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Sumario: I. Introducción.—II. El Estado de la Integración. 1. Discurso sobre el Estado de la Unión. 2. Tercer rescate de Grecia. 3. Inmigración: planes de acogida a solicitantes de asilo. 4. Reino Unido: nuevos pasos en la negociación con la UE. 5. El Informe de los Cinco Presidentes sobre el futuro de la gobernanza económica europea. 6. Informes sobre la Ampliación de la UE. 7. Comisión: primera aplicación del Mecanismo del Estado de Derecho contra Polonia.—III. Cuestiones generales de la actualidad económica. 1. BCE: ampliación de la compra masiva de Deuda pública. 2. Acuerdo Trasatlántico UE-EEUU: nuevas propuestas para el arbitraje en materia de inversiones. 3. La Unión de los Mercados de Capitales. 4. Unión Bancaria: Sistema Europeo de Garantía de Depósitos Bancarios. 5. Tribunal de Justicia: nueva sentencia contra la Ley Hipotecaria española. 6. Comisión: dictamen contra las cláusulas suelo en las hipotecas españolas. 7. Competencia: ilegalidad de los pactos fiscales con multinacionales. 8. Telefonía móvil: eliminación de las tarifas de itinerancia en 2017. 9. Tribunal de Justicia anulación de la decisión de la Comisión que declaraba ilegal el Tax Lease del sector naval español.Publicación en línea: 30 abril 2016

This article identifies a broad range of internet user profiles, which are relevant for an understanding of the social use of information technology. These profiles reflect particular forms of linkage between individuals’ social positions and how they use the internet., Este artigo identifica um conjunto diversificado de perfis de utilizadores da internet que se revelam pertinentes para o conhecimento acerca do uso social das tecnologias da informação. Estes perfis espelham fórmulas particulares de articulação entre os posicionamentos sociais dos indivíduos e os respectivos usos que fazem da internet.

The objective of this research project is to study the ecological context of the violence which underlies conflicts between political or ethnic groups where the background involves access to and control over scarce resources. The article also seeks to outline the pathways in the struggle for those scarce but vital resources, a struggle which is the crucial catalyst for forms of collective violence. The concept of «ecoviolence», developed by Thomas Homer-Dixon, is used here both in the sense of the violence generated by the search for control over those valuable natural resources, and in the sense of the corresponding violent responses to it., O objectivo deste trabalho é estudar as condições ecológicas da violência que subjaz a conflitos entre grupos étnicos ou políticos, cujo pano de fundo é o acesso e o controlo de recursos escassos. O artigo pretende também traçar os caminhos da luta por esses recursos escassos mas vitais, luta essa que catalisa de forma determinada as formas de violência colectiva. O conceito de «ecoviolência», desenvolvido por Thomas Homer-Dixon, é aqui usado quer no sentido da violência gerada pela busca de controlo desses recursos naturais valiosos, quer das respostas violentas daí consequentes.

This article analyzes the development of Robert Dahl’s interrogations of the three main currents of political science: the theory of modernization, the theory of rational choice and the political culture approach. In his early work the author believed that political inclusion is the outcome of the opposition between situation and opposition. In his later work, Dahl returned to his utopian socialist origins and reversed the order of priorities. The threat to modern democracy no longer lies in the concentration of political power in one institution, but rather in the increasing inequality of condition, which produces resignation and leads citizens to give up participating in the political process., Este artigo analisa a evolução dos diálogos que Robert Dahl encetou com três das principais correntes da ciência política: a teoria da modernização, a teoria da escolha racional e a perspectiva da cultura política. Nas primeiras obras o autor considerava que a inclusão política era uma consequência do confronto entre situação e oposição. Nos seus últimos trabalhos, Dahl retornou às origens socialistas utópicas e inverteu a ordem de prioridades. A ameaça à democracia contemporânea já não deriva da concentração de poderes políticos numa só instância, mas sim da crescente desigualdade de condição que gera a resignação e o abandono da participação pública por parte dos cidadãos.

This article analyses the development of the Socialist Party’s election campaigns between 1976 and 2005, revealing their main organizational characteristics both nationally and locally. The conclusions demonstrate that outside experts were important and that there was increasing centralization, both of which contribute to the increased autonomy of the socialist leader., Este artigo procura analisar a evolução das campanhas eleitorais do Partido Socialista entre 1976 e 2005, evidenciando as suas principais características organizativas ao nível nacional e local. As conclusões apontam para a importância dos especialistas externos e para o reforço da centralização, que contribuem para o aumento da autonomia do líder socialista.

This article analyses the application of the punishment-reward function to the popularity of the president and prime-minister in Portugal, in the winter of 2006. The theory of the economic voting holds that the institutional context of citizenship may make it difficult to assign responsibility for the government’s economic performance. Contrary to what earlier works have suggested, this study shows that Portuguese semipresidentialism does not seem to place barriers in the way of the Portuguese punishing the government (and not the president) for adverse economic circumstances., Este artigo analisa a aplicação da função castigo-recompensa em relação à popularidade do presidente e do primeiro-ministro em Portugal no Inverno de 2006. A teoria do voto económico considera que o contexto institucional dos cidadãos pode dificultar a imputação de responsabilidades pelo desempenho económico do governo. Ao contrário do que sugeriram trabalhos anteriores, este estudo mostra que o semipresidencialismo português não parece impor barreiras a que os portugueses castiguem o governo (e não o presidente) pelas más condições económicas.

