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Several international crises erupted in which British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan played a distinguished role, especially the second Berlin crisis 1958-1960, as he had an important role in easing tensions through his visit to Moscow Especially after the situation worsened and the Soviet Union attempted to end the Potsdam Agreement regarding the situation in Berlin and negotiate to make it a free city, while in the Cuban crisis he played an advisory role because of Cuban-Soviet rapprochement created a political crisis with the United States of America, which prompted the McMillan government to intervene in order to achieve rapprochement and prevent the outbreak of war between the two parties in Cuba. The Macmillan government's loss of its nuclear power made it dependent on the United States of America to supply it with weapons under the Sky bolt Agreement and to sell it Sky Bolt missiles In the Skybolt crisis, the relationship between the United States of America and McMillan government was weakened due to the abolition of the concession of the nuclear weapons Bluestreak project, on which Britain relied on possessing nuclear weapons, but because of the close relationship between Macmillan and US President Kennedy, the crisis was quickly resolved and the signing of the agreement 1962.

Eisenhower, Dulles, Eden and Macmillan played crucial roles in the Suez crisis, which had significant repercussions for the Middle East and the global balance of power. However, none of them entirely escaped the crisis unscathed. Eisenhower viewed containment of communism as his primary objective. He believed that it was untenable for the USA to identify with Britain's colonial past. Dulles rarely lost sight of the colonial dimension during the crisis. Ultimately, the crisis had a significant impact on Britain's international standing, confirming its status as a second-rate nation and revealing its waning status as a global power. As the international aspect of decolonisation was crucial for Macmillan to address, he pursued withdrawal from Africa as a vital objective to maintain and expand Britain's status as a powerful nation. He was unable to eradicate the stigma associated with the fact that Britain was a colonial power. His efforts to strengthen the status of Britain as a significant power through the Commonwealth were similarly ineffectual. The importance of British colonialism had attained its pinnacle. In some quarters, it was believed that Macmillan had always played a dubious role targeting Eden's removal as prime minister. Reasons for these apparent misrepresentations remain a matter of conjecture. The most favourable interpretation was that he attempted to use his association with Eisenhower from World War II to bolster Eden's domestic position against cabinet opponents. Alternately, he may have led Eden intentionally into a political catastrophe from which he expected to profit. He was the ultimate beneficiary of Suez. Macmillan was involved in all of the crucial decisions during the crisis and may have had greater intent than Eden to bring down Nasser. Added to the suspicions about Macmillan's behaviour was his reluctance, if not outright refusal, to formally evaluate Suez that prompted him to collaborate closely with the Cabinet Office in order to authorise ministerial memoirs and official publications that were required to be submitted to him prior to publication. As it involved extremely delicate concerns of foreign and domestic politics, he ruled that nothing could be published regarding Suez without his permission. In his ruthless and violent pursuit of vindication, it was common knowledge that Eden disregarded the norms of confidentiality. His conservative administration was fatally undermined by internal discord. Suez ruined him politically, materially and emotionally. Eden made the final decision to invade Egypt without extensive consultation with his cabinet, without playing open cards with the United States, and while keeping members of the Commonwealth in the dark. Suez remained a highly visible and fiercely contested issue in British academic, media and political circles, and a parliamentary campaign continued as new publications, radio and television programmes addressed new aspects of the issue. The crisis resulted in moral defeat and diplomatic catastrophe for the two former colonial powers. Their authority and prestige among Arab powers were irreparably harmed. They were now dependent on Israel, the youngest and most rapidly expanding military power in the Middle East. The crisis had an enduring effect on the international relations of France. Mollet, the French premier, disapproved of Nasser's support for Algerian insurgents who presented France with substantial challenges and even posed a threat to its political stability. Following the collapse of the Fourth Republic, General Charles de Gaulle was elected president of France. He held his own opinion about France's indispensable role in international affairs. Nasser was at ease within the Soviet sphere of influence due to hostility and vilification from the West. The Soviet Union and its allies took advantage of the concurrent Hungarian insurrection to condemn Western imperialism, thereby diverting global attention away from their own brutality in Hungary. Nasser emerged from the crisis with distinction owing to his Pan-Arab nationalism and neutrality. It allowed him to strengthen his position as an advocate for the Arab cause and decolonisation. The new realities, which the West encountered in the Middle East, turned out to be the decline of colonialism and the rise of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India’s rejection of Macmillan’s English Classics series constitutes an important counter-origin that exposes and dismantles underlying assumptions about how colonial Indian readers valued and consumed Shakespeare. In this paper, I examine the failure of Macmillan’s English Classics series to bring about Indian assimilation to British values. I specifically consider Kenneth Deighton’s Shakespeare editions in the series and argue that Deighton’s Shakespeare attempted to utilize its extensive explanatory notes as a primer on Englishness for Indians. The pedantic notes, as well as the manner in which the texts were appropriated into Indian educational systems, were determining factors in their ultimate failure to gain widespread popularity in the colony. The imperial agenda that insists upon one dominant, valid discourse led to Macmillan misreading the market and misreading an already viable field of Shakespeare studies in India. Reflecting on narratives and histories surrounding the origins of Shakespeare studies in India, as well as how Shakespeare’s works were produced for the colonies and the way in which they were duly rejected, reveals how exchanges of power and capital between metropole and colony shape Western systems just as heavily as they do others.

