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El Tratado de Lausana de 1923 es el único convenio internacional aún en vigor que procede del sistema de protección de minorías establecido tras la Primera Guerra Mundial. En el Tratado, varios derechos son reconocidos a las minorías musulmanas y no musulmanas de Grecia y Turquía respectivamente con el ánimo de garantizarles un trato no discriminatorio y el mantenimiento de su identidad diferenciada. Este trabajo pretende, por una parte, analizar el grado de cumplimiento del convenio después de cien años de vigencia y, por otra parte, identificar sus especificidades tanto en su redacción inicial como en su aplicación posterior. Para cumplir con el primer objetivo realizaremos un análisis jurídico del cumplimiento de los derechos sobre minorías previstos en el Tratado utilizando fuentes normativas, doctrinales y jurisprudenciales concurrentes. Para abordar el segundo objetivo es necesario analizar otros documentos jurídicos previos, datos básicos y la doctrina más experta en la interpretación de las variables histórico-políticas que han acompañado al Tratado en estos cien años. El trabajo también se propone, complementariamente, extender en lengua española el conocimiento sobre este importante documento y su contexto político. Para ello, en primer lugar, presentaremos el contexto histórico político en el que se inserta el Tratado. Posteriormente, recordaremos los dos documentos derivados de la Conferencia de Lausana de 1923, con atención a los derechos reconocidos a las minorías. En la parte central del artículo sistematizaremos las principales controversias jurídicas y prácticas que plantean la interpretación y aplicación del Tratado durante estos cien años. Finalmente, plantearemos las conclusiones principales del análisis realizado a la luz del impacto efectivo del Tratado sobre las minorías protegidas. El contenido y la interpretación oficial del Tratado muestran una importante herencia ideológica del sistema otomano de los Millet, cuyas consecuencias se proyectan hasta la actualidad. Esta tradición y una inadecuada interpretación de la reciprocidad han condicionado extraordinariamente la aplicación del régimen de protección previsto en el Tratado, dando lugar a numerosos incumplimientos y controversias que han impedido que pudiera resultar eficaz. La realidad actual demuestra que las disposiciones sobre minorías del Tratado de Lausana no han cumplido su objetivo inicial y que es necesaria una reinterpretación de aquellas de acuerdo con los desarrollos jurídicos y políticos producidos sobre la protección de las personas pertenecientes a minorías. La desconfianza de los dos países obligados respecto a las minorías en su territorio está en la base de una aplicación deficiente de las normas protectoras de este convenio. Esta desconfianza responde a una construcción de la identidad nacional basada fundamentalmente en la religión y a la fuerte identificación del estado con dicha identidad nacional. Aunque ello no es exclusivo de Grecia y Turquía, analizar el origen y evolución de este Tratado en estos cien años permite entender el posicionamiento de estos estados frente a su diversidad interna y plantear la necesidad de una reinterpretación del contenido del Tratado a la luz de la protección de los derechos humanos.

Este artículo busca expandir los temas de este dossier monográfico al considerar las estrategias mediante las cuales los municipios gobernados por cristianos buscaron influir en la formulación de políticas administrativas reales que gobernaban a los no cristianos en el siglo XIV tardío. El caso extraordinariamente rico de la ciudad catalana de Tortosa ilustra en detalle lo que generalmente solo podemos percibir muy débilmente en otros contextos. Observamos cómo los líderes urbanos, tras no lograr convencer a la monarquía de priorizar el bienestar de la comunidad cristiana mediante el aumento de la diferenciación visual de los musulmanes residentes, orquestaron una exitosa campaña legal para enjuiciar las relaciones sexuales entre cristianos y musulmanes. El caso ilustra cómo, independientemente de la teoría de jurisdicción exclusiva de la monarquía, la historia legal consuetudinaria y la aplicación de ciertas estrategias podían facultar a las comunidades para dar forma a las condiciones administrativas de las minorías religiosas, incluso dentro de espacios urbanos que estaban bajo la autoridad directa de la monarquía.