Science museums are essentially spaces where science is exhibited and disseminated to a lay public. However, as this article demonstrates, several Portuguese science museums also produce and reproduce science, through teaching and training activities for scientists, and through scientific research., Os museus científicos são fundamentalmente espaços onde a ciência é exibida e disseminada a um público leigo. No entanto, como se demonstra ao longo deste artigo, vários museus científicos portugueses exercem também funções de produção e reprodução da ciência através de actividades de ensino e formação de cientistas e de investigação científica.

The post-COVID-19 new normal will arise as a game-changer in the policy-making of the world states. Accordingly, this article highlights the post- pandemic Bangladesh that should integrate biology affirmatively in the policy development procedures to reshape the new normal challenges as opportunities. The grounded theory method is adopted as a quantitative analysis tool relying on the secondary sources of data to portray the significance of biopolitics as political rationality in new norm Bangladesh. The researcher has used the neo-realism approach to develop the ‘Biopolitical Rationale Theory’, which uncovers how evolving neorealist security demands the prioritization of biopolitics in every sphere of decision making for governing the post-pandemic new standard of existence. The 2020 corona outbreak proved that human life and the environment are the ultimate means of survival rather than the traditional security arrangements and extreme economic growth which are inhumane (rationality of death and militarization), unhygienic, and destructive to the environment (exploitation of nature is profitable). The article recommends some alternative new normal policies such as nondiscriminative health policy, bordering in line with International Health Regulations (IHR), digitalization with better cybersecurity, virtualization of the tourist industry (application of Extended Reality), application of Career Resilience (CR), and Strategic Flexibility Analysis tools in the re-employment and career development, greening the economy, special arrangements for emergency health crisis and undertaking actions considering the environment as a remedy rather than a crisis. The review research concludes that the inclusion of biopolitics in the Bangladesh governance system can redesign the challenges of new normal as new opportunities. But the reshaping of such a new reality will itself prevail as a considerable challenge for Bangladesh.&nbsp

This study investigates the role of media in the social development of the community in South Radio and Television Agency Bonga Branch Radio (BBR) in Decha woreda, Kafa Zone, Southern Ethiopia. The study addresses the contribution of media in changing the audience’s knowledge, attitude, and practices in the community’s social activities. To address the objectives, the researcher applied mixed research approaches and descriptive design. Both primary and secondary data were used in the study and analyzed through qualitative and quantitative methods. The data were collected through questionnaires, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions. To determine the sample size for the study, a multistage sampling technique was employed. Three Kebeles were selected purposively and 106 respondents participated in the study. The findings show that Bonga branch radio station is contributing to social development through influencing the behavior (attitude, knowledge, and practice) of the community. The study also reveals that the acceptance of the role of radio in the community is high since it transmits its different programs and news content in the ethnic language of the community in which the members can easily understand. Even though the media is playing its role in the community’s social development, different challenges have been observed in the branch radio station. Based on the finding, recommendation has been forwarded that the local government bodies should change their outlook towards the media organization. The media management should take the improving measures, such as the journalists and technician capacity building, the transmission coverage of the radio station, and revision of the news and program content format that will enable the media to meet the satisfaction of the audience.

The impacts of human trafficking are currently high across the world albeit different policies are designed to combat it. Yet, governments are not working hard practically and jointly as they write strategies and programs on the paper to reduce the impacts of women trafficking. Even though men are victims of human trafficking, scholars agree that women are the most vulnerable to human trafficking. This study describes the socio-economic impacts of human trafficking among the west Asia returnee young women in Ethiopia by taking Oromia Region’s West Shewa zone as a case study. The study used the mixed-method approach. A descriptive case study research design was applied for a detailed description of the socio-economic impacts of human trafficking among west Asia returnee young women. Feminism theory was employed to scrutinize the oppression of young women. The finding reveals that human trafficking caused the divorce of marriage and exposed children to the street because of unwise savings and disagreement of spouses; psychological and physical threats of young women on the way to work, at the workplace and after return; wastage of income as a result of saving money in the wrong place; economic crisis because young women had to pay back the loan to brokers – traffickers – and could not repay the money for lenders; and school dropout. From the finding, it is concluded that although young women exposed to human trafficking by the vision of having their job in the future and the income they could generate in West Asia. They had a dream to improve their lives, they could not realize their dream since they were unable to save the money thereby leading them to social and economic crises. Hence, it is recommended that issues of human trafficking should be incorporated into the school curriculum, at least at the elementary level, so that young women get better awareness about the negative consequences of human trafficking and abstain from traffickers. It is also recommended that young women who work abroad legally should open their formal bank account to save their wages to escape social and economic crises when they return.&nbsp

The Nile River Basin, with ten riparian countries, lacks any agreed-upon basin-wide legal framework. Attempts at effective management and utilization of water resources inclusive of all countries along the basin have not been possible due to lack of consensus on the legal basis of already exiting colonial-era agreements that allocate an absolute share of the Nile water to Egypt and Sudan by excluding most of the upper riparians. The review has specifically focused on the trilateral negotiation processes between Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt since November 2019 on the filling and annual operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which Ethiopia has been constructing since 2011. It has made a thorough review of a series of events and processes through which the negotiation has passed to conduct a critical analysis of facts, and has suggested reflections on the way forward. It considers the need for political will and flexibility of the negotiating parties to reconcile existing contradictory positions. To this end, pursuing a revisionist approach to take the dynamic socio-economic realities and development needs of co-basin countries is commendable. This further requires renegotiating long existed colonial-era agreements and formulating a basin-wide legal framework in line with existing international standards. Focusing on technical and expertise level of discussions and outcomes would minimize over politicization and specifically would help to address the negative impacts of Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and optimize positive externalities. Peace is a necessity than any other option among the co-basin countries and the only avenue towards sustainable resolution of disputes. Negotiating in good faith and in a ‘give and take’ modality needs to be a second to none alternative to the parties. The international community may also need to play a neutral and genuine role to assist the parties to settle their differences amicably and reach a final negotiated settlement.&nbsp

