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Objectives: The study examines the impact of changes on dental education and practice in Europe, including the development of new practice models such as investor-owned dental centers and practice chains. Method and materials: This study aimed to collect and critically examine data regarding the care environment, education, and organizational structures of the dental profession across European Regional Organization of the FDI World Dental Federation (ERO) member states and other countries in the World Health Organization European region. A questionnaire from the ERO was used. Results: National dental associations across 45 countries participated. An average of 1,459.79 (SD±800.80) inhabitants per dental practitioner was found, with independent practices being the most prevalent form of dental practice (48.65%±28.28%) followed by employment in private practice (24.32%±20.33%), and joint practices (15.27%±20.39%). There are statistically significantly more state universities than private universities (P<.01); the percentage of females attending dental schools was statistically significantly higher than males (P<.01). Two-thirds of the participating countries (n = 30, 66.67%) have legal frameworks allowing various stakeholders, including investors, and local communities, to establish dental health care centers. Conclusions: The findings highlight the evolving landscape of the dental profession in Europe and its regulatory context. There is a clear need for ongoing evaluations and adjustments in educational and practice frameworks to ensure and maintain high-quality oral health care. Future research should delve into the various professional dental practice forms and incorporate qualitative, care-related, and patient-centered considerations for a more thorough understanding of Europe's oral health care dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is much to celebrate about the liberal-progressive approach championed by New Zealand, which continues to be a prized feature of New Zealand education. Many liberal-progressive practices developed in New Zealand and contextualised for New Zealand students that sought to expand and enrich education were borrowed from Native Schools, Māori teachers, and Pākeha perceptions of preferred Māori pedagogies, giving rise to the perception that New Zealand education is bi-cultural in nature. This article offers critique of the key philosophies that have underpinned New Zealand education for the past 100 years to consider some of the challenges of liberal-progressive education for Māori. The philosophical foundations of a cutting-edge, creative, student-centred schooling system remain problematic for Māori and have been largely unsuccessful in expanding or enriching schooling for many Māori. A te ao Māori perspective of the foundational education philosophies highlights that the negative socio-political and educational positioning of Māori in New Zealand has been purposeful and well-coordinated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of Islamic thought in Indonesia has been shaped by social, political, and economic changes, with a central theme being the critique of liberalism. Liberalism, emphasizing individualism, freedom, and tolerance, has permeated various societal aspects, including religious understanding, social structures, and political policies. Amidst this, influential figures like Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi have emerged as notable critics. This article examines Zarkasyi's critiques of liberalism, highlighting his concerns about the dilution of Islamic values due to external influences. Employing qualitative research within an interpretive paradigm, the study analyzes Zarkasyi's writings and relevant secondary sources through descriptive-analytical methods. Findings reveal Zarkasyi's argument that liberalism's focus on absolute individual freedom undermines moral and social responsibilities central to Islam. He views liberalism as a potential threat to Islamic identity and cultural values, advocating for a balance between individual rights and collective ethical principles. Zarkasyi's intellectual contributions offer a critical framework for assessing liberalism's impact on Islamic thought in Indonesia, providing insights into maintaining authentic Islamic values amidst global influences.

Commentators oft cite the rather grand claim that for Hegel there was no concept of individual personality, subjectivity nor personal autonomy in Ancient Greece. Hegel’s claim is either taken as orthodox and making sense in the Hegelian historical system as a whole and so little discussed; or is flatly ignored as the worst kind of metaphysical obfuscation; a response a little too comfortable for liberal thinkers. Neither reaction is entirely satisfying. Not enough attention has been paid to it, especially for the vast majority of social and political thinkers who would find it at least contentious, so the present paper aims to assert its significance both for Hegelian politics as a whole and to pay enough attention to it in order to make it very difficult for those who find it a contentious statement to continue to ignore it. One wants to ask what it might mean for one’s self-understanding to be so radically different that, as a human being, I understand myself as first and foremost (and perhaps completely) not as a subjective individual. It is conceptually very difficult to be a self-conscious individual -- in even a minimal sense -- without some idea of being an atomic, individual unit. It is the claim of the following argument that a full understanding of this distinction, between ancient and modern self-understandings, would lead to a revision of Hegel’s liberal credentials, though not entirely for liberal reasons.

