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This study of the production, representation, and reception of post-colonial advertising in India reveals a politics of consumer respectability. The post-colonial politics of consumer respectability is located at the intersection of center–periphery relations, class divisions, and colorism in a way that it frames neocolonial consumption. Advertisers depict middle-class consumer respectability by asserting Indian nationalism and by degrading the West as a symbol of colonialism. Such depictions are class- and color-based and show under-class and dark-skinned consumers in subordinate positions. Furthering such neocolonial frames of consumption, Indian advertising advances the middle-class desire for Eurocentric modernity by reinforcing the colonial trope of India as temporally lagging behind the West. Finally, middle-class consumer respectability involves a neocolonial whitening of self with epidermalized shaping of inter-corporeality and agency. In uncovering the theoretical implications of advertising as a site of avenging degradation, desiring modernity, and whitening of self, this study contributes by offering insights into how the politics of post-colonial consumer respectability furthers neocolonial frames of consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the political thought of Filipino statesman Claro M. Recto (1890–1960), with a focus on the idea of nationalism. Upon his return to Congress in 1952, Recto advocated for Filipino nationalism in response to the so-called "special relationship" between the Philippines and the United States in the post-independence period. He claimed that the Philippines, though granted independence in 1946, remained under the disparaging political and economic influence of the United States because of one-sided treaties. In Recto's mind, this "special relationship" was the main reason for the country's retrogression in attaining political and economic growth and development. Throughout his post-independence career in Congress, Recto was consistent in his posture of advocating Filipino nationalism. This article uncovers that Recto's nationalist crusade was anti-imperialist in principle against American neocolonialism thus only protective of the welfare of the Filipinos. This rereading of Recto's political thought hopes to add more nuance understanding about him, but it also deepens our understanding of the essence of nationalism in the postcolonial period in the Philippines and Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While play in its various forms is universally recognised as developmentally important, it is neither universally accessible nor inclusive. Examining different forms of play is crucial for decolonising our understanding of play – particularly formal play provisions. This paper addresses the challenge of accessing these spaces by following one family’s journey in Pune, India, from their home to a designed formal play space. It explores how play is intertwined with aspirations of a certain type of romanticised formal play, imagined lifestyles, and access. This discussion highlights how the design and accessibility of formal play spaces reflect the influence of colonial histories and neo-colonialism on the everyday lives of children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the recent migration of diasporic Somalis to Turkey. Drawing on ethnographic studies, we examine the interplay between mobility and place within this context. Through an analysis of historical ties, geographical location, and geopolitical implications, we investigate how diasporic Somalis' sense of Turkey as a place emerges as a preferred destination. We argue that Turkey's engagement with Somalia and its growing presence in the region have not only been valued but also highly regarded, thus motivating diasporic Somalis to choose Turkey as their new migration destination. However, the issue of diasporic Somalis' migration to Turkey extends beyond its perceived moral and strategic appeal, encompassing aspects of neo-colonialism and a place of exclusion. In conclusion, this article highlights the complex interplay of political and geopolitical factors that contribute to the uncertain future of diasporic Somalis in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 2000s the EU has used African conflicts as "laboratories" to develop its Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and to mature its profile as a security actor; half of all CSDP missions have been deployed on the continent. However, the ineffectiveness of these missions, accusations of neocolonialism and the increasing appeal of Russian security assistance have raised fundamental questions about the legitimacy and efficacy of the CSDP model. Using a postcolonial decentring framework, which facilitates a clearer focus on African agency, I analyse why the EU has been unable to make sense of Russia's increasingly prominent role in African security. Through interviews with EU staff, document analysis and fieldwork in Mali, this paper explores how the EU's instrumentalisation of Africa as a "laboratory" – which positioned the continent as a depoliticised testing ground, with limited regard for the effectiveness of these tests – has had counterproductive effects on its long-term influence. It has left the EU unable to fathom why its geopolitical rivals enjoy popularity in Africa or to respond appropriately. In its preoccupation with its own maturation process, the EU has disregarded the agency of Africans and this myopia has been deliberately exploited by Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public international law cloaks the process of government recognition with neutrality. It does this by concealing its political, discretional nature and disregarding the far-reaching consequences for the citizens of the