The objective of this article is to critically examine the role(s) that the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has played in the restoration of peace in South Sudan. Methodologically, the article employed a case study qualitative research design as its main focus is analyzing the contributions and challenges of IGAD in seeking peace in South Sudan. The study revealed that IGAD has played a prominent and leading role in the South Sudan mediation. Since its involvement in the mediation process, it has played its utmost efforts in the South Sudan peace process to end the armed conflict and created the basis for sustainable conflict resolution in non-violent ways. The Agreement on the resolution of the conflict signed by the parties in August 2015, without doubt, is a major contribution to the resolution of the conflict. The agreement outlined a comprehensive plan to end the fighting, frame a post-conflict transition, and to begin the tasks of reconciliation and reform despite competing interests of the parties and diverging views of external partners. Furthermore, IGAD was instrumental in the realization of the IGAD High-Level Revitalization Forum on 21 December 2017. More recently, IGAD has played a prominent role in the signing of the Khartoum Declaration Agreement on outstanding issues on governance and security arrangements among warring parties held on 5 August 2018 in Sudan. Another achievement of IGAD was its ability to manage regional tensions, among its members, which prevented an agreement on power-sharing and security arrangements in the country. Finally, the article concludes that IGAD has achieved success in assisting South Sudan to integrate into the regional peacebuilding architecture.&nbsp

What are the consequences of police brutality in fighting against the Catalan secessionist movement? While Spanish authorities resorted to violence with the hope that forceful action would deter further support for separatism, recent studies of repression argue that state violence tends to backfire. I test these two plausible arguments in the context of non-lethal police brutality to prevent an illegal self-determination referendum. For this, I combine data of the local distribution of police violence during the referendum and the official results of the subsequent regional elections. Because police forces were not deployed randomly, I employ a difference-in-differences estimation with matching to evaluate the electoral consequences of violence. The results show no clear evidence that police brutality affected support for separatism or electoral mobilization in the areas that it was deployed. The lack of a clear effect sets an agenda for future research in the investigation of the conditions under which state violence affects dissenting movements.

Sumario: I. Introducción.—II. Primera parte. Los desarrollos jurisprudenciales del Derecho de la Unión Europea 1. La Carta y la interpretación de los derechos fundamentales a) No siempre se aplica la Carta b) La igualdad por razón del sexo y la igualdad de oportunidades c) El derecho a la protección de datos personales: transferencia internacional y seguridad nacional d) Las creencias religiosas de los pacientes y la asistencia sanitaria en la Unión e) Las limitaciones de la legislación bancaria italiana al derecho de propiedad, la libertad de empresa y la libre circulación de capitales 2. El espacio de libertad, seguridad y justicia a) El retorno y la expulsión de los no comunitarios b) Los refugiados y el abuso en la solicitud de asilo 3. El mercado único europeo a) La libre circulación de los trabajadores b) La libertad de establecimiento y la libertad de cátedra en Hungría de las universidades de otros países de la OMC y del EEE c) La Directiva de servicios, los apartamentos compartidos y las aplicaciones para taxis d) Contratación pública: ¿algún contrato puede salirle gratis a la Administración? e) El alcance de la tutela judicial efectiva y la cooperación administrativa en materia tributaria f) Las ayudas de minimis y la acumulación de ayudas 4. Las políticas europeas a) Los derechos sociales en la Unión: el empleo temporal y la vacaciones b) La protección de los consumidores y el uso de tarjetas bancarias c) La neutralidad en la red.—III. Segunda parte. La jurisprudencia europea, los jueces españoles y sus efectos en el Derecho interno 1. Las medidas cautelares de quien pierde el escaño en el Parlamento Europeo 2. La Comisión Nacional de los Mercados y de la Competencia ya no podrá plantear cuestiones prejudiciales 3. Las sentencias en materia de extranjería: sentencia Subdelegación del Gobierno en Barcelona y Subdelegación del Gobierno en Guadalajara 4. Las sentencias sobre cláusulas abusivas en los préstamos hipotecarios 5. La protección de los pasajeros del transporte aéreo 6. Las tasas a los servicios de comunicaciones 7. La protección frente a los despidos colectivos 8. La protección de los derechos de autor de intérpretes y productores en la reproducción de fonogramas 9. La fiscalidad de la energía y los hidrocarburos.—IV. Relación de las resoluciones judiciales comentadas.

La filosofía de la técnica propuesta por Heidegger tiene uno de sus hilos conductores en la crisis ecológica. A partir de aquí se pueden señalar sus vínculos con la tradición del marxismo y la economía ambiental, la propuesta del decrecimiento y una renovada filosofía de la naturaleza. The philosophy of technique proposed by Heidegger has one of its leiv motives in the ecological crisis. From here, its links with the tradition of Marxism and environmental economics, the degrowth proposal and a renewed philosophy of nature can be pointed out. Keywords: technique, industrial capitalism, ecology

A youth audience is the most vulnerable part of society as an object of influence of radical ideas. The authors argue that the most efficient tool of involving young people of different origin and confessional affiliation into the extremist activity on the present stage is social networks. Despite the fact that the practice of using communication networks in the Internet space by terrorist organizations have existed before, it was the information policy of the ISIS (and later IS) that was characterized by the greatest effectiveness, due to the creation of an integrated media structure, which consisted of numerous foundations and agencies (Al Furqan, Aynad, Itisaam, Al-Hayat, etc.), allowing them to spread their extremist religious and ideological doctrine on a global scale. The use of the widest range of high-quality media products in Internet media and social networks has expanded the organizations area of influence by attracting supporters not only from the Middle East region, but also from European countries and the Russian Federation. The case-study of the mechanisms for attracting European youth through social networks, such as Twitter, Facebook, etc., to extremist activities under the auspices of the IS is held. In conclusion, the prospects for the influence of IS propaganda in social networks after the defeat of a terrorist organization in 2018 are assessed. As a methodological basis of the research, aspect and activity approaches, as well as analytical, statistical methods and the method of content analysis are used.

