Search

Geography scholarship examining Canadian colonialism often draws upon concepts and categories from the field of Settler Colonial Studies, including Patrick Wolfe's definition of settler colonialism as a "structure rather than an event." In this brief intervention, I argue that historical Marxist debates about structuralism and social class have important lessons for the way geographers characterize Canadian colonialism today. The definition of class as both relationship and process is especially relevant, because Indigenous intellectuals and activists tend to speak about (de)colonization in similar terms. By reframing Canadian colonialism as relationship and process rather than structure, we can better engage Indigenous criticisms of Settler Colonial Studies, understandings of (de)colonization, and epistemologies and ontologies. Key messages: Wolfe's definition of settler colonialism as a "structure rather than an event" has become politically and intellectually limiting.Analyses that emphasize colonial structures rather than Indigenous resistance leave limited room for human agency and risk presenting Indigenous peoples as passive victims.Reframing Canadian colonialism as both relationship and process allows us to combine different conceptual approaches to (de)colonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers d'Études Africaines is the property of Editions EHESS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cahiers d'Études Africaines is the property of Editions EHESS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Stiftelseskongressen til Den andre internasjonalen som ble holdt i Paris i 1889, markerte ikke bare hundreårsdagen for stormingen av Bastillen, men også selve gjenfødelsen av den internasjonale sosialistbevegelsen. Det oppsto raskt konflikter mellom de franske revolusjonære marxistene og de reformistiske possibilistene som begge holdt konkurrerende internasjonale kongresser i Paris. Det norske Arbeiderparti tok et radikalt standpunkt mot foreningen av de to kongressene og stilte seg på linje med de mest revolusjonære delene av den internasjonale sosialistbevegelsen. Nordmennenes innledende radikale holdning overfor franske reformister endret seg drastisk ved den kontroversielle sosialisten Alexandre Millerands inntreden i den borgerlige Waldeck-Rousseau-regjeringen i 1899. Med denne artikkelen ønsker jeg å undersøke Det norske Arbeiderpartis perspektiv på den franske sosialistiske bevegelsen i tiden før 1914, særlig spørsmålet om sekterisme i den franske bevegelsen og sosialistenes koalisjon med borgerlige partier.

Postmodernism, known for its epistemology that promotes anti-metanarratives, has a core intelligentsia that shows explicit marxist assumptions. Academics have made various attempts to demonstrate a connection between postmodernism and marxism. The promotion of antimetanarratives within postmodernism and the positive attitude towards the marxist metanarrative visible in some of these schools of thought create an anomaly. Within the historical development of marxism, elements of this anomaly can be better understood. The article illustrates how the historical failures of communism contributed to certain aspects that developed within postmodernist epistemology. It becomes evident that although postmodernist epistemology is anti-metanarrative in nature, it is used by some postmodernist-inclined academics as a technique to promote absolutist marxist ideas. This includes the social justice movements that some Christian groups participate in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Samuel Beckett Today / Aujourd'hui is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L’article ressegueix i analitza la incidència dels diversos processos de descolonització i moviments d’alliberament nacional ocorreguts durant la segona meitat del segle XX en el Partit Socialista d’Alliberament Nacional dels Països Catalans (PSAN), a través dels articles publicats durant els primers quinze anys del seu portaveu oficial, la revista Lluita. La creació de la formació el 1969 convergí amb els efectes del Maig francès i altres processos revolucionaris i descolonitzadors. Això determinà l'ideari inicial d'un partit que es reclamava obertament marxista i es va emmirallar en la lluita anticolonial i antiimperialista que duien a terme diverses guerrilles revolucionàries i grups armats arreu del món. L’aparició del PSAN a les acaballes dels anys seixanta en un context internacional convuls va afavorir l’arribada de nous referents i conceptes, com l’assumpció del terme “alliberament nacional” fins aleshores inèdit en l'independentisme català contemporani, que caracteritzaran el discurs de la formació en els seus inicis.