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Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This first article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the Narendra Modi regime in India. Often acerbic political rhetoric is attached to official policies of the regime, creating fear and hopelessness within sections of the population. In this study, five sets of political activities of the government are evaluated. First, cultural authoritarianism became apparent with complicity toward "cow vigilantism," slapping sedition charges against those showing political dissent, banning the history books of selected progressives, and stereotyping sections of the left and liberals as antinationals. Second, the demonetization policy was implemented without adequately following the economic protocols of the state. Third, the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Bill indicates the thwarting of democratic and federalist ideas. Fourth, the Citizenship Amendment Act and the National Register of Citizens exercise in Assam demonstrate the communal‐fascist worldview of the regime in profiling population groups. Finally, the sloppy handling of the COVID‐19 pandemic and the new Information Technology rules show the government's callous approach toward science and privacy. By analyzing such political activities, the article points out that majoritarian religious nationalism, coupled with authoritarianism, has been the ideological expression of the Modi regime, coexisting with both state surveillance and electoral democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sri Lanka's postindependence history suggests that continuous efforts by the Sinhala‐Buddhist politicians to reject decentralization created anxiety and distrust among minorities. The state used both Sinhala language and Buddhism to accommodate Sinhala‐Buddhist interests and provide cultural security to Sinhala‐Buddhists who feared that the Sinhala race, Buddhism, and heritage would be threatened with destruction by the Tamil and Muslim separatists and extremists. The state forced the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which demanded a separate state for North and Eastern Tamils, to silence its guns in May 2009. The military defeat of the LTTE did not produce any democratization of the island. Sinhala‐Buddhist extremist forces turned their eyes on Sri Lankan Muslims, whose elites attached to major political parties supported the war against the LTTE. This study examines the politicization of the Sinhala language and Buddhism in Sri Lanka before and after the civil war between the LTTE and the state dominated by the Sinhala‐Buddhists. It argues that Sinhala political elites willingly took measures to centralize power. The major result of centralization is the birth of the state‐seeking, but authoritarian LTTE. It will also provide some useful analysis to examine post‐war tensions between the Muslims and the Sinhala‐Buddhist extremists. Finally, I discuss some solutions to fight the rising authoritarianism to help Sri Lanka enjoy the fruits of modernization and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El presente artículo analiza el proceso de surgimiento de una comunidad musulmana de origen tzotzil, localizada en Los Altos de Chiapas, región que se ubica en el sureste de México. Su desarrollo está atravesado por un largo proceso de conversión religiosa, que no ha estado exento de violencia, marginación y desplazamiento social y que tiene como antecedente una primera conversión de origen protestante. Se presenta un acercamiento etnográfico e histórico de las distintas fases de este proceso, identificando las formas de fragmentación y creación de nuevas comunidades y mezquitas. Para la investigación se desarrolló trabajo de entrevistas, recopilación de fuentes testimoniales, registro fotográfico, etnografía y uso de fuentes documentales.

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Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie III, Historia Medieval is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A unas indicaciones sobre el origen del cristianismo en las Islas Baleares, datado en el siglo V, siguen las referentes a las épocas vándala y bizantina. Ofrecemos una nota historiográfica sobre los sínodos mallorquines, que son posteriores a la conquista catalana de 1229, y data del primer sínodo reunido por el primer obispo Ramon de Torrella, en 1250. Sin embargo, la documentación sinodal empieza en 1266, plasmada en cinco sínodos, que llegan hasta 1271, en tiempos del obispo Pere de Morella (1266-1282). Quedan unos pocos cánones sin atribución episcopal alguna. Sobre estas constituciones observamos que constituyen una aplicación del concilio de Letrán IV, que siguen la praxis disciplinar de la provincia Tarraconense. No obstante, a diferencia de sus cánones, redactados en latín según el uso general, los mallorquines están todos en catalán, lo cual es una aportación singular a una lengua románica. En cambio, el sínodo celebrado en pleno Cisma de Occidente, en 1395, por el obispo Lluís de Prades i d’Arenós, está en latín, y trata de la disciplina clerical y prescribe un trato más humano de los esclavos y, especialmente de las esclavas. Completa este texto un resumen en catalán, publicado en las parroquias.