Commentators oft cite the rather grand claim that for Hegel there was no concept of individual personality, subjectivity nor personal autonomy in Ancient Greece. Hegel's claim is either taken as orthodox and making sense in the Hegelian historical system as a whole and so little discussed; or is flatly ignored as the worst kind of metaphysical obfuscation; a response a little too comfortable for liberal thinkers. Neither reaction is entirely satisfying. Not enough attention has been paid to it, especially for the vast majority of social and political thinkers who would find it at least contentious, so the present paper aims to assert its significance both for Hegelian politics as a whole and to pay enough attention to it in order to make it very difficult for those who find it a contentious statement to continue to ignore it. One wants to ask what it might mean for one's selfunderstanding to be so radically different that, as a human being, I understand myself as first and foremost (and perhaps completely) not as a subjective individual. It is conceptually very difficult to be a self-conscious individual -- in even a minimal sense -- without some idea of being an atomic, individual unit. It is the claim of the following argument that a full understanding of this distinction, between ancient and modern selfunderstandings, would lead to a revision of Hegel's liberal credentials, though not entirely for liberal reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Self‐service technologies are widely used in business, and retailers and service firms invest significant resources to obtain and improve their Self‐Service Technology capabilities. To allocate resources efficiently, it is crucial for firms to predict Self‐Service Technology usage by their customers. However, predictors in the extant literature (e.g., customers' perceptions and personality traits) are not easy to objectively measure or obtain secondary data about. This research proposes and examines political ideology, for which fairly accurate and objective data can be obtained, as a novel predictor of customer Self‐Service Technology usage. In four studies in different contexts, the authors consistently find that political ideology is significantly related to customers' intention to use and actual use of Self‐Service Technologies; Liberals, on average, are found to be significantly more likely to use Self‐Service Technologies compared to conservatives. Moreover, process complexity is identified as a moderator of this effect. In addition, two mediators, customers' need for interaction and customers' perceived control, through which political ideology affects intention to use Self‐Service Technologies are uncovered. The manuscript concludes with a discussion of contributions and practical implications for managers and practitioners as well as avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates changes in the promissory visions articulated in education reforms around the world. We use structural topic modeling to inductively analyze the content of 9,268 reforms from 215 countries and territories during the period 1970–2018 using the World Education Reform Database. Our findings reveal a decline in traditional management-focused reforms and a rise in reforms related to data and information. We also find an expanding commitment to educational access and inclusion, but reforms framed explicitly in 'rights' language diminish. We argue that the rise of data-centric reforms and the retreat from rights-based approaches may both reflect and contribute to a broader erosion of the liberal world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst social and political issues have an important role in the geography curriculum, the long-term erosion of the value and insularity of disciplinary knowledge in society and the curriculum has blurred the distinction between educational aims and political advocacy in classrooms. Increasingly, teachers, policymakers, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) instrumentalize the curriculum with respect to their political objectives, including climate change and social injustice. In taking an advocacy approach to pedagogy, they potentially undermine liberal educational objectives, including the development of autonomy and subjectification. Drawing on recent work in philosophy of education (e.g. Biesta; Van Poeck, and Östman) as well as social realist approaches to knowledge, I make a case for teaching about social and political issues on liberal educational grounds. Geography plays a key role in the school curriculum by providing a space for exploring the human condition through the study of people in contrasting environments and cultural systems. Here, we examine how geography teachers can handle issues in a morally careful way and navigate a line between advocacy and educational aims. One key difference examined is the need to treat students as subjects in their own right and to help develop skills of moral enquiry. In practice this means encouraging an open-ended approach, exploring topics (and the values underpinning them) from a range of perspectives, developing sensitivity to difference, and showing tolerance for ideas of which one disapproves. For students to develop agency and moral independence, they must learn how to think about social and political issues rather than be told what to think. