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Ovaj rad bavi se temom Bizantske percepcije, kako pripadnika viših slojeva tako i onih nižih, na nadolazeće sudionike Prvog križarskog rata, ali i na samu ideju križarskog pohoda. U radu je prvo prikazano unutarnje stanje Istočnog Rimskog Carstva te cjelokupno stanje na latinskom zapadu, odnosno u Njemačkoj, Francuskoj i Italiji. Nadalje, rad prati dolazak križara na teritorij pod kontrolom bizantskog cara i opisuje sraz dviju različitih kultura. Drugi dio rada bavi se početkom i tijekom ratnog dijela Prvog križarskog rata, dakle od početne suradnje Bizantinaca i Latina sve do prekida savezništva i otvorenog neprijateljstva između Bohemunda i Aleksija I. Komnena. Na kraju rada dan je prikaz daljnjih reperkusija na diplomatske odnose kršćanskog Istoka i Zapada u 12. stoljeću. This paper describes the topic of Byzantine perception, both of memebers of the upper and lowe social classes, of the upcoming participants of the First Crusade, but also of the very idea of the crusade. The paper first presents the internal state of the Eastern Roman Empire and the overall state in the Latin world, i.e. in Germany, France and Italy. Furthermore, the work follows the arrival of the crusaders in the territory under the control of Byzantine emperor and describes the meeting of those two different cultures. The second part of the paper deals with the period of the beginnig and during the war part of the Firts Crusade, i.e. from the initial cooperation between the Byzantines and the Latins until the break of the alliance and open hostility between Bohemund and Alexius I. Komnenos. At the end of the paper, further repercussions on diplomatic relations of Christian East and West in the 12th century are presented.

In the article “Settlement on Lusignan Cyprus after the Latin Conquest: The Accounts of Cypriot and other Chronicles and the Wider Context” the narratives of various chronicles of the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries on settlement in Cyprus in the years following the Latin conquest, from the end of the twelfth to the early thirteenth century, will be examined and compared. The details provided by the chronicles, where the information given derived from, the biases present in the various accounts, the extent to which they are accurate, especially in cases where they are corroborated or refuted by documentary evidence, will all be discussed. The chronicles that will be referred to are the thirteenth century continuation of William of Tyre, that provides the fullest account of the settlement of Latin Christians and others on Cyprus after the Latin conquest, the fifteenth century chronicle of Leontios Makhairas, the anonymous chronicle of ‘Amadi’ that is probably dateable to the early sixteenth century although for the section on thirteenth century Cypriot history it draws on earlier sources and the later sixteenth century chronicle of Florio Bustron. Furthermore, the Chorogra a and the Description of Stephen de Lusignan, two chronicles postdating the conquest of Cyprus by the Ottoman Turks in 1570, will also be referred to on the subject of settlement in thirteenth century Cyprus. By way of comparison, the final part of the paper examined the extent to which the evidence of settlement in other Mediterranean lands derives chiefly from chronicles or from documentary sources. In conclusion, it can be stated that the various accounts of settlement on Cyprus following its cession to King Guy of Jerusalem in 1192 show differences in terms of the value of the fiefs, the geographical regions from which the settlers came and the types of properties which were granted to them. The Latin kingdom of Jerusalem resembles Cyprus in that the source material for early Latin settlement is narrative, not documentary. But this is not the case for the Venetian Crete and the Hospitaller Rhodes, where the source materials recording the arrival of the first Latin settlers are wholly documentary., Artykuł „Osadnictwo na Cyprze Lusignanów po podboju łacińskim: analiza kronik cypryjskich i innych w szerszym kontekście” stawia sobie za cel przebadanie i porównanie relacji z różnych kronik z XIII do XVI wieku, dotyczących osadnictwa na Cyprze po podboju łacińskim, czyli od końca XII do początku XIII wieku. Omówione zostaną również szczegółowe informacje zawarte w tych kronikach, zarówno pod kątem rozbieżności, które są wynikiem uprzedzeń i stronniczości, jak również pod względem wiarygodności, która zostanie zweryfikowana na podstawie dostępnych źródeł z epoki. Źródła narracyjne, o których mowa, to XIII-wieczna kontynuacja kroniki Wilhelma z