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In the harshest phase of the Cold War between the end of the Second World War and the death of Stalin, the Italian Communist Party, in line with the orientation of international communism, stuck to a model of militancy forged in the 1930s and based on the submission of individual choices and behaviour to the rules dictated by the party. This claim was never fully realized: the discipline operated by the party was not a one-way process, and had to deal with the cultural, familial, existential and affective factors that make up each individual's life. However, the case of the communist leader Emilio Sereni shows how the higher up in the organizational structure one went, the more the identification of the individual with the party intensified, through a logic that affected even the most intimate sphere of feelings and family relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides intellectual arguments and tools from legal dogmatics that can help to counter the rule of law backlash. It argues that resilience can be boosted by a systemic militant rule of law approach. When it comes to restoring the rule of law, legal theory turns to the Radbruch formula (supra-statutory law). This approach remains contested by lawyers who are convinced – following the tradition of positivist legal theory – that invoking this formula is unacceptable because it violates a fundamental requirement of the rule of law, namely that of legality. Irrespective of the value of this concern, Radbruch's formula is not applicable to the current demise of the rule of law, as the law resulting from cheating and abuse in illiberal regimes does not result in evil law (though it may facilitate such developments). Instead of evil law, we face not-so-bad law. Legal imperfections exist in every legal system, and militant rule of law necessitates the systemic revision of these shortcomings in order to preempt the abuses of an anti-formalistic populist regime. In illiberal regimes, the self-corrective mechanisms of the rule of law are gradually eliminated, but the name of the game remains the rule of law. It means that judges still have (some) power to counter the backlash using extant interpretive techniques (for a while). This article will begin by introducing the concept of not-so-bad (NSB) law as an imperfection of the rule of law. In Part Two, the validity of NSB laws is discussed by relying on the source theory. It argues that even if validity is a matter of conformity to the source, the source can be understood to contain a legal merit component as determined by the rule of law, and falling short on this legal merit component can constitute a ground for declaring the norm's invalid. Part Three describes the abuses of the rule of law in illiberal democracies and describes how the NSB law of illiberal regimes does not satisfy the validity requirements of legal positivism. Part Four discusses the opportunities open to judges for resisting or undoing NSB law using existing techniques of legal interpretation and without violating rule of law principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This article analyzes the affiliation of cabinet members in four post-transition governments in Mexico. The main goal is to contribute to the study of the role of parties in the dynamics of government formation. Methodology: The article is based on the description of an original database regarding the trajectory and partisan links of 148 secretaries of state in Mexico between 2000 and 2024. Conclusions: Our analysis shows that although alternation and divided government increased the incentives to appoint ministers with a political-partisan background, each president shaped their cabinet according to political circumstances and professional and political networks. Originality: A new proposal for categorizing the partisan profiles of ministers and their relationship with the type of cabinet appointment is tested by applying a partisanship index in ministries.

The contamination of large water bodies through crude oil production led the people of Nigeria's oil-bearing Niger Delta to seek new means of livelihood away from aquaculture. This led some of their youths to engage in distillation of crude oil using locally fabricated equipment in what is known as artisanal refineries. In order to supply their makeshift refineries with crude oil, they illegally tap into pipelines and other petroleum infrastructures which traverse the region. Both their refining activities and their method of obtaining crude oil are adjudged illegal and so were criminalized by the Nigerian state. To enforce their criminalization, the government resorted to the deployment of joint military taskforces and other kinetic measures. But rather than quell the practices, the government's responses appear to have aggravated the situation. This paper uses a variety of sources, including focus group discussions (FGDs), key informant interviews (KIIs), and field observations to investigate how the criminalization of artisanal oil refining operations has contributed to worsening the security environment of petroleum production in Nigeria. Our findings show that artisanal oil refining, though instigated by the deplorable economic and environmental challenges in the oil-bearing communities, has attracted a complex web of actors whose capacity for clandestine activities is immense. As such we found the government's responses inadequate for dealing with the problem due to its failure to both unravel the web of interests and address the root causes of the problem. We then prescribe a dynamic problem-solving approach for resolving oil activism in Nigeria holistically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the enduring social crimes throughout history is kidnapping. While its manifestations are global, there are distinct local variations in its specifics. This social malady has surged with alarming frequency, especially over the past decade in Nigeria, bringing with it significant impacts on the stability of the country. Thus, it becomes crucial to delve into its patterns, various occurrences, and to comprehend the theoretical foundations that underlie it. In order to uncover the sociological