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tarihsel ve toplumsal süreçler içerisinde meydana gelen değişmeler çerçevesinde kapitalizm ve din konusu, alanın gündemindeki yerini korumaktadır. Özellikle tüketici kapitalizminin gelişmesiyle birlikte kapitalizm ve din konusunun din sosyolojik açıdan kavrayışı adına bir değer kazandığı gözlenmiştir. Bu gözlemden hareketle çalışmamızın problemi, söz konusu durumu doğrudan deneyimleyen dindar muhafazakâr girişimcilerin kapitalizm ve din ilişkisini deneyimleme, bu ilişkiyi algılama ve değerlendirme biçimleridir. Çalışmamızın amacı, kapitalizm ve din ilişkisi çerçevesinde ortaya çıkan durumu dindar veya muhafazakâr sınıfın perspektifinden anlamak; incelenen duruma ilişkin deneyimlerinin içeriğini ve yapısını ortaya koymaktır. Çalışmamız nitel durum çalışması deseninde organize edilmiş olup söz konusu durumu doğrudan deneyimleyen bireylerden amaçlı örnekleme yöntemi ile seçilmiş bir çalışma grubundan katılımcı gözlem ve görüşme yoluyla toplanan veriler, nitel fenomenolojik bir analize tabi tutulmuştur. Sonuçta çalışma grubumuz örneğinde dindar-muhafazakâr girişimcilerin, kapitalizm ve din ilişkisi bağlamında ortaya çıkan duruma ilişkin deneyimleri liberal, kapitalist ekonomik sistem ve serbest piyasa koşulları ile İslami değer ve referanslar arasında bir çelişkiyle yüzleştikleri anlaşılmıştır. Söz konusu çelişkinin yarattığı gerilimi aşmak adına liberal kapitalist ekonomik sistem ve serbest piyasa koşullarında var olmanın bir gereği olarak ilgili pratiklerini, yeniden yorumlanan dini referanslarla meşrulaştırdıkları ortaya konulmuştur.

The twin topics of immigrants and immigration have been known to generate strong debates within the American body politic due to these debates' reverberations in U.S. society. Immigration has remained a contentious policy issue for several decades because of Americans' divergent opinions about opening the nation's borders to immigrants. Using YouGov data, we show that employing the terms illegal immigrant and undocumented immigrant produced different reactions among the survey participants. We also show, via multivariate analyses, that participants who voted for Donald Trump, those who did not vote in the 2016 Presidential election, and conservatives were more likely than liberals and those who voted for Hillary Clinton to endorse Immigration and Customs Enforcement's (ICE) twin policies of separating immigrant parents from their children at the U.S.-Mexico border and arresting illegal immigrants who have overstayed their visas, even if they have not committed a crime. The implications of our findings for policy, group relations, and future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between neoliberalism and legal culture in South Africa, focusing on how the neoliberal paradigm influences legal interpretation and the adjudication of socio-economic rights. It explores how neoliberalism, defined as the dominance of capitalist forces over weaker oppositional interests, permeates judicial decision-making, shaping how courts address issues of inequality and social justice. The article argues that neoliberalism, in prioritizing market interests, has contributed to a conservative legal inertia that prevents transformative legal outcomes. This dynamic has entrenched existing socio-economic disparities, especially as state power continues to serve the interests of capital, reinforcing apartheid-era economic structures. Despite the transformative potential embedded in South Africa's constitutional framework, the legal system remains constrained by what Karl Klare terms as professional sensibilities, codes, and values, many of which are influenced by neoliberalism. Drawing on theoretical insights of Karl Klare, the article calls for a rethinking of legal culture and a shift towards more relational, metaphorical approaches that challenge hegemonic narratives. Only by resisting these metanarratives can meaningful transformation be achieved in the pursuit of equality and justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anemia and red blood cell transfusion are associated with adverse outcomes. Large randomized trials have demonstrated that restrictive transfusion strategies can safely reduce patient exposure to transfusion, forming a foundational pillar of patient blood management. The restrictive transfusion thresholds in these trials ranged from 7 to 8 g/dL for different populations and this variability is reflected in recent guideline recommendations for transfusion triggers. Such variability implies heterogeneity among