country concerned. The dispute over Venezuelan gold in the Bank of England provides a case study as the gold reserves or its proceeds remain out of the reach of the Venezuelan people. It presents unique features as the UK courts have to determine which of the two competing governments represents Venezuela's legitimate interest. This article focuses on the relationship between government recognition and coloniality to illustrate how the law reproduces neocolonial rationalities under the guise of neutrality. It conceals a morally superior self-perception of those advancing an international political order dehumanising the lives of 'the other'. Ultimately, government recognition has far-reaching implications for the international order since it risks becoming a discretionary practice to support or boycott regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education systems globally are increasingly being shaped by the logics, assumptions and pedagogical underpinnings of educational technology (EdTech) products, services, programmes, policies, and systems. These often promote rationalistic, secular, universal, objectivist, (post)modernist, written, behaviourist, and individualistic ways of being, marginalising religious, spiritual, oral, subjective, critical, and communitarian ways of being. Given that technological ways of being have been propagated globally, these logics are no longer predominantly promoted by those in the Global North, but by techno-solutionists globally, although the core-to-periphery flows of ideology and funding are still prominent. This article develops a conceptual and analytical framework for decolonising and desecularising the field of EdTech. Concepts are drawn from various discourses: the desecularisation of knowledge to set the ontological framing; embodied cognition to set the epistemological framing; and social justice and decolonial discourses to set the axiological framing. From this, the article develops the Dimensions of Human Injustice Analytical Framework—covering material, ontological and epistemic, and (geo)political injustices—to assist policymakers, educators, EdTech developers, and international development practitioners in identifying and confronting coloniality in their EdTech. Acknowledging the complexity and contentions within decolonial thought, this article does not claim a unified stance on achieving justice but aims to offer a tool for deconstructing and questioning injustices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thisessayexplorescounter-hegemonicmadnessasresistancestrategyagainstEuropeancolonialism,Americanimperialism,andneocolonialisminImboloMbue'secocriticalnovel,HowBeautifulWeWere.MbueplungesthereaderinthemiddleofwhatLaMarrJurelleBruceterms"psychosocial"madness,havocperpetuatedbyanAfricandictator,HisExcellency,whoisalsoastoogeofanAmericanoilcompanycalledPexton.TheplotunfoldsinthevillageofKosawa,locatedinanunnamed,fictionalAfricancountry.Mbue'scharactersputatimerontheWest'simpunity,attackingitbyanymeansnecessary,thusinspiringanhonestlybrutaldiscussionaboutthedifficultandoften-timesdeadlyroutestothebeautyoftruefreedom.HowBeautifulWeWerebeginswithdisruptivepsychosocialmadnessatanindividuallevel,aninterventioneventuallyundercutbyatransitiontoacollective,albeitelitistresistantmovementwhichprivilegesbothnegotiatedandviolentsolutions.Theindividualisticresistancemovementtowardsocialchange,ledbyKonga,the"villagemadman,"laysthefoundationforanationwidepopularstruggletowardsocialjusticeledbyawoman,Thula,whoispredictablydiscountedas"fickle"andunwomanlybythepatriarchalcommunitythatsabotagesherimportantinterventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the issue of neocolonialism and, in particular, the context in which this issue is addressed within the framework of Russian official foreign policy. The article gives an idea of the emergence and modern understanding of the concept of neocolonialism within the framework of political science. The authors use the method of content analysis of speeches, statements and articles by Russian officials that contain references to neo-colonialism and the fight against it on the African continent. It is shown that the narrative of neocolonialism occupies a fairly important place in the Russian Federation’s construction of its foreign policy identity as a form of building a discursive dialogue with Western countries. The peculiarities of the Russian discourse on neocolonialism are its focus on problems in the spheres of economics and security, as well as some abstractness in relation to specific forms and manifestations of neocolonialism in African countries.

Westworld is a science fiction series that proposes a theme park of the future where ‘guests’ can live a Wild West experience without restrictions or reprisals, thanks to reallooking android ‘hosts’ who grant all their wishes. Due to the topic covered, this science fiction series allows its use as a common thread for an article that considers the concept of hospitality, the host-guest relationship and its consequence for the management of tourist destinations. This is achieved through an exegesis of Westworld and an analysis of academic bibliography. First, different concepts of hospitality and what they imply for the host-guest relationship are identified. Subsequently, how different theoretical developments on the resident-tourist relationship are proposed entailing different interpretations and reactions to the same objective reality. In conclusion, it should be noted that when tourism is perceived as subordinating the host to the wishes of the guest (as in Westworld), the appearance of anti-tourism attitudes among residents is only a matter of time, generating conflicts. Furthermore, the importance of dominant interpretive theories in determining the reaction of the local population to events that occur should be highlighted.

