011. This Special Issue seeks to fill a void in scholarship by looking at the ongoing crisis through the lens of norms. A hypothesised 'normlessness' has taken root: a collapse of (local) guiding principles, some even laid down by member states. Disregard for norms of non-intervention, popular sovereignty, mediation, alliance-making and social solidarity poses risks for (sub)regional stability. Provisionally, one notable weakness lies in prescriptive and proscriptive (regulative) norms pertaining to intra-GCC rules of engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Apatinib showed promising efficacy in the treatment of advanced or metastatic gastric cancer (mGC) in previous clinical studies. However, the real-world data are limited, and this study aimed to assess the effectiveness and safety of apatinib for the treatment of advanced or mGC in this setting. Methods: In this prospective observational study, progression-free survival (PFS), overall survival (OS), overall response rate (ORR), disease control rate (DCR) and treatment-related adverse events (AEs) were recorded and evaluated. Univariate and multivariate analyses were conducted to explore potential biomarkers which might be related to the effectiveness. Results: A total of 321 mGC patients from 47 centers in China were enrolled between July 1, 2015, and March 1, 2018. Thirty-two patients achieved partial response, 155 patients achieved stable disease, and 115 patients had progressive disease, and no CR was achieved, illustrating an ORR of 10.60% and a DCR of 61.92%. The median PFS and OS were 4.0 and 8.2 months, respectively. Multivariate Cox analysis showed that the potential biomarkers associated with longer PFS were combination regimens plus taxel/docetaxel, and apatinib initial dosage ≥ 500mg, occurrence of AEs of leukopenia, and hand-foot syndrome. Main AEs were proteinuria (17.1%), hypertension (15.9%), and handfoot syndrome (8.7%). Conclusion: The present prospective observational study showed favorable effectiveness and safety of apatinib in real-world patients with advanced or metastatic GC in China. (A prospective, multi-center, non-intervention study of apatinib in the treatment of advanced gastric cancer-Trial Registry Number: ChiCTR-OPN-15006601). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario Colombiano de Derecho Internacional is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyses the overt provision of assistance to opposition groups in the contemporary conflicts in Libya and Syria. Applying an R2P lens to this new and emerging State practice, the paper argues that R2P has served as the inspiration for a re-aligned conceptualisation of the limits of State responses to atrocity crimes, charting a way forward for the international community which is at once sensitive to State sovereignty but also responsive to humanitarian imperatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's view on the sanctity of state sovereignty has slowly but inexorably been transformed, and the country has found it difficult to continue to adhere to the principles of non-interference and non-intervention with the same degree of rigour as during the Cold War era. This special section will explore what the principles mean to China today; why and how Beijing has become active in peacebuilding and conflict mediation; and what implication China's approach to the principles has for its position in the global liberal order. This article sets the scene by firstly demonstrating that defining the principles has always been a political act, and secondly offering new discussions about how China's expanding economic power forced the country to more actively engage in politics of conflict-affected regions. Finally, it offers a conceptual framework to explain why and how China has become increasingly active in peacebuilding and conflict mediation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is among Chinese international relations scholars an intense debate about how China can protect and promote Chinese global presence and interests while at the same time continue to adhere to the principle of non-intervention. New concepts, distinctions and approaches are developing as the debate progresses. The current Chinese foreign and security policy practice reflects a more flexible and pragmatic Chinese interpretation – and implementation – of the principle of non-intervention with different degrees and types of intervention. This article explores the search for "legitimate great power intervention" characterizing both the debate among Chinese international relations scholars and the current Chinese foreign and security policy practice, and uses this case as the departure point for a more general discussion of the drivers of change – and continuity – in Chinese foreign and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the limits of extraterritorial criminalisation under international law in the context of a recent legislative proposal by the government of Sweden to impose criminal measures against the purchase of sexual services abroad. The article first presents the proposal and then a specific legal objection raised against it, namely that allowing Swedish courts to try purchases committed abroad irrespective of local law is inconsistent with the principle of non-intervention under international law. The substance of this objection is discussed against the background of general descriptions of the concepts of jurisdiction and non-intervention under international law. It is concluded that the meaning of the principle of non-intervention may have been overstated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses China's economic diplomacy approach in the Middle East conflicts in order to explore the following question: How does China use diplomatic means to protect and pursue commercial investments, economic assets, and economic tools, and to advance its foreign policy goals in the Middle East conflict zones? This study argues that despite its adherence to the principle of non-intervention, Beijing's economic diplomacy has a more flexible and pragmatic interpretive approach. Chinese economic diplomacy in the Middle East uses its diplomatic resources to intervene as needed to safeguard its investments and assets, and utilises economic incentives to promote its well-defined foreign policy goals in the region's hotspots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]