Tyru, która dostarcza najpełniejszego opisu osadnictwa łacińskiego i innego na Cyprze po podboju łacińskim; XV-wieczna kronika Leontiosa Makhairasa; anonimowa kronika znana jako „Amadi”, którą można prawdopodobnie datować na początek XVI wieku, chociaż w części dotyczącej XIII-wiecznej historii Cypru czerpie z wcześniejszych źródeł; kronika Florio Bustrona z XVI wieku; dwie kroniki Stefana z Lusignan – „Chorografia” i „Opis Cypru”– obydwie datowane na okres po podboju Cypru przez Turków osmańskich w 1570 roku.W końcowej części artykułu zbadano, w jakim stopniu informacje o osadnictwie na innych terenach śródziemnomorskich pochodzą z kronik, a w jakim ze źródeł dokumentowych. Podsumowując, można stwierdzić, że różne relacje o osadnictwie na Cyprze po przekazaniu wyspy w 1192 roku Gwidonowi z Lusignan (Guy de Lusignan), królowi Jerozolimy, wykazują różnice pod względem wartości lenn, regionów geograficznych, z których przybyli osadnicy, oraz rodzajów posiadłości, które zostały im przyznane. Łacińskie królestwo Jerozolimy przypomina Cypr pod tym względem, że baza źródłowa dotycząca wczesnego osadnictwa łacińskiego oparta została na materiałach narracyjnych, a nie na dokumentach. Inaczej mają się sprawy w przypadku weneckiej Krety i Rodos pod władaniem Zakonu Szpitalników – tam informacje o przybyciu pierwszych osadników łacińskich zawarte są w całości w źródłach dokumentowych.

Поступила в редакцию: 06.07.2022. Принята к печати: 11.10.2022. Submitted: 06.07.2022. Accepted: 11.10.2022. Статья посвящена анализу сообщений поздневизантийских авторов о пищевых традициях и предпочтениях турок, монголов и латинян по материалам сочинений Мануила II Палеолога, Георгия Пахимера, Константина Стильба, Дмитрия Кидониса. Целью исследования является рассмотрение этнографических зарисовок как способа пищевой идентификации представителей данных народов, одного из маркеров «инаковости» «чужих» в текстах византийский авторов. При работе с византийскими полемическими, историографическими и эпистолографическими сочинениями византийских интеллектуалов учитывались жанровая специфика произведений, ориентация авторов на использование традиционных риторических моделей, стремление подражать языку и стилю древнегреческих и римских авторов, а также использование аллюзий на тексты Священного Писания. В работе рассматриваются примеры неоднозначного отношения византийских авторов к совместным трапезам с турками. Показано, что оценочные суждения одного и того же автора, касающиеся совместного принятия пищи с турками, могли кардинально отличаться. На оценки автора в конкретном случае могли оказать влияние как личное отношение к участникам трапезы, так и сиюминутное настроение, самоощущение, а также его вкусовые предпочтения. Различия в пищевых пристрастиях монголов, турок, латинян, упомянутые в сочинениях поздневизантийских авторов, нередко использовались для описания представителей иной культуры в негативном свете и имели мало общего с историческими реалиями, поскольку являлись своеобразной инверсией византийских представлений о нормальной, «культурной» еде, которую должно употреблять в пищу. Установлено, что эти описания нередко воспроизводили стереотипы относительно особенностей питания «варваров», а также кочевых народов, бытовавшие в обществе и письменной традиции со времен Античности. This article presents the analysis of the accounts of the Late Byzantine writers about the food traditions and preferences of the Turks, Mongols, and Latins according to the works of Manuel II Palaiologos, George Pachymeres, Constantine Stilbes, and Demetrios Kydones. The aim of the investigation is to consider ethnographic accounts at Byzantine written sources as a way of food identification of the peoples and a marker of the “otherness” of “strangers” in the texts. The analysis of historical evidence of polemical, historiographical, and epistolographic works of the Byzantine intellectuals is complicated due to the nature of the kinds of Byzantine written sources. It is taken into account that the Byzantine authors often used traditional rhetorical models, imitated the language and style of ancient Greek and Roman authors and regularly used the allusions to the texts of the Holy Scriptures in their written works. The examples of the Byzantine authors’ ambiguous attitudes to joint meals with the Turks are considered in the paper. It has been shown that the judgments regarding joint meals with the Turks made by the same writer sometimes significantly vary. In some cases, the author’s estimation could be influenced by the personal attitude towards the participants in the meal, and his mood, self-awareness, as well as his taste