In the last two decades, human, labour, and environmental provisions have become a core pillar of European trade policy (TP) through the inclusion of Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD). They were widely criticized because of mismatched and limited provisions, lacking civil society inclusion, institutional and legal weakness, which raises the question if its involvement in national policy and actions are suitable and proportional to the benefits for partner countries. This article investigates how the chapters possibly exercise indirect control by looking at neocolonial characteristics. A selection of communications from the European Commission will be subjected to a post-structuralist discourse analysis and a framework based on three identified modes of neocolonialism and their characteristics. This research shows how 'sustainable development' has become an empty signifier to which a wide range of geopolitical, neoliberal, and value-loaded elements are connected by logics of equivalence. Sustainable development becoming more central has enabled neocolonial practices to become deeper and more prevalent, with neoliberalization, superior knowledge, asymmetric trade relations, and asymmetric diplomatic relations being the most prominent. Finally, it concludes that this vagueness around 'sustainable development' serves as a tool to preserve the European Union's (EU's) economic power, resulting in an increasing indirect control over its partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Africa and the developed world has been a subject of much discussion over the years. Recently, however, there has been a lot of controversy around China's activities in Africa. Several criticisms have arisen alleging the exploitation of Africa by China. This study set out to examine China's activities on the African continent with a focus on Ghana and Ethiopia to clearly reveal the various sides of the argument and put them into perspective. The study also sought to establish whether a new scramble is occurring in Africa, with neocolonialist strategies. The study relied on the realist theory to understand China's intentions regarding its activities on the continent and on neocolonialism to explore any incidence of a new scramble. Secondary sources were employed to collect data for analysis. The study found that although some of the activities of China on the continent were questionable, they have been partially beneficial to the continent. Africa is not as vulnerable as perceived but has the capacity to leverage some of its resources to foster its development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lawyers, scholars, and activists have long sought to incorporate ecocide into the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court to address corporate and governmental impunity for massive and severe ecological damage, including the hanms caused by climate change. This Article uses the framework of racial capitalism to examine and critique the proposed criminalization of ecocide. Coined by South African scholars and activists and refined by political theorist Cedric Robinson, the theory of racial capitalism offers valuable insights on the root causes of the elimate crisis and the manifold injustices it inflicts on marginalized states and peoples. While most discussions of climate justice focus on the disproportionate impacts of climate change on those who contributed least to the problem, this Article examines the processes through which racial capitalism plunders the land, labor, and natural wealth of states and peoples racialized as inferior to generate profits for global elites. These processes immiserate most of the world's population, subject marginalized communities to the "slow violence" of polluting industry, destabilize the planet's ecosystems, generate prodigious quantities of greenhouse gases, and deprive subaltern populations of the resources needed to adapt to climate change and other socio-ecological crises. In other words, the fossil fuelbased capitalist world economy that caused the climate crisis was sparked and sustained by slavery, colonialism, and neocolonialism (including its latest incarnation, neoliberalism). The Article highlights two core features of racial capitalism: its racial stratification of humans for the purpose of profit making and its eco-destructive logic. It explains international law's complicity with these core features through legal doctrines that construct nature as property and justify the subordination of non-European peoples by portraying them as the backward and barbaric "other" who must be civilized through continuous economic, political, and military interventions. Applying these insights to the proposal to codify ecocide, the Article concludes that the proposed definition ofecocide may reinforce rather than subvert racial capitalism's core features by ( 1) focusing on individual culpability and spectacular acts of ecological destruction while obscuring racial capitalism's inherently predatory, eco-destructive logic; (2) perpetuating international law's civilizing mission through the selective prosecution of the racialized "other'; and (3) devaluing nature, subaltern communities, and world views antithetical to racial capitalism through the incorporation of cost-benefit analysis into the definition of ecocide. Recognizing the interconnectedness of slavery, colonialism, neocolonialism, and climate change, the Article calls for reparative and restorative forms ofjustice instead ofpunitive approaches that scapegoat individuals for the structural ills of racial capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Africa is considered to be the second largest continent of the world—only subsequent to Asia. However, its intellectual and cultural contributions to the world remain among the least influential, if not the most undermined, particularly when one considers the written records about the continent and its people as sources and generators of knowledge. Much of what is known of Africa is anchored in the perceptions and attitudes of missionaries, merchants, and historians who occupied the continent due to foreign religious persuasions, commerce, or some biographical accounts of the continent and its people that aided and advanced the undertakings of colonisers in subduing the Africans. In such a context, the African narrative was told from an otherly view, with the main objects of reconnoitring being treated as spectators. For this reason, the essence of the indigenous religions of Africa was destabilised. Using document analysis as a methodological approach, this study critically reflects on neo-colonialism as a system that thwarted the development of indigenous religions of Africa; shows how such a system eroded indigenous religions, such as the San, Ibibio, and Basotho religions; and offers a reformist approach in which the emancipation of indigenous religions of Africa may be based. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Laboratorio is the property of Universidad Diego Portales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The role of China in the liberation of Africa from colonial rule cannot be down played as I laid a foundation to Africa today. Most African countries were aided by China militarily and ideologically in the fight against Western colonial rule. Though some scholars would suggest that China's contribution was as a result of the hostility that was there in the times of the cold war between the self-acclaimed democrats of the Western bloc and the Communist Eastern bloc. Philosophers like Marx Engel, Karl Marx, Lenin and Mao Zedong had a major influence on the liberation of Africa. The purpose of this paper is to show how the relationship that started as sincere has become a curse for the poor and unconnected Africans. In recent years the Chinese has overtaken the Briton hood Institutes of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank as the major lenders of loans to African States. Kwame Nkrumah warned us of the danger of Africa being recolonised in what he termed neo colonialism where the colonisers will come as investors. Neo colonialism is no longer a theory but has become a reality as will be exposed in this article using empirical, qualitative and quantitative research methods to show how a friendship with China has benefited the elite politicians at the cost of citizens affairs. Africa is endowed with natural resources yet it has the poorest population per Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita. The paper will show how it is easy for a Chinese to own a business in Africa compared to the native Africans using the case of Shurugwi in Zimbabwe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1968, Equatorial Guinea's emergence as an independent nation signaled a pivotal chapter in Spain's national identity, deeply grounded on an imperial narrative. Around this juncture, Leandro Mbomio was etching his mark on Spain's cultural milieu as a sculptor. His success and persona reflected the image, voice, and thought the Francoist state sought in its former African subjects. Amid Spain's stringent media censorship, the official narrative that emerges from Mbomio's career is captivating. He was celebrated as "the black Picasso" and deemed emblematic of Black culture in Spain. This paper seeks to answer the following questions: How did the portrayal and reception of Mbomio reflect Spain's shifting views on Equatorial Guinea, "Black Africa", and the broader understanding of "Blackness" at the time? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sudden departure of foreign, mostly white, development staff from Pacific countries in the early stages of the Covid-19 pandemic, created a 'natural experiment' where local staff continued to work but without the accompaniment (and oversight) of their foreign counterparts. This paper reflects on evidence from the lived experiences of 12 experienced local development staff during this time. They detail how the absence of foreign staff led to increased opportunities for local staff, greater cultural sensitivity and relativity in the workplace, and the successful on-going operations of programs left in the hands of local workers. We position these experiences in relation to broader issues of racism, neo/colonialism and the centring of whiteness in the development industry to highlight the on-going structures that inhibit black and brown colleagues, and to provoke white development actors to work to redress on-going injustices in the industry. We specifically recommend white development actors openly discuss racism in the industry, enhance their knowledge of local cultures and politics, and work to cede space to local staff. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay critically analyzes how Disney's animated film Frozen II responds to the current landscape of multicultural liberal feminism by emphasizing white women's self-discovery as a principal means to resist colonial amnesia and advance an anti-racist agenda. Drawing upon scholarship about the anti-racist white-hero movie subgenre, we argue that this turn toward consciousness demonstrates an emerging mode of strategic whiteness in popular culture that we refer to as neocolonial white feminism. This form of feminism ultimately serves structures of white supremacy and undermines Indigenous sovereignty by centering white intrapersonal experience as sine qua non for advancing decolonial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, the United States has administered compacts of free association with the Republic of Palau, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and the Federated States of Micronesia. Scholars have criticized the United States for using the compacts to limit the sovereignty of the compact states, but they have not determined how the compact states fit into the American empire in the Pacific Ocean. A review of the U.S. documentary record from the early twenty-first century indicates that the United States has ruled the compact states through its own particular form of neocolonialism, or 'compact colonialism'. Under the compacts, the United States has exercised several powers, including military controls, political controls, economic controls, cultural influence and humanitarian indifference. With this neocolonial approach, the United States has exploited the compact states to maintain a large oceanic empire in the Pacific Ocean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, and as a team of researchers/practitioners spanning the globe, we reflect on the historical and ongoing legacies of (neo)colonialism and imperialism in education in