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This article anticipates a political project that underlines China's infrastructural capitalism and the infrastructural power of labor in the making of the Chinese working class. This project embarks a re‐departure of the left movement after the Jasic struggle, which inspired a rebirth of global Marxism and Maoism that attempts to confront the failure of the first wave of socialist movements and the neoliberal turn of global capitalism. Meeting this historical conjuncture, this project is situated in the legacy of the Chinese Revolution and its firmly held belief in the class struggles of the working masses who fought for a vision of communism since the early 1920s. As part of a global project in preparation for the new wave of emancipatory movements, this project is also located in a global anti‐capitalism movement and attempts to overcome the parochial and nationalistic approach of existing Chinese Marxism. Specifically, the author conceives that Chinese capitalism has entered a new age of monopoly supported not only by new phases of high technology but also, more importantly, by state power in constructing infrastructural bases such as building projects, new economic zones, highways and high‐speed railways, digital platforms, and logistics, both internally and externally, to reproduce expanded capitalism, resulting in fierce imperial battles among global powers. The article conceptualizes this historical process not only as "infrastructural capitalism," a term that vividly embodies the materiality of expanded capitalism, but also the infrastructural power of labor to take root. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the backgrounds and prerequisites of the actual split into two actions within the ruling party «Movement for Socialism» (Movimiento al Socialismo, MAS) in Bolivia, that are the fraction of «evistas» (who supports Evo Morales) and the one of «arcistas» (who supports Luis Arce). The evolution of the party is considered since Evo Morales took presidential office in 2005, including the crucial for the ruling elites loss of power during the crisis of 2019, electoral victory in the 2020 of the candidate from MAS Luis Arce, as well as the results of the regional elections 2021, up to the present. It reveals the particular interdependence between the political apparatus, trade unions and public organizations, that predetermined the vulnerability of intra-party interrelation.

The first half of the XX century was marked for Latin America by a pe-riod of struggle for the political independence of the states of the conti-nent. In the context of direct interference in the state policy of Latin American countries by the United Kingdom and, to an even greater ex-tent, the United States, and the flagship in the struggle for national in-dependence often turned out to be the left movement. At the same time, when determining their strategies and tactics, the Latin American left (both themselves and in discussions with the Third, Communist Inter-national, which "discovered" the continent in 1927) often developed the concept and ideas of an armed seizure of power in order to carry out in-ternal political and economic reforms and ensure the desired national independence. As a result of comparing the ideas and implementation of plans for armed struggle in the left movement of Venezuela, Colom-bia and Cuba, the author comes to the following results: despite the presence of a "coordinating body" in the form of the Comintern, colos-sal differences in the political situation, economic situation and experi-ence of spreading leftist ideas led to the idea of an armed struggle for power in each of the these countries developed separately from the rest. For two decades, events have taken place in the region that allow today to conduct a comparative analysis of the theory and implementation of the idea of an armed struggle for power in different Latin American countries, giving a general assessment of this phenomenon, revealing its general and particular characteristics.

The literary avant-garde of Iasi, structured around the magazines "Prospect" and "XX - literatură contimporană", builds its identity through affinities with the magazine "UNU" and the Bucharest avant-garde. Although a left-wing sensibility brings them closer to those of "Viata romaneasca", their aesthetic attitudes differ significantly. The article also deals with the political divide within the fragile avant-garde movement in Iasi, as well as the biographical and political metamorphoses of the members of this movement after the installation of the totalitarian regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the participation of the candidates of the parties of the left movement of Ukraine in the elections of the President of Ukraine on May 31, 2019. The main theses of the election programs of candidates from the left parties are revealed. Summarized results obtained after voting on May 31, 2019. The reasons for the crisis of ideologies and personalities in the 2019 presidential election are identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the interrelations between politics and music as they appear in the ongoing debate about the rebetiko genre, within the intellectual circles of the left-wing movement in the post-war era. Through the analysis of the rebetika texts and biographical material, the ambivalent attitude of the Greek Left movement about the political context and the class affiliation of rebetiko are exposed. The Left saw popular music as a pedagogic means for inculcating class-consciousness among the masses and promoting optimistic utopian images of a possible communist future. In the framework of this politically motivated consideration, the attempt of left-wing intellectuals to interpret and evaluate the rebetiko genre led to various ambivalences and controversies within the Left movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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