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This article explores the political persecution unleashed during the post-war period by McCarthyism, which led to the systematic accusation and harassment of American citizens for their leftist beliefs or Communist Party affiliations. This campaign of rumors and denunciations was particularly aggressive against film industry professionals, notably the Hollywood Ten. The emotional climate of the era was charged with fear and anger, emotions that were vividly manifested in the experiences of those targeted. By analyzing the correspondence and screenwriting of Dalton Trumbo, including his work on films like Papillon, this article examines the impact of this persecution and the strategies Trumbo used to confront the U.S. government, survive the blacklist, and sustain his career. It traces his journey from self-exile in Mexico, writing under pseudonyms, and using front names, to his eventual return and recognition in Hollywood. This analysis highlights the importance of constructing a cultural history that captures the collective emotional experiences of communities affected by such events, and it shows how Trumbo’s personal ordeals influenced the dialogues and narratives of the films he contributed to.

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The subtext of this extended commentary for the 2024 Policy Studies Yearbook in Politics & Policy is the crucial role that liberalism and civil rights must play in U.S. foreign policy if America is to be on the right side of history. Our explicit subject is the conflux of elite and populist forces that constantly work against such liberal‐democratic engagement. It is no secret that today's MAGAism ("Make America Great Again") wears many of the same antiliberal stripes as did postwar McCarthyism, which was its direct progenitor. Thanks largely to the center‐right resistance of President Eisenhower, McCarthyism was ultimately held in check domestically. Unfortunately, that was not the case on the side of U.S. foreign policy, where tenacious strains of antiliberalism had a very long shelf life. Thus, McCarthyism ended up having its most durable impact in the developing world, where cozy relations with highly reactionary regimes were considered necessary in the face of communist inroads. At a time when liberalism was hitting its full stride on American soil, U.S. foreign policy was exporting a very different America abroad, and especially in Asia. Even domestically, the waspish virulence of McCarthyism was never eradicated. It simply hibernated, and in 2016, it came back with a vengeance in the even more truculent form of Trumpism. Once again, xenophobic populism is laying claim to U.S. foreign policy and savaging liberal internationalism. The entrenched progressivism that stood its ground against McCarthyism has long since eroded. MAGAism faces no obstacle comparable to the dynamic liberalism of the 1950s or the counterculture of the 1960s. Seen from the perspective of January 6, 2021, the old McCarthyism looks tame by comparison. Related Articles: Craig, Stephen C., and Jason Gainous. 2024. "To Vote or Not to Vote? Fake News, Voter Fraud, and Support for Postponing the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election." Politics & Policy 52(1): 33–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12577. Haar, Roberta N., and Lutz F. Krebs. 2021. "The Failure of Foreign Policy Entrepreneurs in the Trump Administration." Politics & Policy 49(2): 446–78. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12399. Skidmore, Max J. 2023. "Abortion—Reactionary Theocracy Rises in America, While Declining Elsewhere." Politics & Policy 51(3): 437–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12534. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of this researched article focuses on the analysis of the struggles of the National Alliance of Postal Employees (NAPE and/or Alliance), a predominantly African American union within the U.S. federal government's Post Office Department (POD). This union was founded in 1913 in response to the systemic racism, exclusionary and discriminatory practices faced by African American workers by existing unions, which were largely Caucasian American and denied even the right to union membership to these citizens. Although their fundamental objectives were to promote equal rights, fair treatment and job security for African American postal workers, its members and leaders actively faced persecution and violations of their human rights during the cold war when anti-communist persecutions escalated during the presidencies of Harry Truman (1945-1953) and Dwight Eisenhower (1953-1961) in the context of Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the paths and challenges confronting the proPalestinian solidarity movement in the Canadian Academy as a case study of the Western academy. The analysis is based on measuring a number of indicators. These include shifts in foreign policy or institutional decision-making and public opinion-making. Assessing the success or failure of these solidarity movements is best done at the level of academic politics rather than geopolitics in three regards: Sustainable reforms to curricula and methodologies used to approach the Palestinian cause, changes in the structure of administrations in favour of those supportive of Palestine, and boycott as well as divestment from Israel universities and organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Proctor Jr. a Puritan settler of Salem Village, Massachusetts Bay Colony, was convicted of witchcraft in a Salem court on August 5, 1692, and hanged two weeks later. He was one of twenty men and women executed in the Salem witchcraft trials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article follows the transnational career of Suzanne Labin, a French socialist and anti-communist professional, in order to analyse the roles and agencies of individuals while the global connectivity of anti-communist actors was growing during the 'long 1960s' (approximately 1955–1980). Retrospective analysis, as well as accounts from contemporaries, describes this period as a time of multi-polarisation and globalisation. I will chart Labin's path from anti-Stalinist circles in France to conservative circles in the US, to finally becoming the first and only female permanent member of the global anti-communist umbrella organisation, the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), chairing its French chapter in 1972. An analysis of Labin's seemingly ambiguous alliances as a socialist with anti-communist and right-wing organisations will shed light on the particularities of international anti-communism during the 'long 1960s' on three levels. First, it will show the dynamics between anti-communist networks and actors on national, transatlantic and global levels, especially their contact points. Second, it will underline the diversity of anti-communism and its capacity to integrate several (even contradictory) ideologemes. Third, by following Labin's global anti-communist engagement within the WACL and her cosmopolitan lifestyle, this article will argue that anti-communist actors were actively involved in the process of globalisation during the 'long 1960s'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article introduces a feminist and political analysis of Sylvia Plath’s novel The Bell Jar, considering it a cultural response to McCarthyism. In order to do that, the article focuses on the importance Plath gives to the Rosenberg’s case in the novel and particularly in the relevance Ethel Rosenberg’s death sentence had to awaken a female consciousness for the women of the 1950s in America. The female body turns fundamental for a feminist struggle that Plath creates in the novel to deconstruct the imposed female roles that helped McCarthy control the private lives of the Americans. Sixty years after Plath’s death and its publication, The Bell Jar becomes a fundamental text for understanding contemporary feminist literature.