preferences. The differences in the food habits of the Mongols, Turks, and Latins mentioned in the writings of Late Byzantine authors were often used to describe representatives of a different culture in a negative light and had little to do with historical realities, since they were a kind of inversion of Byzantine ideas about normal, “cultural” food, which should be eaten. It has been determined that these accounts often reproduced the stereotypes regarding the eating habits of the “barbarians” and nomadic peoples, which existed in Byzantine society and written tradition from the Antiquity on. Статья подготовлена при финансовой поддержке гранта Президента РФ для ведущих научных школ РФ, проект № НШ‑1548.2022.2 «Поздняя Византия: политические и социокультурные вызовы и ответы на них». The study was funded by the grant of the President of the Russian Federation for the leading academic schools of the Russian Federation, project no. NSh‑1548.2022.2 Late Byzantium: Political and Sociocultural Challenges and Responses to Them.

The Greek Church faced considerable problems following the Latin Conquest of Cyprus and the establishment of the Lusignan dynasty. Much of its property was impounded by the new Latin rulers, in the 1220s its bishoprics were reduced to four, with each bishop subject to a Latin diocesan. Under the provisions of the Bulla Cypria of 1260 it accepted papal primacy and ceased to have its own archbishop following the death of Germanos. Limits were placed on the numbers of monks in Greek monasteries and the refusal of Greek monks to accept the validity of Latin unleavened communion bread resulted in the martyrdom of 13 of them in 1231. Despite this, however, the Greek Church overcame these challenges and even strengthened its position in the later Lusignan and Venetian periods. Several reasons explain its ability to survive and maintain the allegiance of most of the population. The small number of Latins on Cyprus, concentrated mainly in the towns of Nicosia and Famagusta, made them fear absorption into the far more numerous Greeks and so disposed to tolerate a Greek Uniate Church that formally accepted papal primacy. The great distance separating Cyprus from Rome and Avignon together with increasing absenteeism among the Latin clergy from the later fourteenth century onwards made it impossible to enforce papal directives. The growing Ottoman threat from the late fifteenth century onwards likewise made the Venetian authorities on Cyprus reluctant to implement papal rulings that would anger the Greek majority. In addition, the Greek Church of Cyprus maintained contact with the Greek patriarchates of Constantinople, Antioch and Alexandria, all outside the areas under Latin rule, and so was not isolated from the Orthodox Christians subject to the patriarch of Constantinople., Po łacińskim podboju Cypru i ustanowieniu dynastii Lusignanów Kościół grecki stanął w obliczu poważnych problemów. Duża część jego majątku została skonfiskowana przez nowych łacińskich władców, w latach 20. XII w. liczba jego biskupstw została zredukowana do czterech, a każde z nich podlegało łacińskiemu biskupowi diecezjalnemu. Na mocy postanowień Bulli Cypriańskiej z 1260 r. diecezje przyjęły prymat papieski, a po śmierci Germanosa przestały mieć własnego arcybiskupa. Ograniczono liczbę mnichów w greckich klasztorach, a odmowa przyjęcia przez nich ważności łacińskiego niekwaszonego pieczywa eucharystycznego doprowadziła do męczeńskiej śmierci trzynastu z nich w 1231 r. Mimo to Kościół grecki przezwyciężył te trudności, a nawet wzmocnił swoją pozycję w późniejszym okresie panowania Lusignanów i Wenecjan. W tekście wyjaśniono kilka powodów tej zdolności do przetrwania i utrzymania lojalności większości mieszkańców. Niewielka liczba łacinników na Cyprze, skupionych głównie w miastach Nikozja i Famagusta, sprawiała, że obawiali się oni wchłonięcia przez znacznie liczniejszych Greków i dlatego byli skłonni tolerować grecki Kościół unicki, który formalnie akceptował prymat papieski. Ogromna odległość dzieląca Cypr od Rzymu i Awinionu, wraz z rosnącą absencją wśród łacińskiego kleru od końca XIV w., uniemożliwiała egzekwowanie papieskich dyrektyw. Rosnące zagrożenie osmańskie od końca XV w. również sprawiło, że władze weneckie na Cyprze niechętnie wdrażały papieskie nakazy, które mogłyby rozgniewać grecką większość. Ponadto, Kościół grecki na Cyprze utrzymywał kontakt z greckimi patriarchatami Konstantynopola, Antiochii i Aleksandrii, które znajdowały się poza obszarami pod panowaniem Kościoła łacińskiego, a więc nie był odizolowany od prawosławnych chrześcijan podlegających patriarsze Konstantynopola.