populations with respect to the transfusion threshold for optimal outcomes. Individual variability (tolerance to anemia, risk of tissue hypoxia, risk of red blood cell transfusion) has not been addressed by population-based trials, supporting the argument for 'physiological transfusion triggers' indicative of inadequate organ perfusion. However, physiological triggers have only been assessed in small feasibility trials without convincing outcome data. This review summarizes data from recent transfusion trials and transfusion guidelines, and reviews potential physiological triggers which could further refine transfusion practices and minimize risks of tissue hypoxia and adverse outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In its juxtaposition of liberal government and terrorist violence, metropole and colony, Joseph Conrad's The Secret Agent explores the imbrication of modes of biopolitical and necropolitical sovereignty. Taking as its starting point Achille Mbembe's concept of necropolitics, which has not yet been widely discussed in relation to Conrad's work, this essay argues that Conrad analyses a shift from biopolitical liberal democracy to necropolitical terror. Necropolitics, however, also forms the basis on which radically democratic communities of the biopolitically outcast can form communities of resistance to sovereign power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

D. Diego Ochoa de Hondategui falleció en Segovia en 1751. En su testamento ordenó la creación de unas escuelas de primeras letras gratuitas para niños pobres. Especificaba las cualidades del maestro, un ejemplo para sus discípulos y para la sociedad. D. Domingo Sáez Montejo, antes de dedicarse al magisterio, fue portero de cámara y fiel del Registro de los Arbitrios de Sisas de la Puerta del Mercado. Como maestro vivió las alegrías y las penas económicas de un patronato de fundaciones, envidia de las instituciones segovianas, hasta que terminó en quiebra a causa de la llamada «desamortización» de Godoy. El maestro Montejo pasó de ser un fiel defensor de la Constitución de 1812 a ser considerado como un «negro» liberal; tuvo que huir al finalizar el Trienio Constitucional y esconderse en la Corte, donde terminó sus días siendo aún un maestro «impurificado».

How do major Asian states regard the current international security order? Do they agree or disagree among themselves? This is an introduction to a special section on 'Asian conceptions of international order: what Asia wants'. It draws on articles analysing the stances of China, India, Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Philippines and Vietnam towards the existing international security order usually described as a liberal international order (LIO). It argues that Asian states substantially support the main constitutive and regulatory norms and institutions of the LIO, but they worry that the LIO does not consistently honour these norms. Asians disagree on the centrality of political liberalism, but even Japan and South Korea, the most liberal states, are uncomfortable with strident criticism, punishment and the exclusion of less liberal states. Asians also disagree on the role of US alliances: some are strongly supportive, some are ambivalent and some are negative. Finally, Asians disagree on how they voice dissatisfaction. Japan and South Korea supplement existing norms and institutions as a way of transcending the limitations of the LIO; south-east Asian states promote ASEAN's mediatory role for peace and security above and beyond existing global arrangements; and Indonesia, India and China want to move from being norm takers to becoming norm shapers. The introduction ends with six policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The presentation of the theory of evolution in the Western world was widely welcomed by Protestant liberals. Henry Dormond, as one of the most important thinkers of this school, while accepting this theory, tried to explain it theologically in the key topics of Christian theology. By stating the close relationship between science and religion, he tried to describe the existence of evolution in the creation system of science as God's art in the material world. Even though in physical terms, man came into being from a material body that was formed through the process of evolution, as a being that is made up of two dimensions, material and spiritual, with the sudden intervention of God, he benefited from the blessing of the divine spirit and The blessing of spiritual life has been provided to him along with material life. This research is based on a descriptive-analytical approach and on the basis of library documents, with reference to Henry Drummond's comments in the works attributed to him, the effects of the theory of evolution on Christian theology - in the subjects of God, man, sin, Christ, life of faith, and examine and analyze the issue of the kingdom. The main results of this research include things