The main content of federal and regional programs for patriotic education of the citizens of the Russian Federation is targeted at work with school students, which puts emphasis on the analysis of young people opinion of these programs effectiveness. Basing on the data of the mass survey of senior school students in 10 regions of the Siberian Federal district, the article brings out their grounds for differentiating patriot and non-patriot, the comparative analysis of representations of these groups of pupils as about priority subjects of patriotic education and effective execution of its particular trends. The article has pointed out positive attitude of the majority of school students to anchoring patriotic values in youth environment through patriotic films. Young people have ambiguous attitude to the idea of compulsory patriotic education in schools and universities, and school students who do not identify themselves as patriots are negative about it. The participation of school students in patriotic events has been linked to their further self-identification as patriots. The authors emphasize that the formalized approach to working with young people leads in practice to a low level of their awareness of the content of the main directions of patriotic education, weak and not systematic involvement of schoolchildren in patriotic events and the work of patriotic associations. Based on the results of the study, the article concludes that there is a fairly large number of young people who do not share patriotic values and critically assess the effectiveness of many areas of patriotic education programs.

Modern megalopolis concentrates all groups of resources including economic, political, cultural, information, human resources, etc. The high population density, economic and geographic situation, complex multiethnic and multicultural structure of large cities contribute to certain types of values and behavioral models in the younger generation. The neo-institutional approach and social capital theory were chosen as a methodological basis. The article examines a number of methodological works devoted to various aspects of the social capital and explores the opportunity for this concept application for analysis of the protest behavior motivation and assessment of the protest potential of young people. Combination of the economic model of multilevel analysis for measuring social capital by S.А. Sysoev and socio-political parameters for the empirical part allowed to clearly defining the main categories and indicators of analysis. Measuring the levels of social capital of a megalopolis with the inclusion a network component expands the range of opportunities for assessing and identifying the protest potential of large Russian cities residents.

Evaluating prospects of bringing youth into Russian political elites has both an acuteness of a scientific challenge and practical relevance in the light of upcoming federal and regional elections of 2021. Based on the surveys of mass political consciousness of the youth and expert polls held in 2018-2020 in Altai Krai and Novosibirsk Oblast, the article has analyzed the visions of young people and their leaders on the effectiveness of career development through participation in youth political organizations, political parties and running for posts in election campaigns. Having measured these visions against the proportion of young people in the elite of the regional offices of political parties and in the lists of candidates running in regional elections, the authors have come to the conclusion about the low acceptance rate of career lift in regional political process. The object of the research comprises regions with different level of social and economic development, which has proved that lack of resource hinders realization of young leaders potential primarily in the regions with high concentration of economic capital and strong political competition.

The article defines the place and role of youth public associations in the socio-political processes of modern Russia, analyzes the political activity of Russian youth. The study was conducted among young people in the Krasnodar region using the questionnaire developed by the author, as well as methods for determining the level of activity and motivation of the population. The data obtained allow us to determine the degree of involvement of young people in the activities of NGOs and political processes in the Krasnodar territory. The conducted research has shown the strengthening of the influence of youth public associations on socio-political processes, personnel policy, activation of their activities in the field of public diplomacy, volunteer movement, articulation of the interests of young people as a special social group of the population. Youth public associations are able to structure and regulate the activity of young Russian citizens, directing it in a constructive direction, while reducing the degree of protest moods if it is present. They do this work more effectively than the authorized state authorities, because they act on the ground, i.e. they work directly with representatives of the youth community, understand their needs, catch the mood and are able to change the current agenda without resorting to radical methods.

Recently, Europe is witnessing a transformation in the political system, concerning right-wing populist movements, around the claim that a massive influx of migrants within its territorial borders undermines the sovereignty of the nation-state. This transformation has led to issues of economic inequalities, loss of cultural identity, and influence in voting patterns. Considering the unfolding situations, we ask: What is the effect of educational migration on economic growth and social development before, during, and after the Covid-19 pandemic? How will the current political transformation processes affect educational migrants in the post-Covid-19 pandemic in Europe? Using the systematic review methodology, the authors sort to perform a comprehensive literature search; complete a critical appraisal of the individual studies gathered; and combine the valid studies using appropriate statistical techniques. The research affirmed a case that Education could not ignore politics. We perceive it will shape populist motives on educational migrants in post-pandemic Europe. The authors expectation of future research pays attention to the political transformation process and how anti-immigration discourse will exercise control over educational institutions.