Includes bibliography (p.377-407). Number of sources in the bibliography: 554 Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Cyprus, Faculty of Letters, Department of History and Archaeology, 2020. The University of Cyprus Library holds the printed form of the thesis. Η Κύπρος βίωσε δύσκολες περιόδους κατά τη διάρκεια του 15ου αιώνα. Το νησί, το οποίο αρχικά ήταν βυζαντινή επαρχία, βρισκόταν υπό την κατοχή του σταυροφορικού οίκου των Λουζινιάν από το έτος 1192 εως το 1489. Τον 14ο αιώνα, το νησί άνθισε οικονομικά και πολιτισμικά, αλλά τα τέλη του 14ου αιώνα προανήγγειλαν δυσάρεστα γεγονότα με καταστροφικά αποτελέσματα για το καθεστώς των Λουζινιάν κατά τον 15ο αιώνα: ο πόλεμος με την Γένουα (1372-1374), ο οποίος οδήγησε σε οικονομική παρακμή, η εισβολή των Μαμελούκων το 1426, οι συνεχείς απειλές των Τούρκων, τα διάφορα κρούσματα της πανώλης, και ο εμφύλιος πόλεμος στη δεκαετία του 1460. Αυτές οι αναταραχές είχαν μεγάλη επίδραση στην κυπριακή ελίτ. Η Κύπρος διέθετε μια αριστοκρατία, η οποία αποτελούνταν από παλιές σταυροφορικές οικογένειες, αλλά οι Έλληνες και οι Ανατολικοί Χριστιανοί (οι λεγόμενοι Σύριοι), που ανήλθαν στη διοίκηση του κράτους, όπως και διάφοροι Δυτικοί που είχαν μεταναστεύσει πρόσφατα στην Κύπρο, συγκαταλέγονταν ανάμεσα στις αριστοκρατικές ομάδες της Κύπρου του 15ου αιώνα. Αυτή η μελέτη εξετάζει τις κοινωνικές αλλαγές που επέφεραν τα κρίσιμα γεγονότα του 15ου αιώνα για τις διάφορες αυτές αριστοκρατικές ομάδες. Βάσει μιας προσωπογραφικής βάσης δεδομένων, στην οποία καταγράφονται όλα τα μέλη της κυπριακής ελίτ το διάστημα μεταξύ του 1374 και της δεκαετίας του 1460, ερευνούνται οι δημογραφικές εξελίξεις εντός των ομάδων, οι ευκαιρίες κοινωνικής κινητικότητας, την οποία η ιστορική κατάσταση προσέφερε στους Σύριους και τους Έλληνες συγκεκριμένα, και η έκταση της κοινωνικής κινητικότητας τον 15ο αιώνα. Εξετάζω την άνοδο και την παρακμή των παλιών αριστοκρατικών και καινούργιων Συριακών και Ελληνικών οικογενειών και αναλύω τη δυναμική εντός της ελίτ με την ανώτατη εξουσία, η οποία επηρεάστηκε από την εμφάνιση των homininovi. Επιπλέον, διερευνώ τις συνέπειες αυτής της κοινωνικής αλλαγής στη σχέση μεταξύ της ανερχόμενης και της καθιερωμένης ελίτ σε διάφορα επίπεδα, όπως είναι το νομικό καθεστώς, οι καθημερινές επαφές και οι επιγαμίες, λαμβάνοντας υπόψη το βαθμό της ενσωμάτωσης των Συρίων, των Ελλήνων και των ευγενών αλλά και των Δυτικών μεταναστών. Τέλος, αναλύω την αλληλεπίδραση ανάμεσα στις κοινωνικές εξελίξεις και στην κατασκευή της ταυτότητας μεταξύ των αριστοκρατικών ομάδων, εστιάζοντας στο ερώτημα του πώς οι ευγενείς και οι ανερχόμενοι ιδιώτες και οικογένειες, καθώς και οι Δυτικοί μετανάστες, αντιλαμβάνονται και κατασκευάζουν τις ταυτότητές τους σε σχέση με την κοινωνική θέση τους, την εθνότητα και τη θρησκεία. Αυτή η ανάλυση της κοινωνικής αλλαγής και της κινητικότητας και η αλληλεξάρτησή της με την κατασκευή ταυτότητας επιτρέπει μια καινούργια, ευρείαοπτική της εξέλιξης της κυπριακής αριστοκρατίας κατά τη διάρκεια του 15ου αιώνα. Cyprus went through troubled times during the fifteenth