Novel Laskar Pelangi karya Andrea Hirata merupakan novel yang mengangkat permasalahan pendidikan. Salah satu permasalahannya adalah perbedaan kelas sosial, maka dari itu pada penelitian ini kami mengangkat permasalahan pertentangan kelas sosial berdasarkan aspek sastra Marxisme dan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif, karena penelitian ini memaparkan data analisis secara naratif. Sumber utama yang digunakan adalah Novel Laskar Pelangi, serta teknik pengumpulan sumber data yang kami gunakan adalah teknik membaca, mencatat, dan menganalisis data. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa adanya bentuk perbedaan kelas sosial dalam Novel Laskar Pelangi, yaitu ketidakmerataan akses dan fasilitas sekolah, tenaga guru yang kurang memadai, dan sulitnya akses perjalanan.

Arbeidernes Leksikon ble gitt ut i 94 hefter og seks bind mellom 1931 og 1936 på Arbeidermagasinets Forlag. Verket var et uttalt forsøk på å skape et marxistisk alternativ til den rådende borgerlige samfunnsdiskursen. Leksikonet var det første i sitt slag utenfor Sovjetunionen og var inspirert av «Den store sovjetencyklopedien» (Bolsjaja sovetskaja entsiklopedija, første utgave 1926–1947) og «Den lille sovjetencyclopedien» (Malaja sovetskaja entsiklopedija, 1928–1931). Det inneholdt mye oversatt stoff fra disse, men mange artikler ble også skrevet eller tilrettelagt av norske sosialistiske akademikere. Redaktørene og mange av bidragsyterne var tilknyttet Norges Kommunistiske Parti og nettverket til den intellektuelle organisasjonen Mot Dag, men selve prosjektet var partipolitisk uavhengig, og med 10 000 solgte eksemplarer fikk verket bred utbredelse i arbeiderbevegelsen. I denne artikkelen ser jeg på hvordan tidlig historie blir representert i Arbeidernes Leksikon. Med utgangspunkt i et utvalg av representative artikler, argumenter jeg for at historie og historisk kunnskap spilte en viktig rolle, både for å etablere arbeiderkultur som en fullverdig motkultur til det borgerlige dannelsesidealet og for å vise gyldigheten av marxistisk samfunnsanalyse, og dermed at utviklingen mot revolusjon og det klasseløse samfunn var en historisk nødvendighet, men at det også var betydelige innslag av folkeopplysning og dannelse i prosjektet, etter mønster av tradisjonelle leksikon.