This article is devoted to the study of urban youth local identity in a large and medium city. This identity is manifested in everyday interaction with the urban community, its socio-political institutions and visitors and affect the level of public and political participation, the presence of constructive civic practices. The aim is to identify and describe the main components and place of local youth identity in the system of social identities in large and medium-sized cities of Krasnodar krai (Krasnodar, Novorossiysk, Sochi and Armavir). The empirical basis of the study was made up of focus group transcripts conducted with various groups of young people (schoolchildren, students, and working youth). To verify the conceptual model a modified version of the Kuhn-McPartland method was used. On the basis of the conducted empirical research, the place of local identity in the system of urban youth social and territorial identities was revealed. The dependence between the size of a city and a cohort of young people and a local identity was shown. Such components of young people local identity as awareness of the city and its socio-political life, attitude towards representatives of other communities, a sense of their involvement in city life, the desire to stay and live in the city, the will to work for the benefit of the city, to participate in its socio-political life. The study made it possible to identify the valence of youth identity (negative, neutral, positive). The trajectories of young people spatial mobility that affect the degree of actualization and valence of local identity were also described. The dependence between the strength of youth local identity and participation in public and political activity for the benefit of the city and the region, participation in the activities of public and political organizations has been revealed.

The article examines the methodological possibilities of reinforcement theory in the field of studying the influence of Internet technologies on political behavior. The prospects of the theory of reinforcement are considered in the context of the changing role of Internet technologies in the political process since the beginning of the 2010s and the growing popularity of competing methodological directions, first of all, the theory of mobilization. It is revealed that the rivalry between the theory of reinforcement and the theory of mobilization at the present stage turns into a state of methodological dualism. Reinforcement theory not only retained its significance in the context of the growth of political mobilization in the period of the 2010s, but also received further development: the new concept of selective avoidance supplemented its theoretical apparatus. Reinforcement theory retains its significance for the study of political leadership among Russian youth, the activities of radical youth organizations. One of the factors in preserving the methodological potential of reinforcement theory in the study of the political activism of Russian youth is the practical combination of its principles with the network approach.

The protests in the Republic of Belarus in August-November 2020 have been studied in article on the basis of data from Telegram Analytics and Google Trends, based on structural and functional analysis and a network approach, have been studied. A method of determining the cycles of protest activity is proposed, according to which Belarusian events can be divided into weekly periods. Specified protests are denoted as a network revolution - a state coup technology based on the concept of isolating the pillars of support for the political regime - he consistent paralysis of the states protection and management bodies, as well as the use of Internet resources for the mobilization, communication and coordination of protesters. The organizers of the network revolution have planned two options for the development of the state coup. The first one is the creation of a permanent hotbed of protests in the center of the capital and the gradual isolation of the pillars of support of the regime. The second one is holding a series of decentralized actions followed by consolidation and formation of a permanent hotbed of protests in the center of the capital and major cities. The experience of the events in Belarus showed that if the pillars of support for the regime are maintained, namely the bodies of state management and the institutions of internal protection of the Interior Ministry, the KGB, protests subside on the second week of protests.

In 2020, the actualizing of another Government program called Patriotic education of Russian Federation citizens has been fulfilled. The main subject of the program is school students, as the Analysis of their idea of patriotism provides us with a Great chance to evaluate the effectiveness of patriotic education in Russian Federation, as well as to find the dominating idea of a citizen in minds of the Youth. In this article, based on Data coming from a mass Survey of senior school students from Siberian Federal District, we define students ideas of patriotism, as well as forms of behavior, acceptable for a patriot, and finally, subjects and reasons for Russian patriotism development and establishing. It was found that the idea of patriotism among school students is quite stereotypical with explicit retrospective, militaristic and imperial tendencies. There is also a correlation between patriotic identity and national identity. Thus, the school students who identify as Russians are highly patriotic, while school students with local national identity are less keen to be patriotic, according to their own words.

This article is devoted to analyzing the results of a study conducted by the Educational and Scientific Laboratory of Internet Projects and Studies of the Department of Political Science and Mass Communications of the Financial University among university students. The work aimed to identify the characteristics and structure of youth information consumption in the digital space during the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors analyzed the intensity and frequency of use of various types of information sources, identified the dominant sources of socio-political information, determining the level of trust in them, identified factors that affect the perception of message content. The article also analyzes the attitude of the respondents to the issue of Internet regulation by the state, defines and structures the subjective assessments of the opposition of the Internet space concerning existing government institutions. The paper concludes that the structure of the information consumption of the respondents shows a steady shift in the emphasis on information and communication activity of young people to digital platforms, sources, and channels. The youth audience spends a significant part of their active time in the digital space, which in its volume is comparable or even in many cases exceeds the amount of time spent in the traditional offline space. The consequence of this is the formation of digital information overload, stimulating the development and consolidation of the effect of clip consciousness. In general, based on the results of the work, the authors conclude that there is a stable structure of youth information consumption that has pronounced differences from the traditional structure of information consumption of older generations. Moreover, the processes of information consumption in the digital space are mostly irrational, and they are mainly based on digital habits that form the models of digital information consumption of modern students.

In the context of the formation of civil society in modern Russia with the traditionally significant role of the state, the problem of studying the inclusion of young people in a particular model of the relationship between these two institutions is of particular relevance. This choice will determine a certain type of political system in Russia in the future. The purpose of the study is to identify empirically groups of young people who are determined by the direction of value orientations in public life and their involvement in various models of interaction between the state and civil society. The empirical basis of the study was a project conducted in 2019 by Saint Petersburg State University and Altai State University to study the political consciousness of Russian youth. As a result of using multidimensional methods of analysis, the connection between the involvement of the citizen-state models and the types of value orientations of Russian youth is revealed. Four groups of young people were obtained, stratified by value orientations, the specifics of relations between the state and citizens of our country, and the choice of the preferred type of state to live in.