Copyright of Analyses de Population & Avenir is the property of Population & Avenir and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic in the UK, end-of-life rituals and funerals across groups of all faiths and none took on a new character due to government-imposed measures to control disease transmission. This article aims to explore the challenges faced by British-Bangladeshi Muslims in relation to performing end-of-life, funeral, and mourning rituals during the first pandemic wave, underpinned by the perception of a 'good death'. This group was among those disproportionately affected by Covid-19-related mortality and morbidity. Contextualising the study within a review of the literature on deathscapes and shifting policy responses to multicultural populations in the UK, and using an in-depth qualitative research approach, the article highlights the ways in which pre-existing challenges facing individuals seeking Islamic end-of-life, funeral and bereavement rituals have been exacerbated by Covid-19. The article offers new empirical and conceptual insights into the spatio-temporal dimension of end-of-life and funerary practices performed by British-Bangladeshi Muslims to achieve a good death and the changing nature of embodied and virtual deathscapes triggered by the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El presente artículo versa sobre la presencia cristiana y musulmana en la antigua Axarquía de Málaga en la Alta Edad Media, marcándose como objetivos enumerar las causas y fases que propiciaron un cambio en las pautas de asentamiento, conocer cómo y cuando afectó el proceso de islamización y si este significó la desaparición o no de la cristiandad en los antiguos ḥuṣūn. La Arqueología, las crónicas medievales, la toponimia y otros estudios determinan nuestra investigación, de forma que, enumerando todos los yacimientos y topónimos por tipología, permiten reconstruir el paisaje altomedieval. Esto da como resultado que reconozcamos varias fases de poblamiento cristiano: antes de la conquista musulmana, en el momento de dicha conquista y con la rebelión ḥafṣūní. Por otra parte, se pone de manifiesto que la islamización será puntual y se generalizará lenta y tardíamente, subsistiendo algunos espacios con población cristiana tras el sofoco de la rebelión.

Copyright of Sociology & Technoscience / Sociología y Tecnociencia is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Escuela Universitaria de Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dos culturas, la islámica y la cristiana, que en principio parecen antagónicas, debido al estrecho contacto que han mantenido en algunos momentos de la historia, nos presentan influencias mutuas. A lo largo de este breve ensayo intentaremos mostrar al lector unas breves muestras de ese intercambio entre ambas culturas, para que estas puedan servir de base a diálogos actuales, por lo que acabamos estableciendo cual es el estado de la cuestión, sobre esos paralelismos y semejanzas entre las mencionadas espiritualidades.

In modern Islam, Sayyid Qutb is considered one of the main ideologues of fundamentalism. S. Qutb reinterpreted traditional Islamic concepts for use in political activities. Their main goal was to justify the violent seizure of power in the state. Thus, his ideas had a huge impact on the jihadist takfiris. In turn, the worldview and subsequent political concepts of Qutb himself were formed under the influence of many medieval thinkers, including Ibn Taymiyyah. The purpose of the study is to study the influence of the ideas of Ibn Taymiyyah on S. Qutb, and his interpretation of the teachings of this religious figure. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive study of the influence of Ibn Taymiyyah’s ideas on the worldview of S. Qutb. During the comparative analysis of the political situation, it was noted that the teachings of Ibn Taymiyyah had a serious impact on the worldview of S. Qutb, especially on the formation of his concepts of jahiliyyah, hakimiyya and jihad, which subsequently led to their specific interpretation and the development of various forms of modern terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anaquel de Estudios Árabes is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hispania Sacra is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Durante cuatro siglos, cristianos (de rito romano o visigótico), musulmanes y judíos coexistieron en la ciudad de Toledo. Pero tal coexistencia, antes de terminar de manera trágica, se caracterizó por muchos matices y atravesó circunstancias diversas. Cuando los llamados mozárabes (cristianos arabizados de rito visigótico) se fundieron en la masa cristiana de rito latino y lengua hispánica, después de dominar en la ciudad durante largo tiempo, los musulmanes (mudéjares), nunca muy numerosos, alcanzaron cierto apogeo en el siglo XIV, antes de quedar parcialmente marginalizados en el XV. En cuanto a los judíos, debido al papel que desempeñaban en la gestión del dinero, fueron objeto de la ira y el furor popular, sobre todo en los siglos XIV y XV, incluso después de su conversión, fingida o sincera, a la fe cristiana.