The present article introduces a feminist and political analysis of Sylvia Plath’s novel The Bell Jar, considering it a cultural response to McCarthyism. In order to do that, the article focuses on the importance Plath gives to the Rosenberg’s case in the novel and particularly in the relevance Ethel Rosenberg’s death sentence had to awaken a female consciousness for the women of the 1950s in America. The female body turns fundamental for a feminist struggle that Plath creates in the novel to deconstruct the imposed female roles that helped McCarthy control the private lives of the Americans. Sixty years after Plath’s death and its publication, The Bell Jar becomes a fundamental text for understanding contemporary feminist literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the period from the heyday of McCarthyism to the present, the percentage of the American people not feeling free to express their views has tripled. In 2020, more than four in ten people engaged in self-censorship. Our analyses of over-time and cross-sectional variability suggest that, first, self-censorship is connected to affective polarization among the mass public, with greater polarization associated with more self-censorship. Second, levels of mass opposition to full civil liberties bear no relationship to self-censorship. Third, those who perceive a more repressive government are slightly more likely to self-censor. Fourth, conservatives report engaging in more self-censorship than liberals (but this is not true when comparing Republicans with Democrats). Together, these findings suggest that one's larger macro-environment may have little to do with self-censorship. Instead, micro-environment sentiments, such as worrying that expressing unpopular views will isolate and alienate people from their friends, family, and neighbors, may be the driver of self-censorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores how Charlie Chaplin's tribulations under McCarthyism, which culminated in his exile from the US in 1952, occasioned a minor chorus of poetry on the American Left. Through case studies of Bob Kaufman, Edwin Rolfe, and Louis Zukofsky, this essay explores how radical poets from across different literary groupings were drawn to Chaplin in the Cold War's early years out of personal and political solidarity, while also finding in him a figure through whom they could collectively register and resist the Left's broader postwar decline. The article also sheds light on the much longer history of Chaplin's connections with poetry and poets. It traces his relationship with socialist writers back to the 1910s and suggests how postwar poetry's imaginative investment in Chaplin as a political figure has a deeper layer of significance, given that the filmmaker had for decades been influenced by his friendships with poets on the Left. The essay proposes that poetry's unique potentiality as a form through which to oppose Chaplin's struggles under McCarthyism is a consequence of poets having fostered his political consciousness in the first place. Reading [texts]... about Chaplin's postwar political isolation comparatively and cumulatively, what emerges is a poetry whose shared references bespeak a form of fraught solidarity and whose full force resides in their being understood as a kind of communal response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can truth be used to fight disinformation without reproducing the "reveal"—oriented or secret-constituting epistemology of the closet, as Eve Sedgwick described it in the Epistemology of the Closet (1990)? and how does her reading of the Book of Esther in that text help illuminate aspects of today's Trumpism? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article is an analysis of the events in the 1950s that influenced American playwright Arthur Miller to write the play The Crucible. Miller, known for his negative attitude to the activities of Senator Joseph McCarthy and other conservative politicians, decided to metaphorically depict the horror of the second "red scare," its impact on society and the mechanisms of power behind the hunt, using the witch trials that took place in the town of Salem in 1692. Necessary for understanding Miller's drama is the essence of the American political scene at the time and the goals that were to be achieved by causing the panic. The article focuses on the similarities between the historical phenomenon that was the witch hunts and the era of McCarthyism. In addition, it addresses the impact of McCarthy's activities on the issue of women's rights and the common denominator linking the "red scare" and the hunts themselves - their misogynistic nature. The article also seeks to provide insight into the way in which both Miller's drama and the events of the 1950s sought to create an enemy that could be helpful in managing society and its fears. Miller's drama and the post-war history of the US are examined through the lens of Adam Curtis' documentaries and Mark Fisher's theory of hauntology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of English Studies is the property of Universidad de la Rioja, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Though much lauded as a playwright in his day, Maxwell Anderson was also an outspoken dissident, fired from two teaching posts early in his career for his political views. Barefoot in Athens (1951), staged during the period of McCarthyism and the outbreak of the Korean War, investigates those political events and their impact on free speech, dramatizing the marginalization of the intellectual through parallels with the life and trial of Socrates of Athens in 399 BCE. I draw on critics including Julien Benda and Edward Said, as well as Martin's Puchner's discussion of the "Socrates Play" genre, to triangulate Anderson's vision of the public intellectual as a truth-seeker whose social commitments propel him to interrogate powerful authorities and expose non-democratic principles. In Barefoot, Anderson diagnoses the pathologies of contemporary American democracy through his depictions of the last weeks of Socrates' life, portraying the great thinker not as an aloof philosopher but as an engaged intellectual. In this way, Anderson leverages the long tradition of the "Socrates Play" to cast a light on the political forces that sought to sideline and silence public intellectuals during his own era while seeking new definitions of and roles for the public intellectual based on the evaluation of past models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the writings on loyalty and betrayal of sociologist Erving Goffman and political scientist Morton Grodzins. Both thinkers made unique contributions to the understanding of those topics while simultaneously offering critical appraisals of early Cold War America. Examining these writings in historical and intellectual context, and reading them against each other, reveals important elements of this work that are worthy of a fresh appreciation. Within this analysis, the article reflects on social criticism during treacherous times, from open resistance to subtle intellectual legerdemain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Gerda Lerner as historian and activist "Women's History: European-American" and women to be legitimate and relevant subject of history and object of historical scholarship mainly because women make up half of humanity. It mentions Lerner's life theme and also the life theme of a long one generation of feminists for whom Gerda directly or indirectly taught or became a role model. It also mentions annexation of Austria by Nazi Germany and bitterly poor beginnings as an immigrants in the U.S., from the repression by the anti-communist McCarthyism.