emergencies (EiE) research and practice using collaborative auto-ethnography. Specifically, we explore how we've experienced hierarchies of power, positionality and privilege, and how we've benefited and/or been victims of this in the past. We then move to explore how we are striving to realise authentic and meaningful co-production in ACCESS (Accelerating Change for Childrens' and Youths' Education for Systems Strengthening), a 44-month research-practice partnership that aims to improve education provision for out-of-school children and youth. We identify both opportunities and challenges to doing this and highlight how decolonising EiE research/practice is an ongoing process rather than finite, singular actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2013 French military operation in Mali presented daunting challenges in West Africa. Critical among these are the resurgence of coup d'états and the growing intervention of Russia, which is eclipsing France's credibility in the Sahelian region. In light of the unfolding scenario, this study makes three arguments: First, the failure of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) to combat the jihadi insurgency in the country reignited France's military intervention in Mali in disregard for the Africanised security initiative, which Paris had previously vowed to preserve. Secondly, the study contends that the failure of the French military operations in Mali created a conducive environment for a military coup, a trend that has continued to gain traction in the Sahel. Finally, the paper argues that the growing Russian-linked Wagner forces in Mali, ostensibly to stabilise Mali, fight insurgents in the Sahel, and end 'French neo-colonialism' in West Africa, pose a graver risk to the region. Drawing on qualitative methods sourced through contextual-descriptive reviews, the findings showed that the resurgence of military coups was partly caused by the failure of the African Union/ECOWAS and France to uphold their defence policies in Mali. It concludes that the resurgence of military coups, the failure of AU/ECOWAS and France, as well as the growing influence of Russia, have had devastating effects on democracy, security, and good governance in Mali. It recommends that lines of communication be opened to the Malian junta for the transition to democratic governance and that the AU, ECOWAS, and Western allies deepen their diplomatic ties with allies who are fighting for democracy and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article in the magazine Alea: Neolatin Studies presents an interview with the Moroccan writer Abdellah Taïa, who writes in French and directed a film based on his book "L'Armée de Salut". Taïa highlights the importance of the voices of his sisters and mother in his life, discussing the intense coexistence in his home. He talks about the need to find spaces to speak without expecting recognition, especially for LGBTQ+ individuals. The interview addresses resistance and the search for feminine identity, as well as the influence of orientalism and neocolonialism in his writing. [Extracted from the article]

This paper initiates a novel discourse advocating for the anti-colonization of religious education (RE) in Africa South of the Sahara (ASoS). It illustrates how anti-colonial critiques can not only offer more precise theoretical perspectives but also generate a practical imperative for a paradigm shift in a school subject still influenced by what I have labeled as the neocoloniality of power. In some countries, attempts to decolonize RE through multi-faithism are being forsaken, reverting the subject to the Christonormativity of the colonial era. The paper contends that the process of reconceptualizing RE with an anti-colonial mindset should inspire innovative ideas for an anti-colonized RE aligned with the educational goals in an African postcolonial environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Arqueologia is the property of Revista de Arqueologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Situated within the context of increasing “adult regulatory practices” in skateboarding, this article draws attention to and interrogates the ways normative ideas of “youth,” “adolescence,” and “youth/adolescent development” often interplay with such efforts. In doing so, this article offers a critique, from a Critical Youth Studies perspective, of dominant, developmentalist notions of youth that typically cast young people as deficits in need of specific forms of intervention and surveillance. The article concludes with areas of inquiry emergent from critiques of dominant renderings of youth to be considered when engaging in processes of forming regulatory programs, policies, and practices related to skateboarding.

Neocolonialism has led to an imbalance in the production of knowledge and a clunky imposition of frameworks and models of practice that do not meet the needs of local communities. In contrast they can serve the central function of colonialism by draining valuable resources. Inequity of science diplomacy has diluted local voices and given precedence to colonialist knowledge and models of practice. It is argued that clinical, training and research excellence applies to those activities that meet and fulfil the clinical, training and research needs of the community in which they are embedded. Through personal reflection on contrasting Middle Eastern settings (Palestine and the UAE), the call is for the source of knowledge production and the driver for innovation to be daily clinical experiences listening to families in the community. This will result in policy and practices that are meaningful and impactful as illustrated by way of three examples: (1) a narrative approach to exploring suicide (2) an “all-hands-on-deck” clinical pathway for Autism assessments which transformed the lives of children and families with little additional resource, but with a fundamental shift in approach from “top down” to “bottom up” one as part of an organization-wide “Patient First” approach and (3) a rights-based, collective approach to developing mental health strategy. These examples are linked in terms of taking a shared “listening approach” but are applied to different levels moving from personal individual narratives to community clinical service to national strategy.