Le développement de l'histoire de l'éducation en France repose sur un rapport complexe à la sociologie, et notamment aux travaux sur la reproduction. La France n'est pas restée à l'écart des dialogues initiés entre Histoire et marxisme, la fin des années 1960 fut même le théâtre de problématisations marxistes des questions éducatives. Peut-on trouver dans ces réflexions l'ébauche, même incomplète, d'un champ socio-historique critique de l'éducation? Cet article se propose de revenir sur un épisode méconnu de l'histoire intellectuelle française: l'althussérisme et les coulisses de l'ouvrage L'école capitaliste en France, paru en 1971 aux éditions Maspero. Cet ouvrage est issu d'un travail collectif qui s'est déployé autour du philosophe Louis Althusser à la fin des années 1960 dans le contexte de la crise culturelle et politique du Parti Communiste Français. Cette contribution revient sur les conditions d'émergence de ce collectif, les modalités de ce travail à plusieurs voix, et les réflexions issues de ces recherches, en visualisant quelques éléments de convergence et de divergence en jeu dans cette aventure collective, afin d'évaluer si ce projet inabouti et oublié était réellement incompatible avec le travail des historiens de l'éducation convaincus par le progressisme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Culture & Dialogue is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass from a pragmatic Marxist perspective. Narrative is revisited as a testimony of the internal world of slaves aiming to influence moral, social, and political change, linking the history of slavery with the future potential of individuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article aims to discuss the "Social Commitment" Project of Brazilian Psychology (PCSP) in the current conjuncture. The PCSP comes from the process of historical battles of Psychology in the 1970s, which also occurred in other areas, aiming for a knowledge committed to Brazilian and Latin American reality, and with its social transformation. Such assumptions demanded a theoretical-political movement with new methodological and ontological bases. Thus, we aim to discuss some of its limitations and potentialities: first, there is a historical presentation and contextualization of the PCSP and, later, a debate about its linkage to the scope of social policies. Anchored in the present situation, of intensifying barbarism, we conclude by signaling the need not only for a social commitment, but for an ethical-political project in Psychology that is oriented and contributes to another societal project [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article proposes a reading of the new cycle of protests that erupted in 2011 with the so-called Arab Spring and the square occupation movements in Souther Europe before moving on to the US with the Occupy movement. The years since 2011 have been marked by a significant rise in the numer of protests, riots and revolts across the world with the years 2011, 2014 and 2019 as preliminary high points. The pandemic and the repressive anti-rebellion measures put in place during the pandemic does not seem to have stopped protests from continuing to take place. The article challenges readings of the contemporary protests that fault them for being desperate, defensive and unpolitical proposing a reading using the notion of refusal put forth by Maurice Blanchot and Dionys Mascolo in 1958 as a prims for understanding the emergence of a new anti-political protest culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of May '68, Jean-Luc Godard formed the Dziga Vertov Group, along with Jean-Pierre Gorin and a few other French Marxist militants. This collective of filmmakers operated in the middle of the so-called 'sexual liberation', hence one could expect them to address sexuality in a direct and political way. Yet, surprisingly, they skirt around this issue, for instance by turning to eroticism rather than sexuality, or by relying on the mediation of written text rather than images alone. This article analyses several remarkable examples taken from the group's films: intertitles alternating with fragments of bodies in See You at Mao (British Sounds, 1969), slogans appealing to a politics of pleasure in Pravda (1969) and characters doodling on erotic photographs as though constructing the basis for a newly fashioned political language in Vladimir et Rosa (1970). Through a close examination of the relationship between eroticism and politics in Godard and Gorin's films, it hopes to approach the complexity of this issue: on the one hand, as Marxist filmmakers, they feel the need to condemn the commodification of bodies; on the other hand, they move towards a revolutionary reinvention of eroticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé : Il s’agit dans cet article de montrer comment le roman Les Conquérants d’André Malraux symbolise une transformation socio-idéologique à Canton et au-delà dans l’Europe de l’entre-deux-guerres. Ainsi, dans une analyse basée sur l’existentialisme et la théorie marxiste de la lutte des classes, où l’Angleterre et ses alliés chinois incarnent les puissances antagonistes à la Russie soviétique représentée par Borodine, Nikolaïev et ses prolétaires chinois, nous avons montré ce fait à travers l’évolution et la portée de l’action du personnage principal Garine. En effet, nous avons d’abord montré que l’action du héros est d’abord une aventure individuelle qui résulte de la crise des valeurs du système capitaliste dans l’Europe de cette époque. Toutefois, nous avons remarqué qu’au-delà de l’action individualiste du héros, c’est un processus de transformation socio-idéologique que Malraux expose, en ce sens que la portée de l’action individualiste de Garine illustre l’émergence d’une certaine fraternité et action collective qui triomphe de l’impérialisme anglais à Canton et fait place à un nouvel ordre socio-idéologique qu’est le communisme. C’est donc sous cette perspective que nous percevons le roman Les Conquérants d’André Malraux comme un roman de transformation socio-idéologique qui prélude à l’avancée du communisme en Asie comme en Europe à travers les mouvements révolutionnaires comme déjà suggéré par le roman La Condition humaine(1933).

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Science Information is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses how the Colombian socialists of the Liga de Acción Política (LAP) tried to justify their existence in the national political sphere, as a Marxist and nationalist party; an exercise that requires a convergent rereading of these two ideological currents. The documental corpus analysed is drawn mainly, but not exclusively, from the newspaper Acción Política, which was the means of expression of the LAP. It is argued that the effort to «nationalize» socialism temporarily enhanced the left and implied an attempt to symbolically dispute nationalism, which the Conservative Party had constructed on the basis of Hispanist values. However, the process of inventing a historic tradition between left and nation ended up favoring the dependence of socialism on liberalism, not only as an ideology, but also as a party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Research in Education & Learning Innovation Archives (REALIA) is the property of Research in Education & Learning Innovation Archives (REALIA) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Communication Interculturelle et Littérature / Comunicare Interculturală şi Literatură is the property of Comunicare Interculturala si Literatura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Philosophy & Canon Law is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Slaskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L’article examine les implications politiques et théoriques du lien entre l’individu et l’histoire et prend comme référence le moment actuel de la pandémie COVID-19. Il met en lumière les réflexions de Fidel Castro, et d’autres penseurs marxistes qui l’ont précédé, sur le rôle des dirigeants dans l’histoire et les circonstances sociales dans lesquelles ils émergent et dirigent les masses. L’ouvrage reflète la crise du leadership politique international, dont l’incarnation est sans aucun doute le président des États-Unis Donald Trump, qui, dans le contexte de la pandémie, a fait preuve d’un mépris fondamental pour les peuples.

