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This research note presents the RepResent Belgian Panel (RBP). The RBP is a voter panel survey consisting of four waves fielded to a sample of voters in Belgium around the May 2019 federal, regional, and European elections in Belgium. It provides unique data on about 250 variables for a quota sample of the same respondents, pre-2019 elections (N = 7351), post-2019 elections (N = 3909), one year after the elections (N = 1996), and 2 years after the elections (N = 1119). The RBP panel dataset was designed to analyse voters' political attitudes and behaviours, notably on different dimensions of democratic representation, and with a specific focus on democratic resentment (e.g. citizens' attitudes towards democracy such as distrust and alienation, but also behaviours such as abstention, protest, or voting for anti-establishment parties). Its longitudinal structure allows to explore the political dynamics at play in Belgium throughout the lengthy government formation process. Finally, the last two waves of the RBP were fielded during the Covid-19 pandemic, allowing to explore public opinion before and during this global crisis. The RBP should be of interest to scholars of public opinion and electoral studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existence of a multi-party system is one of the most important criterion for assessing the degree of democratization of a state. In contemporary democratic republics, the multi-party system has become a formalistic representation. However, in Europe, the de facto multi-party systems are extensively retained, making Europe a veritable concentration area of multi-party states. This research delved into the phenomenon and conducted a qualitative comparative analysis on the cases of 44 European countries to explore the factors contributing to multi-party states’ agglomeration in Europe. The findings demonstrate a novel explanatory model of multifactorial mechanism of Europe becoming the concentration area of multi-party states, whose solution coverage is 0.7 and solution consistency is 0.954545. According to the model, a developed country with a tradition of parliamentary government is more likely to possess a well-established multi-party system in a non-religious environment. High levels of educational attainment and political participation of the population allow a multi-party system to emerge and continue. Furthermore, the model indicates that a strong Christian culture hinders the development of multi-party systems to some extent, while economy growth has a direct and positive relationship with the formation and continuation of multi-party systems.

Introduction: Parties act as political institutions that connect government and society. They also play a vital role in the political endurance of nations. The Russian Federation is one the countries that has an active multi-party system. The formation of parties in Russia started later than in Western Europe. The first political parties were formed under Tsar Nicholas II in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. However, until 1905, the establishment of political associations in Russia was strongly opposed until the declaration of October17, 1905. With the October Revolution of 1917, a one-party system was gradually formed in Russia, thus ending the first period of party formation. At the end of the Soviet era in the late 1980s and after the implementation of "Perestroika" and "Glasnost" by Mikhail Gorbachev, important changes took place in the Russian political system. This especially led to the re-emergence of parties. In the first years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the emergence of political parties was very rapid and numerous. Subsequently, during the following years, the party structure of the Russian Federation experienced significant numerical and substantive changes, a subject which this article tries to investigate. Research question: What is the role of political parties in the political life of Russia? Do all Russian political parties have equal influence and rights since Vladimir Putin assumed power? Research hypothesis: The hypothesis of this atricle is that the party system in Putin's Russia is effectively a "dominant party" system; in which parties affiliated with Putin's United Russia Party primarily dominate and control the legislative process. The authors of this article also argue that the amendment of the Russian constitution in 2020 did not change the role and position of Russian parties in practice. Methodology: In order to conduct this research and answer the key questions, a descriptive-analytical approach has been chosen. In addition, the authors have explained the problem and investigated the issue by collecting and analyzing the required data through desk research and descriptive analysis of available sources (articles, books and reliable internet sources). Results and discussion: The approval of the law on political parties in 2001 and the imposition of party electoral thresholds (minimum share of primary votes: 5-7 percent) drastically reduced the number of parties. But in October 2011, the government passed a bill to simplify party registration. After the approval of this law, the number of parties increased. From the 4th Duma (2003) to the 8th Duma (2021), the "United Russia" as Putin's "Party of Power" has always won an absolute majority of votes. This party has the largest number of representatives in the State Duma and in the regional parliaments. Since power in Russia is ultimately concentrated in the hands of the president, it is in the interests of political parties and party elites to get close to him in order to reduce any tensions and disagreements. Indeed, due to the dominance of the "Party of Power", the Russian political party system is virtually non-competitive. This is the