2015 : Vers un renouveau du champ politique ? Algérie politique 2015 : Mise à la retraite du général Médiene et restructuration du DRS. Des effets collatéraux du quatrième mandat Par Cherif Dris De Ghardaïa à In Salah (janvier-mai) : la contestation ne faiblit pasIn Salah : une société civile du sud ?Pouvoir et opposition dos à dosDes manifestations sans incidences politiques pour un remaniement sans portéeLe démantèlement du DRS et la restructuration des services de renseignement (été 2015) ...

2015 : Que sont les espoirs devenus ? La Tunisie en 2015 : la présidentialisation de l’impuissance politique ? Par Éric Gobe Vers une présidentialisation du régime ?Les difficultés du gouvernement Essid entre « partage partisan » et présidentialismeAttentats terroristes : la Tunisie entre le retour de la rhétorique sécuritaire et l’application de l’état d’urgencePrésidentialiser la justice transitionnelle : le projet de loi de réconciliation économiqueVers un champ politique en recomposition ...

2015 : La désillusion politique Le gouvernement Benkirane à mi-mandat : De l’art d’agiter les épouvantails Par Thierry Desrues L’État profond : extension du lexique politique et agitation de la menace makhzénienneBrève contextualisation historique et géographique de « l’État profond »À la recherche de l’État profond marocain« L’opposition » au sein de la 2e chaîne de télévision marocaine« L’opposition » du Haut-commissariat au Plan : la bataille des chiffresL’opposition des ONGs « féministes ...

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan bagaimana identitas Melayu Riau dikonstruksikan dalam upaya mewujudkan budaya melayu yang berintegritas. Melalui observasi dan studi kepustakaan serta studi dokumentasi ditemukan beberapa upaya yang mendukung keberlangsungan identitas Melayu di tengah berbagai tantangan saat ini. Analisis artikel ini disandarkan pada data yang diperoleh dari kebijakan mengenai upaya mempertahankan budaya Melayu. Demikian pula, dilakukan wawancara untuk mengetahui sikap masyarakat mengenai dinamika budaya Melayu saat ini. Selain itu, data juga diperoleh dari naskah Gurindam Dua Belas yang hingga saat ini masih diperpegangi oleh masyarakat Melayu. Artikel ini menegaskan bahwa tiga hal terkait dengan identitas Melayu Riau. Pertama, identitas Melayu dipertahankan melalui berbagai upaya, termasuk legitimasi kultural melalui kerjasama antara Lembaga Adat Melayu (LAM) dengan pemerintah daerah. Kedua, terdapat stigma terhadap identitas Melayu yang direspons dengan upaya membangkitkan kembali identitas secara utuh melalui berbagai simbol. Ketiga, identitas Melayu senantiasa diidentikkan dengan Islam sebagai upaya untuk menunjukkan bahwa ia tidak saja merupakan identitas kultural, tetapi juga agama. Ketiga hal tersebut, dalam perspektif teoretis dikenal dengan konstruksi identitas yang mencakup identitas legitimasi, resisten, dan proyek. Artikel ini merekomendasikan perlunya dilakukan berbagai kajian mengenai identitas lokal di Indonesia untuk dijadikan dasar pembangunan secara lebih luas sehingga tidak terjadi gesekan antara nilai-nilai lokal dengan semangat pembangunan yang lebih cenderung mengadopsi nilai-nilai modernitas.

Global powers such as NATO, European Union, China and Russia have different characteristics and interests in world politics. Russia after Soviet Union tends to be in a relatively weak position in terms of influence, security and economy. Today Russia's relations with the European Union and the United States have improved after the Cold War. In recent years, Russia and NATO have not only strengthened the economy and security related to the military, but have gone so far as to strengthen the influence of its main State in Eastern Europe. This study will analyze Russia's political policies towards NATO and Eastern Europe from the perspective of security and economic interests. The method used is qualitative by conducting an in-depth study of the data obtained from the results of previous research. The results of this study indicate that Russia and NATO are involved in competing for strategic influence in Eastern Europe, especially Ukraine and the former Soviet Union. Russia and NATO, which is sponsored by the United States, are trying to achieve their respective interests by making efforts to increase strength which includes political, security and economic.

P reviou s researches on political marketing found several gaps in terms of content and essence as a process of political exchange and interaction. Based on this, the researcher aims to actualize the essence of the basic theory or concept of political marketing into the 2018 regional election of East Java through the use of social media as an interactive media . For the content aspect, researcher selected political stream as a society cultural system. It considered as one of the determining aspects for voter preferences, especially in East Java. Qualitative approach with the content analysis method conducted for this research by applying political marketing theories and the political stream concepts from Clifford Geertz . The result of this research revealed that political stream also revolves around the political elite. Each candidate tries to display some stream characteristics that are considered familiar by the public to increase redundancy or message certainty. In this case, Gus Ipul-Puti is considered to be stronger and more varied than Khofifah-Emil. However, from public reaction, not all of the political streams conveyed can be clearly captured by the users . This occurred because there are some cultural differences between the message sender and it’s receiver. Nevertheless , the implications of this research can be used as a benchmark of how to utilize political stream effectively in order to get a positive response from the public . Then, it also can be literacy medium to recognize the cultural symbols raised in political contestation in Indonesia.

