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This article analyses some of the linguistic tensions derived from international academic mobility in English-medium instruction multilingual university contexts, focusing on local and international academic staff's interests from a linguistic justice viewpoint. Firstly, we develop a normative argument to explore whether international academic mobility and increased use of English can become a source of linguistic domination for local staff, or if suggested countermeasures, such as requiring international scholars to learn the local language, might lead to linguistic discrimination against the latter group. Secondly, via a qualitative analysis of survey data, we ask local and international scholars at the University of Tartu about their views on the language policy regime at the university. Protective language policies that encourage locals to use Estonian more and require internationals to learn some Estonian could help enhance linguistic justice, according to local staff. However, international scholars may perceive such requests as discriminatory. Linguistic domination and discrimination play a key role in the clashing interests of stakeholders, creating tension. The study highlights the complexity of the dilemmas faced by many university officials today in their attempt to balance institutional goals with on-the-ground realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on autobiographical, biographical and historical materials, this article examines the experience of linguistic domination in the context of Italian Americans' experience with both the Italian and English languages during the second wave migration to the United States (1880–1924). These accounts are illuminated by the psychoanalytic insights of Marion Milner with a specific focus on her concept of the "framed gap." To illustrate Milner's concept of the framed gap, I turn to the linguistic creativity of African-Italian rap artist Anna Maria Gehnyei, known by her stage name Karima 2G. Karima 2G, born in Rome to Liberian parents, is part of a generation of black Italians and Italians of color who are denied citizenship due to restrictive citizenship laws in Italy. While fluent in Italian, Karina 2G intentionally sings in Pidgin English (her parents' native language) about Italian racism, her Liberian history, and the complex relationships between the United States, Africa and Italy. Her music offers a clear case of creating a diasporic vernacular aesthetics that generates a form of linguistic creativity which performs in opposition to linguistic domination and racial violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hungarian grassroots activist group The City is for All is the joint effort of members directly affected by homelessness or housing poverty and their allies (activists with secure housing), who work together for the right to housing. The following paper provides reflections on the group's work and politics by one if its founding members. It is introduced with a summary of the social context in which the group operates (the emergence of mass homelessness after the transition and its management by the state), which is followed by a detailed account of the group's internal organization and main activities. The next section examines the dynamics of inter-class cooperation within the group. The final section offers tentative theoretical interpretations on the politics of the group. The paper does not seek to address a specific research question, its goal instead is to provide an insider--but at the same-time selfreflective, and to a certain extent, theoretically inspired--view on the group in a way that can be useful for other organizers and politically engaged social scientists who are interested in building inter-class alliances in social justice activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Linguistic realities in Norway and Galicia have much in common. The situations are in many ways similar, though in some important ways different. Still, the two communities can represent cases for a study of how language policy and national identity-making relate to each other, in a situation with two closely related and competing written languages. This text tries to give a survey of the linguistic ambiguities and twofoldednesses of the two communities, and into how this affects policy practices in Galicia and Norway. The linguistic concept of diglossia is introduced, to describe the typical situation of political and structural relations between a dominating and a dominated language. The dilemmas in both communities can be seen as the ones of proximity and distance, of independence and cooperation. This goes for both language and language policy, and linguistic and cultural identities. “If we stay quiet and don't move, maybe the problem goes away" may from time to time be more of a rule than the exception in government behaviour, when it comes to language policy. “United in diversity" seems to be both a slogan and a strategy, when authorities try to come to Solomonic solutions of the sometimes “hot" language challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How come we still speak Occitan, Breton, etc.? How is it that the enormous disproportion of apparatus and prestige has not wiped out the so-called regional languages more quickly? It seems difficult to credit this (relative) persistence to the renaissantist movements, the defenders of these languages. The fact that, with the specific exception of Alsace-Lorraine, the language question (or a language question) has never been a major public issue in France attests to their powerlessness. Barring a major cataclysm, it is difficult to imagine that Occitan could be established today in the same terms as French has been. The only realistic approach is to analyse the foundations of French linguistic ideology in order to bring out an Occitan, a possible Breton.