main problem of party development in today's Russia. Therefore parliamentary parties have many resources, while non-parliamentary opposition parties have neither resources nor political stability. Considering the contemporary dominance of certain political parties in the Russian parliament and their failure to replace with newer parties, it has definitely reduced the interest and willingness of Russian citizens to vote. In this regard, in 2016, the lowest participation rate in the history of parliamentary elections of the Russian Federation was recorded with only 47.88 percent. This low turnout was in contrast to the previous four elections, in which 60 percent of all eligible voters participated and two elections, in which 55 percent participated. Several amended articles of the Russian constitution actually strengthen the role and position of the president. For example, according to clause 2 of Article 95 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the number of representatives of the President in the Federation Council increases from 17 to a maximum of 30. Likewise, Articles 129 and 107 increase the interference of the President in the judiciary and thus limit the independence of the country's judiciary. On January 15, 2020, Vladimir Putin once again inexplicably reiterated the need for a strong presidential system and sufficient powers for the president in Russia. Conclusion: Although according to the constitution of the Russian Federation (2020), the country has a multi-party system, but in practice, the Power Party (United Russia) plays the main role compared to other parties in Russia. The party system in Russia has become the dominant party system. Russian political parties are not an effective bridge between the people and the government due to the weakness of civil society in Russia. Therefore, until a strong civil society is formed in Russia, the country's political parties will not play a central role as a link between civil society and the government. The "United Russia" party as the dominant political party in power, has practically become Putin's tool to hold the majority of seats in the parliament. As a result, when Putin wants to become the president of Russia, through this party and in the name of "the will of the Russian people" he can influence the establishment of laws in Parliament without opposition and in line with his political interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The development of the modern Russian state along the path of building a democratic legal society necessitates the analysis and use of the positive experience of previous decades. Considering this and relying on factual material, a significant part of which is being introduced for the first time into scientific circulation and studies affecting this scientific research problem, we have attempted for the first time ever in the Russian historiography to analyze political processes and changes in Dagestan in 1980-s in dynamics and in comparison with similar processes in the whole country. At the same time, the article pays special attention to showing the regional characteristics of political development, primarily its religious and national component on the basis of the principles of science, historicism, consistency and objectivity. The author characterized these processes and concluded that stagnation was clearly manifested in the multinational republic in the first half of the 1980-s, as well as in the country as a whole. In the second half of the decade regional authorities made significant efforts to move from administrative-command methods to democratic methods of managing sectors of the national economy and strengthen democratic trends in political development.

Does political ambivalence increase vote switching? While the effects of ambivalence on vote switching have been investigated in the American political system, its application to multi-party systems has not been explored. To address this gap, this article investigates the effects of ambivalence on vote intention switching and vote switching in Germany's multi-party system, which has recently experienced electoral instability. Using the German Longitudinal Election Study (gles), the article teases out the mechanics of party ambivalence, leader ambivalence, and party-leader ambivalence. The results suggest that ambivalence increases the probability of voters switching parties during the pre-election campaigning period and between two consecutive elections. Ambivalence therefore has important implications for vote switching and for understanding the underlying determinants of electoral volatility in twenty-first-century politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties frequently form coalitions with each other to pursue office or policy payoffs. Contrary to a prominent argument, the distribution of rents within the coalition does not always reflect the relative sizes of the coalition members. We propose that this is at least partially due to an incumbency advantage in coalitional bargaining. To evaluate this argument empirically, we construct a data set of candidates, parties, and members of the executive in Finnish local governments. We first use a regression discontinuity design to document a personal incumbency advantage in nominations to executive municipal boards. We then show that an incumbency premium is present also at the party level. Using an instrumental variable strategy that hinges on within‐party close elections between incumbents and non‐incumbents, we find that, ceteris paribus, having more re‐elected incumbents increases party's seat share in the executive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research, we examine the role of attachment to an ideological group as a source of stability in a volatile multi-party system. In two studies conducted in Israel (N = 1320), we show that a