Within three years of the 1952 overthrow of Egypt's monarchy, in which Nasser had played a prominent role, he utilised the Suez Canal to make his mark, thereby irrefutably and irreversibly attracting the world's attention. When he nationalised the channel, an international crisis arose that posed a grave threat to the Middle East. His actions followed after the United States of America (USA) had withdrawn an offer financially to assist Egypt with the construction of the Aswan Dam on the Nile River. With assistance from the Soviet Union (SU) for that project, Nasser was able to intimidate the USA, Britain, and France. Britain's and France's decision to attack Egypt while Israel was already involved militarily was ill-advised and illogical. These events caused a surge of activity at the United Nations (UN), which exacerbated the diplomatic isolation of Britain and France. Many experts continue to refer to said military actions as a failure and miscalculation. In addition, it gravely harmed the alliance between Britain and the USA, since the latter had not been informed about it prior to the attack and subsequently took a strong stance against it. The effect was tremendous on Britain's prestige and domestic politics. The crisis was a brutal awakening to the financial and military vulnerability of Britain. Sir Anthony Eden, the then prime minister of Britain, was obsessed with reclaiming the Canal. He desired Nasser's destruction at all costs as a result of which Nasser became the target of unprecedented hostility in British political life. Specifically, regarding Nasser, Eden's emotions verged on hysteria. Eden was also eager to reassert British authority in a region where the USA was gaining dominance under the powerful leadership of President Dwight (Ike) Eisenhower before, during, and after the crisis. The Eisenhower doctrine increased the active and direct involvement of the USA in the Middle East. Three months later, Eden resigned and was succeeded by his minister of finance, Sir Harold Macmillan, in January 1957. Eden and the Suez crisis have since become synonymous. His career and reputation in the minds of many were destroyed. In the Middle East, Britain's reputation was at an all-time low. In the process, Britain alienated many influential Commonwealth members. France was not immune to the effects of the events either. Nasser had no qualms inciting Algerians against France. His direct participation and the Egyptians' success during the Suez conflict bolstered the Algerian insurgents' resolve to continue an intense and bloody struggle against France for independence -- and the age of superpowers commenced. Even of greater significance, the events allowed the Soviet Union (SU) to become more involved in Egyptian affairs. Egypt and the SU strengthened their ties. The SU was able to establish a new sphere of influence by establishing associated footholds in a number of other Middle Eastern countries. The USA and Britain considered the expansion of Nasser's authority in the Middle East as a threat. In his homeland, Nasser was revered as a patriot and became an icon. The Suez crisis was a tremendous success for Nasser. In the Arab world, he became known as the new messiah and his prestige and influence grew substantially. Not only did the Suez crisis terminate British and French influence in the Middle East, but it also precipitated the decline of the two European powers. The USA became the new protector of Israel's interests over time. This new political setup in the Middle East ushered in a new chapter for this part of the world. Leaders in the emerging Third World, particularly those in Africa who desired to cast off the colonial yoke, began to seek political salvation from Nasser instead of their colonial masters. This legendary figure died of a heart attack on 28 September 1970. He was 53. His influence on the international stage continued to reverberate for decades. Consequently, the Suez Canal crisis cannot be viewed as a singular occurrence in political history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research is devoted to the analysis of ethical and economic aspects of the relationship between Jack London and his major publisher, Macmillan President George P. Brett. Until recently, these relations, which are the brightest example of the synthesis of friendship and mutual benefit, were not the subject of a separate study. The influence of publishers, editors and the literary market as a whole on the writer’s creativity was also underestimated. The purpose of this study is to confirm the significant role of Brett in London’s writing career, who became not only a business partner for the writer, but also a friend and mentor. The relationship between the writer and the publisher is traced in a historical perspective, showing their changes as the writer’s career develops from a literary aspirant to a popular author, conflicts and contradictions, including those that resulted in London’s brief apostasy from Macmillan and a contract with Century. It is shown that many of London’s works, radical or different from the demands of the mass reader, such as The People of the Abyss, The Kempton - Wace Letters, The Iron Heel, The Road, Martin Eden, saw the light solely due to Brett’s liberalism. The firm intention of the writer to publish a significant number of works unclaimed in the literary market debunks the myth of Jack London as a commercial writer. On the other hand, it was precisely the generous and steady advances from Macmillan that gave London freedom for literary experiments, without which he would never have been able to go beyond the short story genre, as well as the “discourse of bargaining” was an integral part of this amazing friendship between writer and publisher.