The US military presence in South Korea [hereby Korea] in the aftermath of the Korean War has been a politically sensitive and contentious issue for Korea. While the relationship between the US military and Korea has often been characterized in Korean popular and scholarly discourse as neocolonial, I argue that in recent years, Korean yeneung (television entertainment programs) have been reversing such power dynamics in how they depict US soldiers. They contest the image of Korea as a neocolonial nation-state and portray it as a powerful and aspirational one. Such nationalistic portrayals of the relationship between the two countries coincide with the nation’s rise in economic and cultural status. I build on theories derived from Media Studies and scholarship on national identity formation. I use the theoretical framework of “illusions of reality” to analyze the Korean popular media depictions of US soldiers stationed in Korea. I contend that yeneung mobilize illusions of reality to depict an aspirational future reality where the neocolonial power dynamics between the US military and Korea are reversed and where stereotypes that the US held of Korea are mirrored and projected back onto the US.

From a decolonial perspective, and taking Latin America as its case study, this article discusses southern criminology —a body of work that has consolidated in the region and other Global South countries, and that aims at explaining crime and violence, together with the social control responses they elicit, as part of the colonial matrix of power. The article claims that southern criminology has the potential to contribute to the discussion of crime, violence, and social control in Latin America in at least two aspects: first, it may provide an incisive analysis of the relations between diffearent forms of violence and subordination, on the one hand, and the punitive and exclusive responses of Latin American political regimes to these phenomena, on the other. Second, it may contribute a suggestive explanation of how the forms of social control that have emerged in different countries of the region since their birth as independent republics are closely linked to the construction of political, economic, and social orders that are part of the colonial matrix of power.

AbstractNeo-colonialism is considered by many writers to be a strategy of the former colonial powers and the new superpowers to implement various socioeconomic and political strategies in developing countries. The Horn of Africa, as a parcel of a developing region, is recognized as a piece of the ‘grand chessboard’ of world geopolitics. In particular, US neo-colonialism has become an invisible government in almost all countries in the Horn of Africa. Therefore, the main objective of this paper is to examine and write about the origin, discourses, concealment (mask), normative agents, and potential perils of American neo-colonialism in the Horn of Africa. Indeed, the paper also answers the question of whether the US is a straightforward ally or a neo-colonialist in the Horn of Africa. To document this, the paper would be limited to primary sources such as letters, reports, and published secondary texts that have been available to this writer to date.

The representation of environmental injustice in Heinz Insu Fenkl's novel Memories of My Ghost Brother (1996) has yet to be examined. This neglect suggests a need to open up the dialogue between Fenkl's work, which is relatively invisible beyond Asian American and postcolonial studies, and ecocriticism. Memories of My Ghost Brother shows that the impoverished, noxious, and dangerous conditions and pervasive diseases in Korean camptowns are socially engineered by the United States-Republic of Korea neocolonial system that on the one hand disregards camptowns' infrastructural needs and on the other hand allows the US military to wreak environmental damage with impunity. Specifically, the novel portrays pervasive dust, flooding sewage, the noise from US military activities, and the dangerous live ammunition left by the US military after their training. Without reducing camptown residents to mere victims, the novel also depicts the survival strategies they have adopted. The novel further situates camptowns within the context of the ongoing environmental atrocities committed by the US military across Asia. Fenkl's depictions of the dire situation in camptowns and the toxic legacies from the atomic bomb and Agent Orange challenge the narrative of American benevolence in Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a decolonial perspective, and taking Latin America as its case study, this article discusses southern criminology --a body of work that has consolidated in the region and other Global South countries, and that aims at explaining crime and violence, together with the social control responses they elicit, as part of the colonial matrix of power. The article claims that southern criminology has the potential to contribute to the discussion of crime, violence, and social control in Latin America in at least two aspects: first, it may provide an incisive analysis of the relations between different forms of violence and subordination, on the one hand, and the punitive and exclusive responses of Latin American political regimes to these phenomena, on the other. Second, it may contribute a suggestive explanation of how the forms of social control that have emerged in different countries of the region since their birth as independent republics are closely linked to the construction of political, economic, and social orders that are part of the colonial matrix of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I argue in this article that Asian Americanists' standard critique of the "model minority myth" does more harm than good and should therefore be abandoned. I show that the critique misses the forest for the trees, disavowing structural anti-Blackness and the differentiated positioning of Asian Americans and Black people that it produces, thereby misconceiving the stakes and function of model minority discourse. What I offer here, then, is a