like; He pointed out the purposefulness of evolution in order to show divine love, following Jesus Christ in worldly life and the similarity of spiritual life to material life [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite some improvement to the lives of Palestinians through human rights activism, this article argues that the legal regime governing Occupied Territories, combined with a rigid legalized conception and application of human rights, limits the ability to achieve human rights protections for those living under prolonged military occupations. Drawing on a critique of liberal legalism, this article will identify four key barriers to change through an analysis of court cases and human rights reports in the Israeli military occupation of the Palestinians. It will trace key shifts in human rights organizations in Israel and Palestine, which seek to overcome these limitations in an effort to secure long-term human rights for Palestinians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main focus of this article is to determine what psychoanalysis adds to the understanding of modern liberal democracy and the political ideologies that counter universal human rights. I will begin with outlining the five competing ideologies that structure our political world today. One of my main arguments is that each of these political positions is shaped by a different psychopathology. Moreover, it is vital to understand the differences among these modes of ideology in order to avoid polarization and move to a more effective mode of governance. By equating political ideologies with individual psychopathologies, I hope to show how particular political movements recruit people with specific mental structures, and one of the reasons for this match between social belief systems and individuals is that political formations rely on shared irrational, unconscious psychological processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research suggests that conservatives (right-wingers) tend to show more negativity bias than liberals (left-wingers) in several tasks. However, the majority of these studies are based on correlational findings and do not provide information on the cognitive underpinnings of this tendency. The current research investigated whether intuition promotes negativity bias and mitigates the ideological asymmetry in this domain in three underrepresented, non-western samples (Turkey). In line with the previous literature, we defined negativity bias as the tendency to interpret ambiguous faces as threatening. The results of the lab experiment revealed that negativity bias increases under high-cognitive load overall. In addition, this effect was moderated by the participants' political orientation (Experiment 1). In other words, when their cognitive resources were depleted, liberals became more like conservatives in terms of negativity bias. However, we failed to conceptually replicate this effect using time-limit manipulations in two online preregistered experiments during the COVID-19 pandemic, where the baseline negativity bias is thought to be already at peak. Thus, the findings provide no strong evidence for the idea that intuition promotes negativity bias and that liberals use cognitive effort to avoid this perceptual bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PVI has been shown to be an accurate predictor of fluid responsiveness in paediatric patients. Evidence regarding the role of PVI to guide intraoperative fluid therapy in paediatric abdominal surgery is lacking. We aimed to assess the effect of PVI-guided fluid therapy on the volume of intraoperative fluids administered and post-operative biochemical and recovery profile in children undergoing elective abdominal surgery. 42 children, 6 months-3 years scheduled for elective open bowel surgery were randomised to receive either 'conventional liberal intraoperative fluids' (liberal group) or 'goal-directed intraoperative fluids' (GDT group). PVI <13 was targeted in the GDT group. The primary outcome was the volume of intraoperative fluids administered. Postoperative serum lactate, base excess, hematocrit, recovery of bowel function and duration of postoperative hospital stay were the secondary outcomes. The mean fluid administered intra-operatively was significantly lower in the GDT group as compared to the liberal group (24.1 ± 9.6 mL/kg vs 37.0 ± 8.9 mL/kg, p < 0.001). The postoperative hemoglobin concentration (g%) was significantly lower in the liberal group as compared to the GDT group (8.1 ± 1.3 vs 9.2 ± 1.4, p = 0.008). Recovery of bowel function (hours) was significantly delayed in the liberal group as compared to the GDT group (58.2 ± 17.9 vs 36.5 ± 14.1, p < 0.001). Intraoperative PVI-guided fluid therapy significantly reduces the volume of intravenous crystalloids administered to children undergoing open bowel surgery. These children also had faster recovery of bowel function and less hemodilution in the immediate