At the height of the US Red Scare, Joseph McCarthy directed his attacks towards the United Kingdom. Tapping into deep‐seated Anglophobia in the American collective psyche, McCarthy infused it with his own brand of anti‐communism. He declared a personal war on the United Kingdom seeking to disrupt Anglo‐American relations. McCarthy's "paranoid style" and anti‐British sentiment manifested from a longer tradition of Midwestern resentment. Although the British government regarded his efforts as a significant threat to the "special relationship", it refused to directly denounce or engage with the Wisconsin senator. This paper examines this little‐known episode of the McCarthy era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes that Charles Williams's mid-twentieth-century noir fiction reshapes post-war representations of gender roles and paves the way for various renditions and developments of noir. Williams's works are narratives of transgression meeting domesticity, crime meeting docility, and cunning meeting conformity; they portray a deadly recipe that comprises different, even conflicting ingredients of a fusion between domesticity, crime, and suspense. By examining the recurring figure of the criminal housewife in his work, especially Hell Hath No Fury (1953), this article argues that Williams brings forth a complex and subversive gender schema to trouble both the creed of domesticity popular in the 1950s and the stereotyping of the lethal seductress prevalent in noir fiction. By so doing, Williams's noir not only brings the transgression of women to the fore but also displays a compelling picture of post-war gender roles in the US under McCarthyism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of how the an important and multifaceted aspect of domestic and foreign policy formed by US FBI, called the "Red Scare" is addressed in the article. It is shown that this political and ideological concept seemed unacceptable for distribution in the United States, since it created a danger of the penetration of communist ideas and their adherents into all government bodies and major public organizations. Factors that influenced the strengthening of the FBI’s position in the fight against communist ideology in the United States in the 1920s, in particular, terrorist acts carried out by left-wing forces, which allowed the FBI to implement a program of struggle (Palmer raids) with organizations, adhering to communist views are examined. The measures taken by the FBI and its director John Edgar Hoover in the 1930s against Soviet intelligence, which contributed to reinforcing negative perceptions of the “Red Scare” within the agency are highlighted. The authors conclude that the position of the FBI influenced the building of the attitude of the entire US intelligence community in this vein, which in turn had a great impact on the development of the country’s domestic and foreign policy.