critique of the critique of model minority discourse—as well as suggestions for how to re-assess such discourse in relation to anti-Blackness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Caribbean is a complex and variegated region of interlaced meanings, with a unitary matrix within the framework of its diversity. Any study, no matter how modest it would be, that sets out to know or interpret any Caribbean problem has the challenge of establishing delimitations that contribute to connotations in the multiple conceptualizations of the Caribbean as a region with a historical path plagued by contradictions and traces that remain from the processes of conquest and colonization, with their violent consequences in colonialism. neocolonialism and coloniality, in the midst of an economic and social structure afflicted by odious inequalities. But the Caribbean peoples continue their struggle to inhabit an independent, integrated and peaceful region. The Grenadian Revolution (1979-1983) is an exemplary case to study the critical thought of men and women in this region who, through their political actions, express their critical reflections about their lives and the lives of their people in terms of their transformative practice towards an emancipatory horizon. Hence, we set ourselves the challenge of understanding Maurice Bishop's political thought from Caliban's metaphor-concept. Although we know that it is an open question that does not have a univocal answer but a tentative one, it keeps in our memory one of our humanist thinkers who gave his life for a possible horizon of emancipation and redemption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Botswana's history is one of an unwavering exercise of self-determination and quest for self-rule. Post-independence, self-government prioritized an overarching philosophy of Kagisano or social harmony within which the aims of education were framed, in conjunction with a political commitment to Botho through democracy. For economic and social reasons the current educational policy of Botswana is driven by outcome-based education (OBE), with its metrics of quantifiable outcomes. This article argues that Olúfemi Táíwò's analysis of decolonization provides a philosophical lens through which to interpret Botswana's current educational pathway within the prevailing decolonization discourse. OBE clearly exhibits features of neocolonialism , as it pertains to the national value principles. We draw on Ndlovu-Gatsheni's decolonial epistemic perspective to frame the discussions. Insofar as OBE can be integrated with Botswana's ethnically inclusive, community-based view of democracy and associated virtues, this is a worthy goal for education, and it could lead to a particular form of indigenized democracy. Substantive distinctions among the concepts of decolonization , neocolonialism , and decoloniality underwrite this thesis. We see the project of envisaging a future of education in Botswana as having to do with disentangling colonialist–imperialist cultural reproduction from indigenous aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the past decade-plus, there has been a surge in anthropological writing on decolonisation. Yet, whereas mid-twentieth century anticolonial revolutionaries fought to uproot imperialism's extractive political economy, certain contemporary decolonial tendencies give primacy, instead, to asserting cultural/epistemological difference. This shift has motivated pertinent critiques, such as that of Nigerian philosopher Olúfẹ́mi Táíwò, of atavistic conceptions of decolonisation. Táíwò's dismissal, however, of the neocolonialism thesis and his conceptual uncoupling of imperialism's material and symbolic dimensions results in a one-dimensional polemic. What gets lost is the much-needed role of decolonisation as an ideological struggle in mobilising populations against an entrenched neocolonial political economy. With this debate as framing, I propose revisiting Talal Asad's 1973 volume, Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter, published at the height of anthropology's disciplinary anti-imperialism. The book's contributors detail how, amid intensifying anticolonial agitation, interwar anthropologists anxious about cultural change among colonised populations advocated a shift to indirect colonial rule through native elites, rather than an abolition of imperialism per se. While spurning colonialism's earlier assimilationist agenda, anthropological calls to institutionalise cultural differences among colonised populations resonated with an imperialist project of incorporating while subverting anticolonial demands. Amid present-day anthropological discussions around decolonisation, these insights remain relevant. This is because contemporary neocolonial relations operate in a manner akin to indirect colonial rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article presents a theoretical view that describes how the rooted Western imperial political structure in the Arab region has trapped the latter in a perpetual development crisis. It follows a de facto analysis and contends that Western imperialism has maintained a counter-development of Arab governance since the mid-19th century, which has resulted in a persistent economic deficiency in the region. This article discusses why Washington Consensus endeavors have failed to deliver the promised results in the development of the region, and argues that it has condoned the principal problem, which is the foreign de facto hostile Western strategic rule that has an inherent disinterest in achieving comprehensive development in the Arab region. This article provides an argument against the views that blame the Arab's economic failures on domestic institutional factors, and maintains that the foreign Western hostile domination is the primary source of the lasting backwardness in the Arab region. This article defines the West as the consortium of European and North American nations that have had imperial enterprises in the Arab region in the modern period. The most notable of these nations are the United States, the United Kingdom, and