This article presents a framework for understanding how 'halal' food consumption is understood, practiced and experienced by British Muslims through an empirical study in Birmingham (UK). There are emerging bodies of literature in geography that analyse food/animal ethics and work recognising the increasing importance of the halal food industry. However, there is also a need to understand how ethical and theological concerns translate when scaled down to individual food choices and experiences of Muslims, as they negotiate food consumption as a minority group. Accordingly, this paper utilises qualitative data from an in-depth study to develop a framework for understanding halal food consumption from the perspective of British Muslims. Utilising conceptual literature on food/animal ethics, abjection and belonging it draws evidence into three corresponding sections: (i) Blood – the ethics of religious slaughter processes; (ii) Body – the embodied responses to 'clean' and 'impure' food, and (iii) Belonging – integral connections between halal food and notions of belonging. The paper concludes by suggesting that this framework is a helpful starting point from which to understand the ways in which halal food consumption scales down from abstraction to practice, from ethics to embodied experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrasting colonial experiences shaped regional cleavages in the Philippines. Spain converted natives to Christianity but struggled with converting the Muslim population. Spain only succeeded in driving them further south. American colonialism also perpetuated this regional divide: Christians were under civilian rule while Muslims were under military rule. These administrative regional divides happened concurrently, but a cohesive Christian identity developed much sooner than a Muslim identity in the south. Why do some regional identities develop sooner than others? I argue that variation in the onset of identity formation is the result of contrasting colonial education policies that fell along regional lines. Christians experienced a penetrative education policy, which cultivated a shared experience and facilitated the development of a national identity. Muslims experienced a shallow education policy, which did not have a unifying objective. These factors maintained fragmentation, rather than fostering a cohesive Muslim national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Semata: Ciencias Sociais e Humanidades is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Semata: Ciencias Sociais e Humanidades is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A lo largo de este trabajo nos ocuparemos de un conjunto de imágenes religiosas, crónicas y relaciones de puestas en escena para indagar en dos de los modos en que fue representada la figura del musulmán en los Andes: como vencido y como infiel. El análisis de algunos casos relevantes en línea con estas dos concepciones nos abrirá la posibilidad de avanzar sobre las herencias y la resignificación local de un conjunto de recursos visuales y literarios. Atados a sentidos precisos en la tradición europea, aquellos recursos resultaron eficaces para atender distintas necesidades de legitimación discursiva y de prédica en el escenario del Virreinato peruano.

Los orígenes de la antropología del islam han estado vinculados a un cierto cuestionamiento epistemológico de la producción de arabistas y orientalistas, de quienes la antropología buscaba distinguirse, con el fin de evitar la reificación del islam y la esencialización de grandes áreas y poblaciones sobre una supuesta base religiosa. Frente al orientalismo, las etnografías priorizaban el conocimiento de la gente y sorteaban los esencialismos. Sin embargo, el fundamento teórico de la antropología del islam ha identificado un objeto, el islam, que en ciertos sentidos reproduce algunas de las perspectivas que tanto se han criticado al arabismo, aunque al mismo tiempo contengan reflexiones fundamentales para nuestro quehacer como antropólogas. Esta cartografía hace un recorrido por las aportaciones de la antropología de los contextos musulmanes en el panorama académico del Estado español, tratando de reconstruir la racionalidad de temas y de enfoques, así como de identificar regularidades, con el objeto de ofrecer una hoja de ruta para orientarse por la enorme producción existente; y de proponer algunos debates que sitúen a la antropología en un lugar no solo académico, sino de producción de discursos públicos crítica y políticamente construidos.