underpinnings of this crime, and the intertwined triggers, this study extensively reviewed relevant literature. The argument presented in this paper delineates the annals of kidnapping in Nigeria into two phases: the slavery and precolonial era, and the contemporary period. Triggers for kidnapping were analyzed and categorized into distinct clusters: an underlying cluster (socio-economic disparities, a dysfunctional law enforcement and judicial system, and longstanding conflicts); a remote cluster (political instability, the presence of militant groups, and insurgency); and an immediate cluster (vulnerable demographics, lack of robust security measures, and instances of diverse unrest). Moreover, the paper contends that the persistence of kidnapping is exacerbated by the flourishing economy it has spawned. Through an examination of theories associated with kidnapping, a comprehensive conceptual framework was developed, integrating the multifaceted factors relevant to the Nigerian context. It is anticipated that the findings of this study will contribute to the formulation of new policies, and the refinement of existing ones, aimed at fostering a safe, secure, and peaceful socioeconomic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this study is to examine the causes behind the growing radicalization in Pakistan and to elaborate the government tactics to control the radicalization in Pakistan. The historical perspective can help in finding the root causes of radicalization and extremism from the day after independence. In this study qualitative methodology was used and the data from range of sources to investigate the growing radicalization. Numerous internal and external factors contribute to the already polarized society of Pakistan, which turns into extremism. The use of relative deprivation theory examines the radicalization in Pakistan through the prism of relative hardship which asserts when expectations diverge, people experience dissatisfaction and disagreement which leads to radicalization. This study recommends to build a strong relationship between state and the radicalized group by eliminating radicalization and introducing reforms by giving counter narrative of moderate and Liberal Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examined the amnesty approach from a two-dimensional approaches of the central and sub-national governments in the management of structural conflicts in Nigeria. Using the case study approach, the study explains how the actions of individuals (or groups) escalate militancy, insurgency and banditry, as well as undermine the amnesty initiatives of national and subnational bodies in Nigeria. We argued that: administration bordering on crass corruption is the unacknowledged goal of amnesty; the complicity of state actors is the direct consequence of this unacknowledged goal; and there is a clear link between the financial compensation/payment to the bandits/militants and the proliferation of attacks and armed groups. Thus, in the regions we focused on, there was a proliferation of militant, insurgent and bandit attacks as well as fatalities in the post-amnesty period because of the complicit role of political actors in fuelling insecurity to justify continuous financial investment in these initiatives and present more opportunities for further misappropriation of the amnesty funds. This finding questions the appropriateness of multi-layer amnesty programmes as a conflict management strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ploy of dissimulation that the suffragette movement harnessed in political practice also played an important role in suffrage literature and stage drama. Here, the trope of comic misdirection (such as the misrecognition of suffrage identities) served to expose the foolishness of anti-feminists, encouraging readers and spectators to dismiss the upholders of the law while applauding suffrage activists. In the process, femininity was reconceptualised in two ways: the essentialist model so misrepresentative of women’s life-experience was debunked through comic caricature and contrasted with the “authentic” femininity that manifested in the bravery and daring of militancy. To engage in subversive political acts did not strip a woman of her femininity; it amplified it. Drawing on a range of fiction and stage drama, this essay explores the textual strategy of laughter with which feminist activist writers of the early twentieth century sought to galvanise audience and reader sympathies. Informed by Freudian laughter theory, the article argues that in the triangulation of narrative actors, the agent of comic subversion (the suffragette) was intended to dispose the reader/observer to share her joke at the expense of the representatives of the old order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Values of the religious axiology of Catholicism and doctrines of Peronism permeated and mobilized the political action of vast sectors of women and men militants during the first presidencies of Juan Domingo Perón and Domingo Alfredo Mercante's governorship of the province of Buenos Aires. The tensions between Peronism and the catholic Church, existing from times before the break of the 1954 relationship, imposed definitions in personalities identified with both axiologies, about the priority of one or the other. By 1949 the catholic Church was consolidating its aspiration to make catholic education compulsory in the nation's public schools and in the constitutions of several provinces. In the province of Buenos Aires, the minister of Education (1949-1952) Julio César Avanza crowned the achievement of Catholicism. The object of analysis of this article is the recognition of the values that informed the discursive structure of Avanza from its beginnings in political militancy in 1944 until his death in 1958. The analytical question refers to how the ideological values of two axiological frameworks -- which initially shared affinities culminated in confrontation-- have interacted in the definitions of the acts of government of a political person. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In today's consumer society, the promotion and marketing of products is no longer just for necessity. With the development of information and communication technologies, images have surrounded people. In line with these images, invisible messages are imposed on people's subconscious in advertising messages. At this point, the semiotic analysis method makes these hidden messages visible. In this study, two different advertisement designs featuring militancy and male representation have been analyzed using Roland Barthes' semiotic method, determining which myths are reproduced by these advertisements. It examines how selected Tabasco hot sauce and Zwilling knife advertisements use visual media to convey complex messages that influence societal norms and consumer behavior through the purposive sampling method. It identifies cultural narratives and ideologies within these ads that not only market their products but also influence societal values. In conclusion, the analyzed advertisement designs have been found to reproduce myths of a patriarchal society, heroism, as well as nationalism and racism. The analysis highlights the need for ethical advertising practices that support inclusivity and societal well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Achieving household food security is the tumbling issue of the century. This article explores the factors affecting household food security and solutions by utilizing a synergy of statistical and mathematical models. The methodology section is divided into two portions namely sociological and mathematical methods. Sociologically, 379 household heads were interviewed through structured questions and further analyzed in terms of descriptive and binary logistic regression. The study found that 4 independent variables (poverty, poor governance, militancy, and social stratification) showed a significant association (P = 0.000) to explain variations in the dependent variable (household FS). The Omnibus test value (χ2= 102.386; P = 0.000) demonstrated that the test for the entire model against constant was statistically significant. Therefore, the set of predictor variables could better distinguish the variation in household FS. The Nagelkerke's R Square (R2 =.333) helps to interpret that the prediction variable and the group variables had a strong relationship. Moreover, 23% to 33% variation in FS was explained by the grouping variables (Cox and Snell R2 = 0.237 and Nagelkerke's R2 = 0.333). The significant value of Wald test results for each variable confirmed that the grouping variables (poor governance P = 0.004, militancy P = 0.000, social stratification P = 0.021 and poverty P = 0.000) significantly predicted FS at the household level. Mathematically, all the statistics were validated further through the application of spherical fuzzy mathematics (TOPIS and MADM) to explore what factors are affecting household FS. Thus, the study found that F3 (poverty) > F2 (militancy) > F4 (social stratification) > F1 (poor governance) respectively. Thus, it could be concluded from these findings that the prevalence of poverty dysfunctional all the channels of household FS at the macro and micro levels. Therefore, a sound and workable model to eradicate poverty in the study area by ensuring social safety nets for the locals was put forward some of the policy implications for the government are the order of the day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the constitutive elements of Nigeria's sovereignty. Its opposing dynamics are the definitional and contextual problems that lace the concept as revealed by the extant literature on sovereignty. The article argues that the tendency of the Nigerian state to exert full sovereignty through overcentralization is the heart of the resistance/militancy in the Niger-Delta, which has taken the dimension of armed conflict. The resistance, it further argues, has undermined the country's sovereignty by its capacity to weaken oil exploration in the region and the resultant short-fall in revenue accruing to the central government. In addition, the consequent meddlesomeness in the crisis by foreign actors imposes a negative sovereignty on the country. In conclusion, the paper calls for autonomous regions that are vested with the power over their resources. This can be achieved through a Sovereign National Conference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reassesses May Sinclair's feminist writings, arguing that the subjectivity foregrounded within them is not evidence of ambivalence or conservatism, but rather a means for Sinclair to strengthen her unconventional yet deeply held feminist conviction. I examine the subtly wrought arguments in Sinclair's feminist non-fiction to demonstrate how she used these texts to articulate her own relationship to the increasing militancy of the women's suffrage movement and develop her own critique of the patriarchy. I argue that Sinclair arrives at a far-sighted conception of feminism which is informed by her status as a walking woman writer, as she marches in women's suffrage demonstrations under the banner of the Women Writers' Unit. Sinclair's self-conscious following in the footsteps of her nineteenth-century literary forebears has consequences for her feminist writings. Sinclair's feminist non-fiction writings thus elucidate her commitment to an egalitarian feminism which condemns the gendered conventions of nineteenth-century womanhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Continuing his work in «écopoétique», which had already led him to take interest in the representation of violence in extreme contemporary literature (cf. Littérature et écologie. Le Mur des abeilles, José Corti, 2020), Pierre Schoentjes here examines the way in which literature represents the neo-rurals of the 1970s, defenders of nature who returned to the countryside out of rejection of consumer society.Based on Pierre Pelot’s Canards boiteux (1975), in which the characters resort to arms to prevent poachers from stealing young peregrine falcons, the study observes how violence that could lead to human death seemed legitimate at the time. In contrast, the analysis uses numerous examples from contemporary novels to show why literature at the beginning of the 21st century is reluctant to use violence against people as a legitimate means of serving the ecological cause.