France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Billions in development aid is provided annually by international donors in the Majority World, much of which funds health equity. Yet, common neocolonial practices persist in development that compromise what is done in the name of well-intentioned policymaking and programming. Based on a qualitative analysis of fifteen case studies presented at a 2022 conference, this research examines trends involving unethical partnerships, policies, and practices in contemporary global health. The analysis identifies major modern-day issues of harmful policy and programming in international aid. Core issues include inequitable partnerships between and representation of international stakeholders and national actors, abuse of staff and unequal treatment, and new forms of microaggressive practices by Minority World entities on low-/middle-income nations (LMICs), made vulnerable by severe poverty and instability. When present, these issues often exacerbate institutionalized discrimination, hostile work environments, ethnocentrism, and poor sustainability in development. These unbalanced systems perpetuate a negative development culture and can place those willing to speak out at risk. At a time when the world faces increased threats including global warming and new health crises, development and global health policy and practice must evolve through inclusive dialogue and collaborative effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'Just Transition' (JT) gained global prominence through the Silesia Declaration on Solidarity and Just Transition agreed at the 2018 UN Climate Change Conference (COP24). However, there has been a gap in both theory and practice regarding how to develop the global solidarity called for in this declaration. Some have even viewed JT as another form of neo-colonialism, benefitting the Global North through exploiting the Global South. This paper discusses how to avoid perpetuating colonial dynamics through JT by developing worker-led civil society solidarity across the Global North and South. It focusses on Mexico where vast increases in lithium extraction will be necessary to enable the enormous increase in the use of Electric Vehicles proposed for the Global North. While the main beneficiaries of this technology transition will be the companies, governments and consumers of the Global North, the costs will be borne by low-income communities in Mexico, among other Global South localities. Strategies are suggested for a de-colonised JT led by the relevant unions, including car workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines horizons of possibilities for charting a course for the Caribbean to a sustainable future through a focus on the multiplicity of connections in which people and institutions of the region are involved. These possibilities, it is argued, are forged out of global processes that began with colonialism. They are predicated on a reformulation of regional relations away from forms of Westphalian sovereignty and Euro-American global centers of power. They are present in regional institutional arrangements and organizations that transcend boundaries shaped by histories of colonialism. They derive from the region's histories of anti-colonial resistance that have imbued popular conscience. And they are contained in the global scale of "tricontinental" relations through which are circulated different forms of rejection of Euro-American domination. The paper examines their potential for transforming the Caribbean in ways that would maximize ecological sustainability, conditions of human sustenance, and regional autonomy.

Despite the growing academic attention to the problem of interference in internal affairs, rhetorical techniques the state uses to legitimize interventions in the eyes of foreign counterparties, remain somewhat understudied in the Russian IR studies. In this regard, the case of the Monroe Doctrine, a landmark ideological construct in the history of international relations and US foreign policy, provides a unique framework for an in-depth study of the practices of legitimization and stigmatization of interventions. The paper examines the role of the doctrine in denouncing the interference of European powers in the domestic affairs of Latin American countries and justifying US actions in the region. The author outlines a set of issues related to legitimizing, both externally and internally, the actions of the state in the international arena. It is shown that the appeal to national interests suitable for solving the problems of domestic political legitimization, turns out to be ineffective in justifying interventions in the eyes of the international community and therefore gives way to references to established traditions and historical narratives. The paper examines the historical background of the 1823 presidential address and the ways how the US foreign policy establishment appealed to it later on, both to promote the idea of the inadmissibility of European interference in the affairs of the countries of the Western Hemisphere, and, subsequently, to justify American interventionism. Special attention is paid to the so-called Roosevelt Corollary, since it allows one to better understand the specifics of the US leaders’ perception of the Monroe Doctrine and to separate them from the distortions and stereotypes formed during the ensuing public debates and uncritically replicated in many academic studies. The author concludes that, though the Monroe Doctrine is regarded as a cornerstone of US foreign policy, in fact it played a limited role in both diplomatic justification and stigmatization of interventions. In this regard, it is more appropriate to consider it as a rhetorical asset rather than a strict guiding principle. In general, the case of the Monroe Doctrine reveals the situational conditionality of the practices legitimizing interventions, resulting in their limited persuasiveness. The latter seems to be almost inevitable given the constitutive importance of the institution of sovereignty for the maintenance of international society.