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V diplomski nalogi sem preučeval razvoj in vzpon avtoritarnih in fašističnih režimov v obdobju med obema vojnama. Primerjane so države jugozahodne Evrope, kraljevini Jugoslavija in Romunija, ter države zahodne Evrope, Združeno kraljestvo in Portugalska. V obdobju med obema vojnama je prišlo v Evropi do ogromnih političnih sprememb, ki so na koncu privedle do 2. svetovne vojne. V Romuniji in Jugoslaviji so razmere pripeljale do kraljevih diktatur kraljev Carola II. in Aleksandra I. v tem vrstnem redu. Na Portugalskem je oblast v državi prevzel premier Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, ki je vzpostavil korporativistično avtoritarno državo. Razvoj vsedržavnega fašizma se je, razen Jugoslavije, zgodil tako v Romuniji in na Portugalskem, kot tudi v Združenem Kraljestvu. Fašizem v vseh treh primerih povezujejo nacionalizem, populizem in antisemitizem. V Romuniji je Legijo Nadangela Mihaela vodil Corneliu Zelea Codreanu. Na Portugalskem je mesto vodje Nacionalnih Sindikalistov zasedal Francisco de Barcelos Rolão Preto. V Združenem Kraljestvu pa je največ uspeha med fašisti dosegel vodja Britanske Unije Fašistov Oswald Mosley. Korporativizem, ki je nastal v okviru krščanske socialne politike, je postal glavni ekonomski model takratnih fašistov. In my diploma thesis I explored the development and rise of authoritarian and fascist regimes during the interwar period. The comparison comprised Southwestern European countries, the kingdoms of Yugoslavia and Romania, and Western European countries, the United Kingdom and Portugal. In the interwar period, Europe underwent enormous political changes that eventually led to World War II. In Romania and Yugoslavia, the situation brought about the monarchic dictatorship of kings Charles II and Alexander I respectively. In Portugal, the power in the country was taken over by the prime minister Antonio de Oliveira Salazar who established a corporatist authoritarian state. Besides Yugoslavia, the development of nationwide fascism occurred in Romania and Portugal as well as in the United Kingdom. In all three latter cases, the common features of the fascism were nationalism, populism, and antisemitism. In Romania, the Legion of the Archangel Michael was led by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu. In Portugal, the leader of the National Syndicalists Movement was Francisco de Barcelos Rolão Preto. And in the United Kingdom, the greatest success among the fascists was achieved by the leader of the British Union of Fascists, Oswald Mosley. The corporatism, which emerged within the Christian social policy, became the principal economic model of the fascists of that time.

This article deals with Sarah Wambaugh’s life and work concerning global territorial questions of border disputes and nationalities as well as minorities issues. Trained at Radcliffe College in the disciplines of international law and political science, Wambaugh engineered a somewhat unprecedented career for herself in diplomatic circles after the First World War, achieving a worldwide reputation as the foremost expert on plebiscites, especially in areas of post-war conflicts. By looking at three case studies, this contribution particularly emphasizes Wambaugh’s role as an extra-governmental analyst of these referenda at the intersections of gender and universal suffrage. Within the context of geographic demarcations, aspects of citizenship, national belonging or affiliation, and minority rights, palpably, were paramount. While integrating these parameters into her theoretical discourses, Wambaugh went a step further by also adding the element of the franchise for women as an imperative coefficient regarding the drawing of borderlines. Hence, the female voting corpus – in most cases of quantitative significance during the aftermaths of wars, due to the substantial decimation of the male population on battle fields – attained a pertinent part in referenda-based rights to self-determination, and Wambaugh paid credit to this fact in her activism and writings.

Diplomska naloga obravnava delovanje ženskih društev na Slovenskem v obdobju po prvi svetovni vojni. Podrobneje je predstavljeno njihovo delovanje predvsem v dvajsetih letih 20. stoletja. Ženske so se v svoja posebna društva začele združevati že konec 19. stoletja. Do prve svetovne vojne so se ukvarjala predvsem z izobraževanjem ter s humanitarnim delom. Nekatera stanovska društva, kot na primer Društvo slovenskih učiteljic, so zahtevala tudi več pravic za ženske v okviru njihovega poklica. Med vojno je delovanje društev večinoma zamrlo, članice so se ukvarjale z dobrodelnostjo. Po vojni se je mreža društev razširila po celotni državi, tudi na podeželje, kjer takšnega delovanje pred tem ni bilo. Društva so okrepila svoje delovanje na področju izobraževanja ter sociale, vedno več pa se jih je začelo zavzemati za politične pravice žensk, še posebej za volilno pravico. Povezovati so se začela tudi v višje organizacije na državnem nivoju. Medtem ko so ženska društva bistveno pripomogla k dvigu ravni ženske izobrazbe ter njihovem splošnem socialnem stanju, do večjih sprememb v mestu žensk v družbi in politiki v obravnavanem obdobju ni prišlo. This undergraduate thesis deals with the activities of women's societies in Slovenia in the period after the First World War. The focus is on their activity in the 1920s. Women began to unite in their specialised societies as early as the end of the 19th century. Until the First World War, their main concerns were mostly education and humanitarian work. Some societies based on profession, such as the Slovene Female Teachers' Association, also demanded more rights for women within their profession. During the war, the societies mostly ceased their activities their members were involved in charity work. After the war, the network of societies spread throughout the country, also to the countryside, where such activities had not existed before. Societies thus strengthened their activities in the fields of education and social work, and more of them begun to advocate for women's political rights, especially female suffrage. They began to connect in higher organizations on the state level. While the women's societies significantly contributed to raising the level of women's education and their social status in general, there were no significant changes in the women’s place in the society and politics during the researched period.