multi-item Attachment to an Ideological Group (AIG) scale is strongly tied to vote choice and political engagement, and its effects are independent of, and more powerful than, issue-based ideology and partisan identity strength. Compared to individuals with a weak ideological attachment, those who score highly on the AIG scale are more likely to vote for a party from their ideological camp and participate in politics. Moreover, in two survey experiments, respondents high in AIG displayed stronger anger or enthusiasm—known harbingers of political action—in response to threat or reassurance to their ideological group's status, attesting to a link between AIG and political engagement. Our findings underscore the importance of ideological group attachments in a volatile multi-party system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mediterranean Journal of Gender & Women's Studies (KTC) / Akdeniz Kadın Çalışmaları ve Toplumsal Cinsiyet Dergisi is the property of Mediterranean Journal of Gender & Women's Studies (KTC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The existence of a multi-party system is one of the most important criterion for assessing the degree of democratization of a state. In contemporary democratic republics, the multi-party system has become a formalistic representation. However, in Europe, the de facto multi-party systems are extensively retained, making Europe a veritable concentration area of multi-party states. This research delved into the phenomenon and conducted a qualitative comparative analysis on the cases of 44 European countries to explore the factors contributing to multi-party states' agglomeration in Europe. The findings demonstrate a novel explanatory model of multifactorial mechanism of Europe becoming the concentration area of multi-party states, whose solution coverage is 0.7 and solution consistency is 0.954545. According to the model, a developed country with a tradition of parliamentary government is more likely to possess a well-established multi-party system in a non-religious environment. High levels of educational attainment and political participation of the population allow a multi-party system to emerge and continue. Furthermore, the model indicates that a strong Christian culture hinders the development of multi-party systems to some extent, while economy growth has a direct and positive relationship with the formation and continuation of multi-party systems., Competing Interests: The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (© 2024 The Authors.)

What explains affective polarization among voters and societal groups? Much of the existing literature focusing on mass political polarization in modern democracies originates in the US, where studies have shown that, while ideological separation has grown, political conflict increasingly reflects social identity divisions rather than policy disagreements, resulting in affective polarization. We focus on explaining such polarization in a multi-party context. Drawing on social identity theory and intergroup threat theory, we hypothesize that individuals who perceive an intergroup threat show stronger intergroup differentiation and increased affective polarization. We analyze the influence of perceived threat on affective polarization drawing on two large-scale representative surveys in Sweden (N = 1429 and 1343). We show that individual-level affective polarization is related to perceived intergroup threats among the voters in both studies, measuring affective polarization using social distance, negative trait attribution, and party like-dislike ratings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Çok partili dönemde Cumhurbaşkanı İsmet İnönü’nün çıktığı yurt gezileri, onun yönetim anlayışının nasıl değiştiğini göstermektedir. 1946’nın başında çok partili sistemin bir deneme olarak görüldüğü dönemden, 12 Temmuz Beyannamesinin yayınlanmasıyla bu sistemin artık kalıcı olduğunun anlaşıldığı döneme kadar olan süreçte Cumhurbaşkanı İsmet İnönü’nün de yönetim anlayışı değişmiştir. İşte bu değişim onun çıktığı yurt gezilerinden takip edilebilmektedir. Yapılan çalışmada yurt gezileri, Cumhurbaşkanı İsmet İnönü’nün yönetim anlayışının değiştiğini gösteren siyasi davranışlar ve olaylar üzerinden açıklanacaktır. Ayrıca bu dönemde Cumhurbaşkanı İnönü’nün çok partili hayatla ilgili olarak attığı siyasi adımların etkileri de yurt gezileri içerisinde tartışılacaktır. Bu bağlamda önce, çok partili sistemin başlangıcında Milli Şef ve partili kimliğinin ön planda olduğu yurt gezileri değerlendirilecektir. Sonrasında ise partili kimliğini geride bırakıp partilere görece eşit uzaklıkta olduğunu gösterdiği ve 12 Temmuz Beyannamesinin etkilerinin görüldüğü yurt gezileri incelenecektir. / During the multi-party period, President Ismet Inönü’s nationwide tours have been showing how his concept of governance has changed. From the period when the multi-party system was seen as an experiment in the beginning of 1946, until the time when this system was understood to be permanent with publication of the July 12 Declaration, President Ismet Inönü’s concept of governance has changed. This change can be traced from his nationwide tours. In this study, nationwide tours will be explained through the political behaviors and events that show that President Ismet Inönü’s concept of governance has changed. In addition, the effects of the political steps taken by President Inönü in connection with multi-party system in this period will be discussed in nationwide tours. In this context, firstly, nationwide tours will be evaluated at the beginning of the multi-party system when his National Chief and party identity was effective. Afterwards, nationwide tours, which have been showing that he has left his party identity behind and has been equal to the parties and the effects of the July 12 Declaration will be reviewed.