This article considers the significance of the public Christianity of the British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan (1894–1986). By excavating the socially conscious faith of the Edwardian upper classes, it locates Macmillan as the advocate of a unique synthesis of Disraelian Toryism and Christian Socialism. The discussion opens with an exploration of the origins of Macmillan's politics. Drawing on the medievalism of William Morris, the Anglo-Catholicism of Ronald Knox, and Augustinian pessimism, Macmillan arrives at a sin-sensitive politics which seeks to tame capital and the state. The argument then considers how Macmillan's rich articulation of Toryism has the capacity to challenge contemporary British Conservatives to recover and deepen their traditions of community-spirit and social justice. In an effort to contest a narrow description of British Toryism as a purely economic theory, I argue for a generous reassessment of a profoundly religious Toryism [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revises the narrative of the pre-independence troubles in Cyprus to take greater account of Anglo-Turkish interactions. Initial Turkish reluctance to play any role was overcome by the determination of Harold Macmillan as British Foreign Secretary after April 1955 to bring the country into the centre of the picture. The analysis underlines how, far from simplifying any solution, this intensified Turkish suspicions of the motivations behind British policy. These doubts came to pivot on the option of partition in any exercise of Cypriot self-determination. The end-game of Cypriot independence was characterized not by 'Anglo-Turkish alliance', but by a fragile Greco-Turkish understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1960 Belgian Congo crisis is generally seen as demonstrating Anglo-American friction and British policy weakness. Macmillan’s decision to ‘stand aside’ during UN ‘Operation Grandslam’, especially, is cited as a policy failure with long-term corrosive effects on Anglo-American relations. This article recasts this decision as a shrewd manoeuvre in extremely tight circumstances, balancing multiple interests and preventing an open breach with Kennedy’s Congo policy. Moreover, ‘stand aside’ facilitated subsequent Anglo-American cooperation in the Congo, which this article demonstrates by examining events beyond December 1962, where much of the current analysis peters out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Herein, a series of hairy microparticle-/nanoparticle-supported MacMillan was successfully synthesized by RAFT precipitation polymerization combination with surface-initiated RAFT polymerization. The research's interest was aimed at achieving a significant enhancement of the catalytic performance which was achieved due to the changes of the polymer particle size, the molecular weight of the grafting polymer brushes, as well as the grafting polymer structure. The results showed that nanoeffect was the key to affect the catalytic activity and selectivity of catalyst system. The hairy nanoparticle had good dispersion in the reaction media and exhibited better catalytic activity and selectivity than hairy microspheres. In addition, the brush structure can be modified by grafting copolymerization with acrylamide which had the synergistic effect to effectively promote the catalyst reaction. The more significant advantages of the hairy nanoparticle-supported MacMillan were that it can effectively catalyze a representative asymmetric Diels-Alder reaction between cyclopentadiene and cinnamaldehyde in pure water and can be recycled five times while maintaining activity and selectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to demonstrate that contrary to popular understanding, conflicts problems do not lie in the realm of intermediated securities alone, even as they are mostly represented as such in conflicts writings. Efforts to find a solution for intermediated securities have deflected consideration away from difficult issues that current conflicts approaches present even to dispositions of directly held shares and other securities. The thesis of this article is that unless these are addressed, the choice of law for intermediated securities will not find a viable solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a study that used a qualitative approach, purposive sampling and semi-structured telephone interviews conducted with specialist palliative care nurses from six rural community teams in England. The study investigated how services were organised and the issues of delivering specialist palliative nursing care in a rural area. Qualitative content analysis was used to analyse the data. The findings showed many similarities in that the majority of patients in rural areas were not accessing hospice services and there was a greater reliance on care at home. However, the challenges in delivering care ranged from managing patient expectations, geographical distance, lack of technology to support remote working and education for the specialist palliative care teams. The study makes specific recommendations for rural community specialist palliative care teams. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An audit was undertaken of people with a diagnosis of breast cancer who were referred to a community palliative care specialist nursing team over a 12-month period, to explore the reasons for referral to the service and the duration of involvement with the service. Breast cancer patients accounted for 10% of the total referrals to the specialist service, with symptom management (including pain control) and emotional support being the main reasons for referral. The majority of people referred with breast cancer had metastatic breast cancer (87%); interestingly, 13% had primary breast cancer. The mean duration of intervention was 3 months and 1 week. Referrals seemed to occur late in patients' disease trajectories, and total numbers were lower than might be expected. It may be concluded that there is scope for the specialist palliative care team to be a more integral part of care for patients with metastatic breast cancer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pre-publicity for the final volume of Harold Macmillan’s memoirs, At the End of the Day, stressed that it would provide the British side of the Cuban missile crisis for the first time. The Churchillian model chosen, changes required by the Cabinet Office and Macmillan’s desire to rebuke those political opponents who claimed that the crisis demonstrated a lack of British influence in Washington, however ensured a focus on his personal relationship with President Kennedy. His larding the text with contemporary observations from his diaries also skewed Macmillan’s account and, in particular, underplayed the significance of British moves at the United Nations in New York to secure a credible United Nations inspection regime and a US guarantee of the inviolability of Cuba. Careful reconstruction of Macmillan’s real-time experience of the Cuban missile crisis demonstrates the limitations of his own account of this event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper will look at developments concerning the EOKA leader, George Grivas, right at the end of what the British called 'The Emergency'. Although his actions at this point had no bearing on the substance of the settlement, they could affect its successful implementation. An examination of accounts and discussions surrounding these developments provides an eye-opener into the damage limitation exercise the handling of events was for all participants. The purpose of this paper is not to assess the accuracy of the conflicting accounts, but to examine the circumstances and discussions surrounding the manner of the departure of the EOKA leader from Cyprus in the aftermath of the Zurich and London Agreements and their connection with the delicate balance required by the key players to maintain as positive an atmosphere as possible towards the Cyprus settlement and the forthcoming independence. The importance of honour and prestige in the process, and its relation to the political future of the parties involved, resulted in attempts to manipulate events in a way that would satisfy all parties. Such manipulation proved impossible. While the Grivas legend became a central part of Greek Cypriot collective memory, his differences with Makarios created the most potent divide in Greek Cypriot politics for years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article places the New Party in the context of Mannheimian theory. It examines the generational claims made by Mosley and his sympathisers over the course of 1930, along with the rebuttals offered by their opponents. The structure of the 'great war generation' is analysed through prosopography. The article reinterprets the pre-history of the New Party by concentrating less on Mosley himself and more on those he was attempting to woo. It suggests that although his generational appeal had resonance, his anti-democratic ideology and personality weighed more heavily in the choices of his peers. Both high political history and sociological theory are helpful in understanding the failure of the New Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The former head of Pearson Education, McGraw-Hill Book Publishing, and Harcourt Brace Jovanovich presents an assessment of the state of publishing during this recession. The paper analyses actions taken by publishers in previous downturns, recommends approaches to dealing with recessions that maintain long-term health of the business. Recessions can mask more profound problems, such as happened in the newspaper industry and as is occurring in trade publishing. The paper also analyzes outlook for college and school publishing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1960s and early 1970s, Britain's Foreign Office (FO) succeeded in becoming Whitehall's leading department on European Community (EC) publicity at home. By the time Edward Heath became Prime Minister in 1970, the FO was set to contribute significantly to his Government's domestic campaign for EC entry. This operation was crucial: public opposition to entry fell sufficiently for MPs to