Slovenian cultural history has rather been the domain of specialist research disciplines, such as literary and art history, musicology and pedagogy. Slovenian historiography has only just begun to deal with these topics. This is partly due to the fact that it was politically used by the past regime which compelled it to study and extol the more recent national history, but also to a relatively small national territory, population and number of researchers. Their intention to cover all important historical topics is really a task that only a larger national historiography than the Slovenian can tackle., Slovenska kulturna zgodovina je bila večinoma domena posebnih raziskovalnih disciplin kot so lite-rarna, umetnostna zgodovina, muzikologija, pedagogika ipd. Slovenski zgodovinarji se bolj posvečajo tej temi šele v zadnjem času. To je poleg politične vpetosti slovenskega zgodovinopisja, ki je narekovalo predvsem raziskovanje in poveličevanje polpreteklega političnega dogajanja, verjetno posledica majhnosti prostora, dvomilijonskega naroda in števila raziskovalcev, ki skušajo pokrivati vse pomembne zgodovinske teme kot si jih lahko privošči kakšna večja nacionalna historiografija.

At micro-research level, the author reviews the organization of political parties as well as educational, cultural, youth and cooperative associations between 1935 and 1941, when Jugoslovenska radikalna zajednica (the Yugoslav Radical Community) was in power. Their activity influenced the results of the local government (1936-1938) and the Parliament (1938) elections. The national-defence movement was strongly felt in this district, both in the Liberal and Catholic camps, until its suppression in April 1941., Na ravni mikroraziskave je pregledno orisana organiziranost političnih strank, kmečko stanovskih, prosvetno kulturnih, mladinskih in nekaterih zadružnih organizacij v času vladavine JRZ v letih 1935-1941. Z njihovo dejavnostjo se povezujejo tudi volilni rezultati občinskih volitev (1936, 1938) in skupščinskih 1938. V letih pred aprilskim zlomom 1941 se je tudi v tem okraju čutilo živahno narodnoobrambno gibanje tako v liberalnem kot katoliškem političnem taboru.

The paper deals with the development of Slovenian enterprise in the framework of Yugoslavia between 1918 and 1941. On the basis of sources and many years of personal investigation, the author considers the basis of entrepreneurs of the time, who helped in the development of a strong industry, the organization of the market, the promotion of a spirit of enterprise and participated in the establishment of a legal order which ensured the protection of the national economy, capital accumulation, the nationalization of foreign companies and the involvement of foreign capital in the establishment of new companies and the development of existing ones., Razprava obravnava razvoj podjetništva v Sloveniji v okviru Jugoslavije 1918-1941. Na osnovi virov in lastnih dolgoletnih raziskav ugotavlja podjetniško osnovo v tem obdobju, ki je razvila močno industrijo, organizirala tržišče in spodbujala ustvarjalno podjetniško vzdušje, sodelovala pri oblikovanju take pravne ureditve, ki je omogočala zaščito slovenskega narodnega gospodarstva, akumulacijo kapitala, nacionalizacijo tujih podjetij v začetku in možnost angažiranja tujega kapitala ob ustanavljanju novih podjetij in razvoju starih.

This article probes the consequences of basing post–World War I citizenship regimes on the Habsburg imperial network system for the control of mobility, a system known among specialists as Heimatrecht or pertinency. To date most of the historiography has focused on what this meant for national minorities in nationalizing states, with the most important studies thus far looking at the experience of Jews in Austria and Poland. We argue that though the national exclusionary tools of postwar pertinency are of undoubted importance, a larger, social trauma was experienced through post-Habsburg Europe, one that affected far more people and left many facing the consequences of potential statelessness. This article focuses on how postwar pertinency affected the worlds of work, welfare, and expulsion in the immigrant-rich industrial port town of Fiume, Europe’s smallest postwar successor state.

The author describes the foundation and development of the Maribor Union of Cultural Societies, his investigation being -centered upon the libraries of this Union in the period between the two World Wars. The treatise traces the development and expansion of the library network, the number of members and the number of books. The author describes what people liked to read most, he mentions the most zealous librarians and finishes with the German occupation in 1941 when these libraries ceased to function., Avtor opisuje nastanek in razvoj liberalne mariborske zveze kulturnih društev, njegovo proučevanje je osredotočeno na knjižnice te zveze v času med obema vojnama. V razpravi sledimo razvoju in širjenju mreže knjižnic, številčnemu stanju članov in knjižničnih fondov. Avtor opisuje kaj so ljudje najraje brali, omenja najbolj vnete knjižničarje in zaključuje s prenehanjem delovanja teh knjižnic ob nemški zasedbi 1941.