The bacteriolytic character of bacteriophages was employed as antibacterial therapy almost from the time of their discovery in 1917. In the United States, phage therapy was sporadic during the 1920s and 1930s but had dwindled into obscurity by the post-WWII period. This demise of phage therapy has traditionally been attributed to the superiority of antibiotics, discovered and first used during the war years, but this explanation is complicated by the fact that phage therapy outside the United States has had a longer and more successful life, especially in the countries of Eastern Europe. This review considers another, probably synergetic factor that was specific to the medical uses of phage in the United States: the geopolitical climate fostered by the Cold War reaction against Soviet science and its associated specter, socialized medicine. This analysis suggests that even such a purely scientific matter involving bacterial viruses cannot escape social forces and political ideologies.

European liberals have viewed themselves as the avatars of the rational individual as opposed to the mob or tyrant. Faced with the populist, democratic, and egalitarian character of US society, American liberals could not take this point of view for granted. For that reason, they turned to Freud, although with mixed success. I explore this turn in three consecutive moments: the New Deal, when liberals first understood America to be not only a class society, but a mass society; Richard Hofstadter's theory of paranoia, which he applied to the right-wing born with McCarthyism; and the New Left and feminist attempts to remake liberalism into a more democratic and multicultural creed. In all three cases, I argue that the liberal commitment to capitalist property relations and the market limited its ability to advance a more robust and democratic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to articles that focused on the contributions of Paul F. Lazarsfeld to communication research is presented including the hothouse intellectual culture of Viennese Kreise, Lazarsfeld's post-emigration career in the U.S., and Lazarsfeld's study of McCarthyism.

In this paper, I argue that the testimonies delivered by Pete Seeger and Paul Robeson before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) shed light on how left-wing artists performed their radical identities in response to allegations of un-Americanism during the height of McCarthyism. Situating Seeger’s and Robeson’s testimonies within their respective biographical contexts, I offer a close reading of these two documents in juxtaposition, analyzing them not only as historical archives but as rhetorical performances that illustrate how Seeger and Robeson conceptualized national identity while also addressing internationalist concerns. The methods that Seeger and Robeson employed to attack the committee are historically significant. While Seeger’s testimony in August 1955 championed individual liberty and freedom of speech, using the First Amendment as the foundation for his position, Robeson’s testimony delivered in June 1956 invoked an internationalist sense of social justice, linking left-wing politics, the civil rights movement within the United States, and decolonization efforts around the world.

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to the formation of the image of such a phenomenon as the “Red Threat” in the literary work of FBI Director John Edgar Hoover. It is affirmed that a special position in the US executive power system, along with a certain popularity in the 30-50s of the 20th century, made Edgar Hoover and his ideas significant both for the internal political life of the United States and, to some extent, for the foreign policy of this country. It is emphasized that the publication “Masters of Deceit: the history of communism in America and how to deal with it” has become for its time an important ideological and political-philosophical basis in the formation of a powerful anti-communist movement in the United States against the backdrop of the Cold War. It is noted that this book is of interest from the point of view of analyzing how America’s major anti-communists understood the term communism , the history and essence of classical Marxism, Marxism-Leninism, the revolution in Russia and the changes that occurred in Soviet Russia after it, Stalinism and its consequences. It is indicated that the author of the book not only analyzes the most important moments in the history of world and Russian communism, but also tries to understand how the communist ideology has developed in the USA, who the American communists are, what their goals are, etc.

The article examines the use of guilt by association by regulatory and licensing agencies to hold employees or applicants liable for any associations they have with organized crime members or career criminals. Topics discussed include history of guilt by association in the U.S, McCarthyism and civil Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) cases, and defenses employees may employ to fight a revocation of a license or registration due to a harmless association.

Copyright of Belgi Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)