State budget formulation is supposed to reflect the needs of the people. However, political influences are often seen in the formulation. Politicians are interested in serving their constituents and win an election, especially when one of the competitors is an incumbent, resulting in the socalled political business cycle. This paper examines the influence of politics on budget formulation at the districts in Indonesia. It contributes to the literature in politics of state budgeting focusing on Indonesia, a country with a multiparty system. Most studies examined countries with a dual-party system. The second contribution is the use of two channels of district budget allocation, namely the line ministerial budget and local transfer. An earlier study on Indonesia only studied budget allocation using local transfer. Using data from 2010 and 2011, this paper concludes that the political business cycle did not seem to exist in the budget formulation at districts in Indonesia. It also concludes that budget allocation through local transfer responded to the needs of locals. However, the line ministerial allocation does not necessarily suit the needs of locals, especially access to safe water and electricity. As expected, the coalition parties do not have a significant impact on budget formulation at the district level. Perhaps their role is to provide support to the government formulation. Interestingly, the opposition parties also support the government's budget proposal through line ministerial transfer, but criticise the budget allocation through a local transfer mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voter polarisation, or the widening of differences between supporters of different political parties, is of growing concern in many nations. However, little is known about whether polarisation is on the rise in New Zealand. We address this lacuna by investigating temporal trends in voter polarisation in New Zealand (namely, those voting for the National party, Labour party, the Green party, and New Zealand First) from 2009–2018. Using a large national probability sample (the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study; Ns = 2,820–39,287), we assessed polarisation across three domains: demographic characteristics, social and policy attitudes, and feelings towards each political party (affective polarisation). Evidence of polarisation was generally limited, with the most notable trends occurring in the public's perceptions of societal fairness and attitudes towards inequality. These analyses provide insight into the magnitude and type of polarisation occurring across voters in a multi-party context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conservative Thought / Muhafazakar Düşünce is the property of Muhafazakar Dusunce Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The multi-party system is a system that consists of more than two dominant parties. Under the provisions of Article 6 and Article 6A the Constitution NRI 1945 Results Changes in the election of the President and Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia using the direct election system based on the proposals of the political party or coalition of political parties. If if adopted multi-party system, the presidential election will take place on the basis of a compromise between several parties contained therein. This was done because among the party that produced no outright majority. President elected in this way, would not want or desire should always pay attention to political parties that support it. The formulation of the problem is How the Implementation of the System Setup Multi Party in Indonesia? How to Influence System Against Multi Party Presidential Position In the presidential system of government in Indonesia? The research method is a normative juridical approach. Normative juridical approach method used to assess or analyze secondary data in the form of legal materials, especially primary law materials and secondary legal materials. Indonesia adheres to to multi-party presidential system. Multi-party system has been running since 1945 and runs until today even though some time has been changed the system of government. Post-reform, democratic system in Indonesia entered a new era, especially in an election in Indonesia. In a presidential system of government, multi-party system affect the difficulty of candidates for President and vice president produce a majority in the election.