The occitanist organisation Poble d'Oc remains little known. In particular, its political stance is unclear, with some studies linking it to anarchism and others emphasising its links with the radical right. This article shows that Poble d'Oc's links with the radical right have been exaggerated by its political opponents, but that the trajectory of its founders nonetheless allows us to learn more about the movement of activists between the right and the left during the 68s.

This article aims at questioning the influence of the "Arab World" imaginary in the processes of social, cultural, and political identification of Peronist militancy since the 60s, focusing particularly on the comparison with the period opened in 1983 with the return of democracy. This period, in general, has not been specifically addressed by the specialized literature, which has put emphasis on the process of democratic transition, ignoring, in the political analysis categories, such as "national liberation" and "revolution", still present in the constitution of the political identities of that time. To do so, we will investigate the circulation of ideas and the militancy's formative journeys and exiles of local to the "Orient". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Historia (07169108) is the property of Universidad de Concepcion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista HISTEDBR on-line is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Plural - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of Revista Plural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study will focus on the US drawdown from Afghanistan and its implication for the greater regional peace and stability in general and the Kashmir conflict in particular. The phase-wise drawdown of the United States forces from Afghanistan has generated concerns about the peace in the country and the continuity of technical and financial support for the Afghan National Army (ANA). The US drawdown has been accompanied by a sustained campaign by the Taliban to expand their area of influence leaving the ANA struggling to maintain control. Due to the Indo-Pak rivalry, Afghanistan is being drawn into a civil war, which shaped a parallel proxy war in Afghanistan and Jammu & Kashmir. In such circumstances, there will be no peace in the region unless these two neighbours do not sit together and talk about a common approach to Kabul and Kashmir otherwise Pakistan S support for Kashmiri militants will remain unchanged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Brazilian Journalism Research is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2009, President Umaru Yar’Adua granted amnesty to militant groups in the Niger Delta. This came after a decade of insurgency within Nigeria’s oil-rich region. Amnesty was strategically designed to deescalate further confrontation with militants, curb the proliferation of small arms, stop kidnapping and limit the destruction of oil and gas installations. Amnesty was also aimed at disarming, demobilising and re-integration militants into civil society. To what extent has amnesty shaped the region and of what consequence? This study examined the multi-layered drivers of crisis within the Niger-Delta. It then investigated the appropriateness of amnesty in the region using semi-structured interviews. As its main finding, deplorable conditions that sparked unrest in the region still persist, evoking growing discontent in several communities. The paper recommends sustainable policies and programs through which communities, oil companies and the region at large can benefit immensely.