This article aims to understand how Chinese Muslims negotiate their identities and how they are included and excluded in urban Guangzhou – a multicultural and multi-ethnic city in south China – through the lens of food. This empirical research consists of intersectional and interactional analysis based on narratives of both the ethnic majority and minority groups. Drawing on a qualitative analysis, this research sheds light on both Muslim geographies of encounter and geographical studies on food consumption in China's multicultural context. Focusing on daily food practices of Chinese Hui Muslims who are immigrated to Guangzhou from Islamic communities in northwest China, this research elucidates how these Muslims use food to sustain their religious identities, how they manage their food practices when eating with Han Chinese and how such daily food practices integrate them into or exclude them from the mainstream Han Chinese culture in relation to wider socio-political issues. The key argument of this research indicates that public food spaces, on the one hand, can enable the social interactions between Chinese Muslims and non-Muslims, and on the other hand, gain new meanings through the encounters of these two groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Islamophobia often refers to systemic racism against Muslims and the lived experiences of discrimination against people who are perceived as Muslim. These forms of racism and discrimination have intensified in the last couple of decades, especially since the War on Terror. This introduction argues that Islamophobia is a spatialized process that occurs at different scales in Muslim-minority countries: globe, nation, urban, neighbourhood, body and emotion. First, we outline a genealogy of the term, Islamophobia. Second, we demonstrate the ways in which Islamophobia occurs at different scales and is connected between scales. Finally, we introduce the papers in the special issue to highlight our argument that Islamophobia is multi-scalar. We also show how the methodological contributions of the research within geographies of Islamophobia can impact policy-making and political organizing against Islamophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study aims to identify the importance of Islamic micro-financing schemes among the financial institutions and also determine the knowledge and attitudes of the respondents towards Shari'ah based financial products. A mixed-method approach, including quantitative and qualitative designs, has been employed by recruiting 255 and 15 respondents, respectively. The results showed no significant differences between respondents' knowledge and access to Shari'a-compliant finance. Similarly, there were no significant differences between respondents depending on their length of stay in the UK, ethnicity, and employment status. Moreover, this required financial support and empowerment from the government and related institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between the Spanish and the Muslim inhabitants of the Philippines and Borneo has always been difficult and depicted as one of enmity. This article, based on a series of published and unpublished sources, sheds light on a more peaceful facet of this relationship and demonstrates episodes of commerce between both sides from 1565 to 1800. Thereby, it challenges the traditional perspective of Manila as exclusively part of the China-New Spain trade axis and advocates viewing the Philippines as part of the polycentric, globally-connected commercial system of Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focus on a set of religious images, chronicles and staging relations to research two of the ways in which Muslims were represented in the Andes: as defeated and as infidels. Analyzing some relevant cases in line with both conceptions advances our understandings of the local heritage and resignification of a set of visual and literary resources. Tied to precise senses in the European tradition, those resourses were effective to serve discursive legitimation and preach purposes in the the Peruvian Viceroyalty scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Angles: French Perspectives on the Anglophone World is the property of Societe des Anglicistes de l Enseignement Superieur and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the situation of the Christians in the Middle East and defines their collective fate in terms of the “Christian condition.” The main argument sustains that the tragedy of the Christian condition in the Middle East lies in the crisis of the secular State, which is the consequence of both the emergence of the Islamic factor as well as Western interventions since the Crusades up to the colonial period and the US military intervention and occupation of Iraq in 2003. From this perspective, what is happening currently is not merely the repetition of History; it rather marks a continuity of a path of inequality in Muslim societies during different historical periods and foreign/Western interventions, which both in the past and the present were truly concerned with the destiny of Christianity in the Middle East.

In this article we analyse how French Catholic Anti-Semites perceived Islam during the nineteenth century, to which end we examine the works Louis de Bonald, Louis Veuillot, Roger Gougenot des Mousseaux and D. Kimon devoted to Islam. The aim of this exercise is, firstly, to improve our knowledge of the European image of Islam in the nineteenth century, focusing on a ideological trend that has hitherto aroused scant interest among scholars. Secondly, this article will enhance our understanding of anti-Semitism as an ideology and a political movement, showing how Catholic anti-Semites, far from being solely obsessed with the Jewish peril, were also obsessed with other threats, primarily the Islamic menace. Finally, it attempts to demonstrate that, despite the arguments brandished by many scholars in recent years, anti-Islamic or Islamophobic sentiments are not necessarily based in racial prejudices, but can spring exclusively from religious intolerance. This certainly was the case among nineteenth-century French Catholic anti-Semites. However, their hostility was no less virulent because of that, far from it.