feel confident about voting in favour; the campaign also offered some hope that public dissent might be overcome in future debates. Previously, under the Macmillan and Wilson premierships, the FO had a lesser role in home publicity on the EC, but did establish itself as a recognised participant. Thus, the period 1960-72 saw a decisive change in which the FO acquired an important role in a policy area previously run chiefly by 'home' departments. This article focuses on the FO's contribution, though also considers the roles of other departments and the three Prime Ministers, and the constitutional controversies involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's attack on India in 1962 came at a time of high tension in the Cold War, and its objective was not immediately clear. The crisis provided an opportunity for Britain and the US to support India against China and possibly to woo that country towards the western powers. The brevity of the war and the apparently limited Chinese aims did not alter the status quo. However, the crisis demonstrated an Anglo-American willingness to co-operate on South Asian defense policy, although the two tended to differ in their perceptions of the Chinese threat to India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Harold Macmillan's role as Chancellor of the Exchequer during the Suez crisis in light of information now available. It argues that, contrary to present historiography, the Treasury was consistent in warning Macmillan of the dangers of the use of force, but that this advice was not accepted by Macmillan. He did not adequately pass on these warnings to his Cabinet and Egypt Committee colleagues. Though he did not lie to his colleagues about the state of the reserves when the decision to call a ceasefire was taken, the reasons that he gave for his abrupt change of mind were specious. The article concludes that American hostility was primarily responsible for the failure of the operation and that Macmillan showed a lack of judgement in not recognizing this until it was too late. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reassesses the complex and controversial phenomenon of white liberalism in South Africa between 1920 and 1940 through a re-examination of the work of the philosopher, R.F.A. Hoernle, and economic historian, W.M. Macmillan, both of whom worked at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. These two men considered their analyses and recommendations to be embodiments of a Western liberal tradition, thereby contributing a particular dimension to the evolution of white identity in South Africa. Informed by aspects of Isaiah Berlin's critique of Western liberalism, we indicate how Hoernle and Macmillan's emphasis on the rational nature of Western liberalism had to confront, and accommodate, the realities of intransigent white emotion and resolute volition that maintained white supremacy in South Africa. As white dissidents, their work reflects the antinomous nature of their particular liberal white South African identity, which had to grapple perennially with the often incompatible relationship between reason, emotion and volition in its formulation of an encompassing vision of an integrated and just future for this society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Background: Relatively little is known about patients’ perceptions of the work and role of the specialist palliative care nurse. Understanding the patients’ perspective can help to evaluate services, improve quality of care, and identify misunderstandings. Objectives: To explore the experiences of those who said that they had a ‘terminal illness’, focusing on patients’ perceptions of the work and role of these nurses. Design: Qualitative study with narrative interviews. Setting: England and Wales. Participants: Forty-one people recruited through those working in hospices, community nurses, general practitioners, support groups, a national newspaper, and a conference on palliative care. Twenty-five people talked about the work of specialist palliative care nurses. Method: Interviews were fully transcribed; followed by a thematic analysis with constant comparison. Results: Patients valued the nurses’ work, particularly their advice on practical matters, information given about their disease, emotional support, advice on symptoms, and help with communication. They were glad that help was readily available. However, some patients who had been referred to the service did not realise that specialist palliative care nurses may be involved at a relatively early stage in a person''s illness, and sometimes felt distressed by an early referral. One woman felt she had not had the emotional support she needed and another knew of women who had been upset because these nurses had discussed topics such as place of death ‘too early’. However, people recognised the difficulties nurses faced in their work. Conclusions: Although our study differs from other studies, particularly in the way people were recruited, our findings support previous studies that have shown that specialist palliative care nurses are highly valued by those who have a terminal illness. It is important for people to understand that these nurses may be involved from the time of diagnosis and that roles have changed. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]