Recent controversies in Canadian librarianship--the Toronto Public Library room rental to a "gender-critical feminist"1 group and the institution of "airport-style" security at the Winnipeg Public Library--have exposed divisions within the profession. This article attempts to untangle the relationship of Canadian libraries to state power and explores hegemonic leadership within the library profession. It also investigates the part played by a politics of recognition, both in the reinforcement of professional discipline and in the maintenance of the social, political, and economic status quo regarding the rights and democratic participation of marginalized communities. The paper begins with a brief account of recent controversies, looks at intellectual freedom, and then analyzes the ways in which politics of recognition play out in libraries and settler-colonial societies. Based on Taylor's theory of recognition and its critique by Coulthard and Fraser, this article argues that, within the context of a needed refoundation of social relations, recognition must be combined with real redistribution of rights and participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The planetary ecological crisis deepens at an accelerated rate endangering the balance of life and the survival of human civilization. In the last half century, several radical alternatives of eco-social transformation have emerged in the field of political ecology to challenge the dominant system from different ethical, ecological, social, and economic grounds. One of them, ecosocialism, arose in the 1970s in Europe and has been growing in the last 20 years in Latin America. Although it has variations, ecosocialism has in ecological Marxism an important theoretical-methodological core. Michael Löwy is a French-Brazilian ecosocialist philosopher and sociologist. He is also one of the most important figures of Marxist thinking: a political-philosophical node for the debate between Europe and Latin America. Here we present an April 2020 interview with professor Löwy and the transcription of two ecosocialist manifestos, The First International Ecosocialist Manifesto of 2001 and The Belem Ecosocialist Manifesto of 2009, both coauthored by the interviewee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin Hispanique is the property of Universite de Bordeaux III (Michel de Montaigne), Institut Hispanique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Reformasi Hukum Pidana pasca kemerdekaan Indonesia telah dimulai sejak 1963 terhadap Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Pidana sebagai warisan dari kolonial Belanda. Semangat kemerdekaan menginginkan adanya reformasi, bukan hanya terhadap produk hukum yang masih bernuansa kolonialisme, namun juga pada cara pandang atau pola pikir dalam memandang permasalahan hukum. Salah satu pola pikir yang mendapat pengaruh warisan kolonialisme dalam mempertahankan rust en orde (menjaga keamanan dan ketertiban) adalah dengan memasukkan instrumen hukum guna mempertahankan kestabilan politik. Sehingga negara masih memandang urgenitas dari tindakan isolasir terhadap ideologi negara dengan melakukan pelarangan terhadap penyebaran ideologi Komunisme/Marxisme/Leninisme. Faktor terbesar dari perumusan pelarangan tersebut adalah pengalaman hitam bangsa Indonesia terhadap seseorang dan/atau kelompok organisasi yang mengimplementasikan ideologi tersebut dalam kegiatan-kegiatan yang membahayakan keutuhan bangsa. Akibatnya, terdapat ketidakjelasan dan ketidaktegasan dalam membedakan ideologi sebagai hasil olah akal budi yang menghasilkan ilmu pengetahuan dengan perbuatan sebagai perbuatan pidana dalam perumusan serta perancangan Pasal 212 ayat (2) jo. Pasal 219 ayat (2) Rancangan KUHP 2015 oleh pembentuk undang-undang.

Copyright of Sintagma: Revista de Linguistica is the property of Sintagma: Revista de Linguistica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo / Radovi Filozofskog Fakulteta u Sarajevu is the property of Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue de Synthèse is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)