postoperative period, compared to those who received liberal intraoperative fluid therapy. Type of study : Randomized Clinical Trial. Level of evidence : Treatment Study (LEVEL 1). • What is currently known about this topic? • PVI has been shown to be an accurate predictor of fluid responsiveness in mechanically ventilated paediatric patients. • What new information is contained in this article? • PVI-guided fluid therapy is associated with faster recovery of bowel function & lower hemodilution after bowel surgery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article traces the methodological foundations of the study of the French Revolution at the end of the XVIII century and conceptual changes in its interpretation from the last third of the XIX to the beginning of the XXI century. In the last third of the XIX century in French historiography, positivism occupied a dominant position, the principles of which were outlined by A. Comte back in the 30s. Under his influence, historians began to turn to the study of archives, universities and historical periodicals were revived. The study of the Great French Revolution was carried out by the school of A. Aulard, who is credited with developing its political history. The Russian and Ukrainian historiography of this revolution also acquired a professional appearance, based on the same principles of positivism and became famous for the creation of the "Russian-Ukrainian historical school" - N.I. Kareev, I.V. Luchitsky, M.M. Kovalevsky, E.V. Tarle. The school, influenced by the realities of Russian reality and Marxism, made an important contribution to the development of the agrarian aspect of the revolution. From the end of the XIX century world historiography was strongly influenced by neo-Kantianism, especially by the Baden school of W. Windelband and H. Rickert. As a result, this led to the creation of the well-known Annales school. The school considered historical facts to be psychological facts. The transition to the study of the psychology of the masses during the revolution was carried out in France by historians of the socialist direction - the pioneer was J. Lefebvre. These historians were followers of J. Jaurès. The article traces conceptual changes in the interpretation of the French Revolution at the end of the XVIII century - changes in both French and Russian, Ukrainian, Soviet historiography. It is noted that an important stage in the formation of a new conceptual image of the revolution was its anniversaries - the 190th, 200th anniversary, and world discussions around its cardinal problems. The article provides an overview of the points of view of French, American, Russian scientists and makes a sad conclusion that over the past decades, the study of the revolution in Ukraine has come to naught. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In The Netherlands, post-war urban renewal policies have emerged under the influence of various welfare regimes. Corporatist and social democratic regimes promoted social justice, social cohesion, inclusion and redistribution of income; urban renewal policies stimulated social mix and area-based interventions. Both public and market partners and residents were involved. Liberal ideas became increasingly explicit from the 1990s, and became dominant after 2010. Individuality, 'citizens own responsibility', and cuts in public services were leading objectives. Private investors and entrepreneurs were leading the renewal, facilitated by the state. In this paper we focus on the most recent policies and their effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carson Chodos offers commentary on the inherent limitations of reformist cis imagination and resulting education policy and linguistic failures. Specifically, within a project to create LGBTQ+ inclusive symbol iconicity for students with disabilities that primarily utilize AAC (augmentative and alternative communication) systems. Carson Chodos, a public-school teacher (a cisgender lesbian), reflects on (mis)applications of limited functional communication systems on her students. Directly participating in the positioning of students as both innocent victims and responsible neoliberal subjects for the tolerant liberal state, she initiated a special project through the Division of Specialized Education and Student Support to create inclusive symbolic vocabulary reflective of the realities of the students with disabilities she worked with. Until 2019 there was an incredible absence of all symbols within the core vocabulary packages that excluded LGBTQ+ identities, families, relationships, or gender expressions. Since her initial project, there are now a few ad hoc library banks of LGBTQ+ icons across proprietary AAC software programs. This is not a success but, instead, a call for decentralized, evolving vocabulary to reflect the queer relational understandings of disability and participatory languaging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]