This study is intended to indicate that Indonesia's electoral system always experiences rapid dynamics in policy development. This study uses empirical normative legal research or a legal research method that uses a set of regulation relating to general elections and the rules of making positive law as reference of norms. Empirical research is also used to observe the results of human behavior in the form of physical archives. The methods are combined with the historical approach: an approach that is carried out by analyzing the debate arguments that occurred in the special committee meeting (Panitia Khusus) of the Election Draft Bill. The result of this research is the decision of the presidential threshold of 20% in the holding of presidential elections of 2019 contains the orthodox legal substance. This is because politically the law of its formation (Law No. 7 of 2017) is full of practical political interests of the ruling parties. Parties consisting of 6 factions gave a dominant opinion which leaned towards the 25% -30% threshold suggested by the government, while the other 4 factions do not agree with the high nomination threshold, because the concept of election must provide free space for each party to nominate their respective presidential candidates. The government had its own agenda to continue and extend the existing incumbent president and prevent the possibility for others. Therefore, in order to protect the agenda, high nomination threshold was proposed. Through content analyses of the regulation it can be stated that the high threshold has logical consequences for holding elections which create an insubstantial election environment and make the political climate in Indonesia unbalanced.

The scholarship on radicalization to violence often treats born Muslims and converts interchangeably; far too little research is focused on understanding the factors and processes driving converts in particular. This is a problem given that there is overwhelming evidence demonstrating that Muslim converts are overrepresented among Western foreign fighters. Data from Canada corroborates this larger point: converts are highly representative in attempted and successful domestic terrorist attacks. Our article explores conversion to Islam and political violence as it relates to recent trends in Canadian Jihadist militancy. We distill the theoretical literature on conversion and radicalization to seven explanatory factors, including ideology; social networks; charismatic authority; political grievances; psychology; socio-economic and criminal circumstance; and enabling environments. We then build original empirical case studies – based on expert interviews and open-sourced documents – of three Canadian converts who engaged in terrorism, including John Maguire, Michael Zehaf-Bibeau, and Damian Clairmont. Using these case studies, we contextualize, analyze, and expand our collective understanding of conversion to violence, providing lessons for theory and methodology.

Sebagai suatu sistem politik di alam demokrasi keberadaan partai politik merupakan sebuah keharusan dalam kehidupan politik modern yang demokratis. Partai politik mampu mengantarkan warga negara untuk duduk di kursi pemerintahan baik legislatif maupun eksekutif. Dengan menggunakan teori strategi politik serta metode penelitian kualitatif, penelitian ini ingin melihat bagaimana faktor internal berpengaruh terhadap kemenangan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) di pemilihan DPRD Kota Depok. Hasil dari penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa keberhasilan PKS dalam Pemilu 2019, khususnya pada pemilihan DPRD Kota Depok tidak lepas dari adanya pengaruh internal partai, yaitu ideologi Islam konservatif serta peran kader dan pengurus PKS Kota Depok. Ideologi Islam konservatif yang kurang diminati di Indonesia pasca reformasi kini mulai diminati seiring dengan menguatnya isu agama jelang pemilu serentak tahun 2019. Selain itu, faktor kader serta pengurus PKS Kota Depok juga menjadi salah satu kunci kemenangan PKS dalam pemilihan DPRD Kota Depok tahun 2019. Hal ini terlihat dari persiapan yang matang jelang pemilu.

It is important to note that, as per the stipulations of the 2nd article of TUE, the European Union is built on an axiological and ontological capital that is completely democratic and tolerant. This „humanitarian added value“ is a characteristic of all member states and equally, of all aspiring countries that are interested in outlining the mutual European values: respect the human dignity, of the freedom and democracy, of the outstanding „potentially liberating“ European memory, of the fundamentals of the „rule of law“, with everything that has to do with the „respect for the human rights“, including the „right of the people belonging to minorities” . Together with the agonistic perspective as found after 1990 in Tzvetan Todorov books, filled with the liberating appeal to memory, the critical attitude towards totalitarianism and its avatars of Jeliu Jlev, initially exposed in the Fascism (1982), a softer version of the Totalitarian State (1967), where the Bulgarian philosopher and political scientist was warning on the „absolute coincidence“ of the two versions of the totalitarian regime: the fascist version and the communist one .

El artículo ofrece una investigación histórica y conceptual de lo tectónico, al que Martin Heidegger hace alusión en Construir habitar pensar. El objetivo de la investigación es aclarar este concepto, que apenas ha sido estudiado en relación con la obra heideggeriana, para repensar el vínculo oculto que mantiene con la técnica y preguntar sobre si guarda una respuesta a lo que Heidegger nombra el desafío de la tecnología moderna. The paper offers a historical and conceptual study of tectonics, a concept which Martin Heidegger hints at in Building Dwelling Thinking. The purpose is to clarify the concept of tectonics, which has barely been taken up by readers of Heidegger’s work, in order to rethink the concealed connection which it maintains to technique and raise the question whether it may contain an answer to the challenge which Heidegger sees embodied in modern technology.

Drawing on both official and scholastic descriptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and Generation Identity, this article suggests that in the UK context, some striking similarities exist between the two organisations. Both represent ostensibly nonviolent permutations of their respective extremist movements. Despite this similarity, a stark distinction exists in the response of the UK government. Although, like many Islamist civil society actors, the Muslim Brotherhood has benefited from the perception that nonviolent extremist groups can help address terrorism and radicalisation, the same contention is yet to be made regarding political extremists from within the far right. This article first uses the Muslim Brotherhood as an example to illustrate the standards that have been contrived in the UK for distinguishing nonviolent extremist organisations from their violent counterparts. The intention here is to demonstrate that just as the Muslim Brotherhood is identified as the prototypical example of ‘political Islam’, counterparts for this type of organisation can be found in different extremist contexts. It will be postulated that in particular, Generation Identity may be thought of as occupying an analogous position within the context of far-right extremism. The purpose of this comparison is to explore the viability of utilising ‘nonviolent extremists’ to prevent violent extremism across different movements; it will be contended that although the results of such an arrangement could be replicated, there is a need to consider the adverse impacts in the initial context before attempting to reproduce the approach.