Para los masones españoles, el “hermano moro”, título que enmarca el artículo, no es solo un hermano masón más, es un hermano excepcional, construido desde el canon colonial y el pasado común compartido en una época medieval distorsionada, un hermano histórico pero infantilizado, necesario para legitimar la actuación masónica en el Norte de África. En este sentido, el texto aborda la construcción de la imagen del “otro musulmán” mediante el análisis del discurso colonial de la masonería hispana implantada en el protectorado marroquí desde finales del siglo XIX. Con tal fin, se analizará la construcción del “indígena” y la propia evolución de dicha construcción desde los discursos y las prácticas masónicas. Sin olvidar, por último, las consecuencias y particularidades que los límites discursivos de ambas variables (el constructo y su recepción) supondrán para la consecución del ideal masónico colonial proyectado por las logias norteafricanas.

El tema del reconocimiento del derecho a existir del Estado de Israel ha sido una de las vertientes principales del conflicto árabe-israelí. Planteado en ocasiones como un enfrentamiento entre religiones, la realidad es que Israel es reconocido, entre otros, por diecinueve países cuyas poblaciones son mayoritariamente musulmanas. La presente investigación pretende hacer un análisis histórico de las circunstancias en que Israel logró dichos reconocimientos, con el objeto de combinar la información obtenida con un análisis estadístico de los regímenes políticos actuales del mundo islámico y su posición ante el Estado de Israel. Todo ello busca conocer si existe una influencia de la variable de la difusión y la profundización de la democracia sobre el tema del reconocimiento del Estado de Israel. O, dicho de otra manera, ¿es la democracia el camino para la construcción de una paz justa, duradera y estable en Oriente Medio?

Dada la larga y controvertida relación entre España y Marruecos, la in- vestigación sobre islam en España ha abordado de manera abundante y notable la presencia de mezquitas controladas por marroquíes en todo el país. Por consiguiente, espacios similares controlados por paquistaníes y bangladeshíes, dos comunidades que en las últimas décadas han crecido rápidamente en varios puntos del país, han que- dado poco explorados. Con ello, el modo en que esos espacios sirven a organizaciones islámicas de origen paquistaní y bangladeshí para hacer proselitismo (dawah) entre musulmanes de esos orígenes ha quedado por explorar también. Partiendo de Catalu- ña y, concretamente, de Barcelona y el barrio de El Raval, donde en los últimos años dichos espacios, organizaciones y comunidades han proliferado más y de forma más rápida, este artículo quiere contribuir a ese (relativamente) nuevo terreno de investi- gación. Por supuesto, en países como el Reino Unido, donde, por motivos históricos y políticos obvios, dichos espacios, organizaciones y comunidades tienen un largo recorri- do, muchos han desarrollado dicho terreno de investigación. No obstante, el hecho de que en España, Cataluña, Barcelona y El Raval tal recorrido se halle todavía en sus primeros pasos nos permite observar y analizar de manera privilegiada, precisamente, el modo en que se establece el vínculo entre determinados espacios, organizaciones y comunidades. Así pues, partiendo de una etnografía en el barrio de El Raval, tratando de evitar generalizaciones para introducir matices, este artículo quiere contribuir tam- bién a comprender la naturaleza de dicho vínculo, por supuesto, sin darla por sentada.

As a consequence of globalization and the constant migratory flows, the social body of Western States is changing rapidly. The identification of Western societies on homogeneous funds is difficult to achieve in our days because there is a growing social diversity in a growing multicultural context. In this sense, multiculturalism is also a way for the evidence of identity among the members of the social body. Fundamentally, many individuals of Muslim creed have the need to solve the successive civil conflicts that they have according to the precepts of their Religion. For this reason, the demand for the settlement of controversies according to the Sharia is frequent. In this sense, our object of study focuses on the great city that the application of Sharia is having in the Western States and its repercussion in the maintenance of public order and security, with special attention to the defense of Spanish public order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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