The aim of this paper is to evaluate the effects of social change on relationship beween religion and politics by the way of to analyze the past and present episode of the effective social dynamics in this relationship in Turkey. For this reason, firstly, we have tried to analyze the main features and effective dynamics of the relationship between religion and politics since the transformation to multi-party system to present day. Secondly, we have tried to evaluate the current state of the effective dynamics of this relationship in the light of the applied research results

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2017, Kenya had its sixth election since the reintroduction of the multi-party system, and a decade after 2007/2008 in which the local media were accused of partly fuelling violence. In 2013, the local media were accused of betraying democracy for peace despite expectations that they would strive to improve their reputation after learning from past mistakes. This article demonstrates how, in 2017, the fractious state-media relations, more so over the withdrawal of government advertising and harsh laws, pushed the local media to report for democracy in the period before the elections. Yet, owing to fresh government censorship, the local media abandoned the democracy project when the tallying process began and instead switched to the peace reporting of 2013. It therefore appears that the local media in neo-patrimonial settings are more inclined to report for democracy when they are independent of, or have a tussle with, the state than when they are even just flirting, thus creating the picture that the local media simply report for democracy at their convenience rather than as a set agenda. And noting that the media are aware of their obligation to report for democracy, this article recommends that the local media must tactfully weave through the neo-patrimonial influences, as a constant reality, and set reporting for democracy, even if imperfectly, as an obligation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the process of formation and development of a multi-party system in Tuva whose public, cultural and everyday life of the population goes to the origins of nomadic civilization. For many centuries, the mentality of the Tuvans, nomadic civilization developed its inherent ideals and norms under the influence of natural and climatic, cultural and historical factors that determine the uniqueness of their way of life. The relevance of the topic is determined by scientific and practical interest in the problems of sociopolitical development of the country and its regions under conditions of civil society formation, modern federalism, the rule-of-law state which is impossible without pluralism in socio-political sphere. Political pluralism has prompted active party building, therefore, reliable knowledge is needed about the formation of a multi-party system. In party building there is the impact of the Tuvans' orientation on the values of their ethnic culture and clan relations characteristic of a nomadic civilization. The purpose of the article is to analyze the formation and development of political parties, social movements and organizations in Tuva in the 1990s of the XX - early XXI centuries. Historical-genetic and historical-systemic methods contributed to the identification of the peculiarities of a multi-party system formation in the Republic of Tuva where the achievements of nomadic civilization have not been lost yet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Index.Comunicación is the property of Index.comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the attainment of independence, on the political scene of the Republic of Moldova there appeared a number of political parties and movements having unequal role in political life. This collation refers to the number of existing parties, which are part of the system. According to political scientist Jean Blondel, a party system is characterized not only by the quantity, but also by the share of parties in the system. Currently in Moldova there are 36 parties, but only 4 of them are present in the Parliament, the rest having a very low rate of participation in political life. Another feature of the multi-party system is the political continuity, which ensures a continuing evolution of political life through successive governments. In the case of the Republic of Moldova, there is a reverse process, sometimes there is observed even continuity in the negative sense. But in recent years we can see the beginning of positive continuity, which can lead to the consolidation of the party system, provided that the parties will continue to improve their work. Hereafter the author will analyze the multi-party system by the criterion of electoral volatility, i.e. whether a party has a stable electorate. There will also be considered types of relationships between parties and voters, as well as the level of mutual influence.

The article considers on dynamics of development of legal basis of Israel political parties in a complex and comprehensive way for the purpose of more deep understanding of formation and development specificity of multi-party system in the state. The Israel experience in constitutionally-legal regulation of political parties and their role in the social life of the country are represented.

Research on affective polarization – that is, dislike and hostility across party lines – originated in the study of the American two-party system and only recently traveled into multiparty contexts. This emerging body of research is hindered by lack of comprehensive data that capture multiple dimensions of polarization and examine how they develop over the course of political events such as electoral campaigns or the formation and dissolution of coalition governments. This research note introduces the Israel Polarization Panel [IPP] Dataset, 2019–2021, designed specifically to address this shortcoming. The IPP consists of 10 panel waves, following the same individuals over four elections. We first survey the key features of the IPP and then discuss its applications. The dataset is publicly available and should be of interest to scholars of polarization, political behavior and electoral politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]