The present article presents an introductory historical note about the diplomatic relations between Romania and Spain. This year Romania celebrates 140 years of diplomatic collaboration to Spain and there are presented also another anniversary datas, chronologically, which are relevant for the international presence of Romania. Spain and Romania are connected for millenials through the language, through their origin to the Romanic countries. Currently, the billateral dialogue contributes to the development of the European common values within the E.U. and NATO.

Since the end of World War II, the United States has consistently pursued a grand strategy focused on advancing the liberal international order that it has created. Given the geopolitical challenges to US power and economic realities, certain voices recommend that the US should adapt and adopt an alternative grand strategy. Some would argue that now is the time to debate American leadership and its traditional role of defending and promoting the liberal international order. This papers explores possible effects of a change in US administration on the American Grand Strategy, the future of US leadership and the future of the liberal international order. What role for America on the world stage under Biden Administration?

The detention in December 2020 by Singapore’s Internal Security Department (ISD) of a “far-right” individual, a 16-year-old Singapore citizen of ethnic Indian background (and of Protestant faith) who planned to murder Muslims at two mosques (imitating Brenton Tarrant’s 2019 attacks in Christ Church) is something of a jolt to those who follow radicalization trends in Singapore and Southeast Asia. Past detentions of radicalized individuals in Singapore have tended to be of ISIS-inspired youths (or, in the earlier phase, members of the Jemaah Islamiah). This research note attempts to trace the likely evolutions of Singapore’s “deradicalisation” model in response to this striking case. More attention will likely have to be paid to “non-ideological factors” especially in cases that involve youths. The research note also considers whether the Religious Rehabilitation Group, the key player in Singapore’s “deradicalization” enterprise, is necessarily the best body equipped to deal with new types of (non-Islamist) radicalization cases. At the wider, whole-of-society level, relevant agencies will likely have to find ways to reinforce aspects of Singapore’s “resilience model” (in particular, the emphasis on tolerance and inter-faith and inter-ethnic harmony) which forms an integral part of Singapore’s holistic counter-radicalisation strategy. Time and resources will also need to be be devoted to study other forms of extremism, including types formerly thought to be confined to the West. It is vital that links be forged between researchers across East and West exploring the phenomena of new trends in radicalisation, not least because of the possibility that potential extremists just embarking on their own trajectories across may well be doing the same across the hemispheres.

This report demonstrates the overarching need for additional exploration and intervention of conspiracy-based radicalization as the QAnon conspiracy theory continues to grow. Strong pillars of belief among the QAnon movement, coupled with the spread of disinformation online, has exacerbated the familiarity and willingness to accept the rhetoric within mainstream media and culture. This report examines the evolution, ideologies, and paradigms associated with supporters of QAnon to better understand the most influential mechanisms of modern conspiracy-based radicalization. Utilizing a France-based digital disinformation platform known as Storyzy, the authors hypothesize that disinformation campaigns, coupled with the Internet and social media, has greatly enabled the unprecedented global effect of QAnon. The authors explored the potential of several survey methods to seek insights from QAnon followers on Gab and Telegram. Additionally, the authors discerned various implications of QAnon in regard to the limitations placed upon P/CVE efforts.

Regional foresight is one of the regional planning approaches that increase the ability to deal with uncertainty and changes. This study aims to provide an overview of regional foresight studies and domain map to evaluate their merits and defects and direct future studies in this field. For this purpose, 111 papers related to regional foresight were identified at the “Web of Science” in the period 2000 to 2019 and used as the basis for further analysis. These papers have been reviewed in various aspects. In addition, the domain map of regional foresight and its intellectual bases was drawn based on co-citation analysis of these papers and their 4194 references. The domain map includes five main clusters of research areas or intellectual bases for regional foresight: normative forecasting, participation, foresight in policy and strategy, innovation systems, and multi-level governance. Finally, the merits and defects of regional foresight studies are evaluated based on research results and some suggestions are provided for future studies.

This article examines the developments around the application of the Twinning modality in Serbia, from 2004 to 2019, its sectoral distribution and impact, and the frequency of EU member states’ participation. Besides providing an accurate state-of-play, it attempts, for the first time in the literature, to map the influence of member states in Serbia’s EU accession process through their participation in Twinning projects. Findings show that, in the given period, more than half of the Twinning projects dealt with the justice and home affairs and agriculture policy areas. This is in line with the importance attributed to those sectors in EU and Serbian strategic documents. The article focuses on a macro-analysis of such projects in Serbia, revitalising their link with the wider Europeanisation process. More specifically, the identification of specific aspects of the Europeanisation process takes place through Radaelli’s approach. Furthermore, political and economic relations between Serbia and EU member states, which are viewed as Europeanisation facilitating factors and goals, are also discussed, e.g. through bilateral trade and the influx of Foreign Direct Investments., Keywords: EU accession, Twinning projects, Serbia, Europeanisation, economic relations, Contemporary Southeastern Europe, 2021, 8(1), 67-93

Se intenta pensar aquí lo ético y lo ontológico en una copertenencia que explicite la puesta en acción de la serenidad como modo poético de habitar, tal y como el llamado segundo Heidegger va dejando escrito en su camino de vuelta (Kehre) An attempt is made here to think about the ethical and the ontological in a cobelonging that makes explicit the putting into action of serenity as a poetic way of dwelling, as the so-called second Heidegger leaves written on his way of turn (Kehre).

El presente escrito pretende pensar críticamente la sobredeterminación de nuestra epocalidad que podríamos nombrar inicialmente como capitalismo il-imitado de consumo de base financiera y belicista.