This Afterword considers the articles in this special issue of Radical Americas. Reflecting on how a biographical lens can illuminate the past, it draws out some of the key findings of the special issue articles and interrogates their significance for understanding militancy in Latin America in the late twentieth century. Specifically, it explores what life histories can tell us about space and scale, and the opportunities and the costs of militancy during the Cold War in Latin America. It contends that there is more to learn and gain from thinking through a biographical lens going forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan, unfortunately, has been a victim of both extremism and terrorism for the past three decades. It is mainly due to Pakistan's geostrategic compulsions as well as bad domestic policies and lack of commitment by the policy elites. The aftermath of September 11 and the joining of War on Terror by the then President, as a front-line state, further brought perils for the country, the jolts of which are still visible. Pakistan needs proper policy making and pragmatic approach to handle the situation and further, proactive foreign and domestic policies must be adopted, along-with intelligence sharing mechanisms to counter this religious extremism and terrorism. There is dire need to address the internal factors like socio-economic inequality, political disorder, corruption, poverty and bad governance at priority basis, along-with start of national dialogue with all the stakeholders to reach at some sort of consensus for the national security purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we will analyze the relations between Política Obrera and Internationalist Communist Organization within the international Trotskyist movement in the seventies. From its political relations we visualize the purposes to promote a work that converges in the formation of CORQI to guide the activity of its members under the program of the Fourth International. Therefore, we propose to investigate the density of relations between both organizations that manifested themselves in the organizational structure and the dispute over the leadership in the international organization that will culminate in the expulsion of Política Obrera in 1979. We consider that this work is a contribution to the reconstruction of the historical trajectory of the left organizations, particularly the Trotskyist movement, taking into account their exchanges and disagreements in their ranks.

This Afterword considers the articles in this special issue of Radical Americas. Reflecting on how a biographical lens can illuminate the past, it draws out some of the key findings of the special issue articles and interrogates their significance for understanding militancy in Latin America in the late twentieth century. Specifically, it explores what life histories can tell us about space and scale, and the opportunities and the costs of militancy during the Cold War in Latin America. It contends that there is more to learn and gain from thinking through a biographical lens going forward.

The article aims to problematize how indigenous Mexican intellectuals have occupied the academy as a trench of resistance in which little by little they are positioning the issues that involve them and their own communities. This research is approached from a dialogical ethnographic perspective, that is, an exploration that seeks to establish an approach that allows dialogue processes between indigenous intellectuals, men, and women who have been academically trained, mostly in the field of social sciences and humanities, and who maintain a commitment to indigenous communities. We find that access to the university and particularly the use of academic writing has made it possible, in the words of the indigenous intellectuals themselves, to move towards decolonization processes in which they claim the worldview of their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Aletheia (1853-3701) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Among the Spanish intellectuals of the XX century, a woman of thought and action stands out. A philosopher committed to the defense of freedom and involved in the transformation of the exercise of power: María Zambrano. He did not underestimate any of the means at his disposal for the formation of citizenship,ethical awareness and cultural dissemination, with the noble desire to operate the humanization of society. He went from the analysis and reflection on the exercise of politics, to direct collaboration with the power in the government of the Republic in cultural and humanitarian positions. Her powerful intellectual contribution influences the revision of thought and opens up new perspectives, helping to modify the image of women in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From different latitudes across the globe, the study of the link between feminism and populism has been entangled in approaches that not only mistrust the possibility of the relationship itself, but also constantly reveal incompatibilities in their findings that shadow the reflection on their productive coexistence. Against this background, Paula Biglieri and Luciana Cadahia's book, Seven essays on populism, represents a breath of fresh air. The joint work of these Latin American political theorists opens up a line of research which proposes a new form of theorizing populism alongside feminism. In the following sections we focus on this dismantling process that underpins Biglieri and Cadahia's effort to open up and imagine a possible articulation between these phenomena, but alongside this analysis, we will also polemicize with their ideas, by bringing out the temptation of closure that eventually lurks in their analytical endeavours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role and perspectives of labour history in relation to the socio-economic, cultural and political changes of the present. It offers an overview of the most relevant fields of study for the analysis of the social and political behaviour of working people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the life of Mayan-K’iche’ social Christian activist Emeterio Toj Medrano. Through in-depth interviews, complemented with work in archives located in Guatemala and the United States, the article reconstructs how Emeterio developed and used personal tools to assess the moments of political crisis and radicalisation scenarios that he had to face during the Guatemalan experience of the inter-American Cold War. Taking into account different aspects of Emeterio’s life – his K’iche’ identity and historical memory, spheres of influence, narratives, militant activities and so on – helps us to understand specific dimensions in the process of political deterioration between certain social layers of central Highlands K’iche’ population vis-à-vis the Guatemalan military regime. In articulating these local and national processes, his life also helps us to understand the different local nuances that characterised the polarisation of the Central American isthmus during the 1970s. The article is part of a historiographic trend that emphasises the importance of taking into account the personal scale to explain domestic, regional and global processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)