century. Originally a Byzantine province, the island was under the rule of the Crusader dynasty Lusignan from the year 1192 until 1489. In the fourteenth century, the island had flourished economically and culturally, but the end of the fourteenth century heralded disturbing events with catastrophic outcomes for the Lusignan regime in the fifteenth century: a war with Genoa (1372-1374) which led to economic decline, an invasion by the Mamluks in 1426, constant threats by the Turks, various bouts of the plague, and a civil war in the 1460s. These upheavals had a great impact on Cypriot élite society. Cyprus possessed a nobility constituted of old crusader families, but Greeks and Oriental Christians (so called Syrians), who rose in the state administration, as well as various Westerners who had newly immigrated to Cyprus, also numbered among the élite groups of fifteenth century Cyprus. This study explores the social changes brought about by the crucial events of the fifteenth century for these various aristocratic groups. On the basis of a prosopographical database registering all members of the Cypriot élite between 1374 and the 1460s, it investigates the demographic developments within the groups, the chances of social mobility which the historical situation offered to Syrians and Greeks in particular and the extent of social mobility in the fifteenth century. I examine the rise and decline of old noble and new Syrian and Greek families and analyse the dynamics within the highest power élite which was influenced by the appearance of homini novi. Moreover, I explore the consequences of this social change for the relationship between the ascending and the established élite on various levels, such as legal status, everyday contacts and intermarriages, considering the degree of integration between Syrians, Greeks and nobles, but also Western immigrants. Finally, I analyse the interplay between social developments and identity construction among the aristocratic groups, focussing on the question how nobles and ascending individuals and families as well as Western immigrants perceived and constructed their identities with respect to social standing, ethnicity and religion. This analysis of social change and mobility and its interdependence with identity construction permits a new, broad perspective on the development of the Cypriot aristocracies during the fifteenth century.

(1) Background: This study evaluated the psychometric properties of the Condom Use Self-Efficacy Scale among Colombian youth. (2) Method: A total of 2873 men and women between 18 and 26 years old (M = 21.45, SD = 2.26) took part in this study. All participants answered a socio-demographic survey, the Condom Use Self-Efficacy Scale, the UCLA Multidimensional Condom Attitudes Scale, The Condom Use Errors and Problems Scale, and the Sexual Assertiveness Scale. Sampling was web-based, and the survey was distributed via Facebook. (3) Results: The Condom Use Self-Efficacy Scale demonstrated adequate reliability (ordinal &alpha, ranged = 0.76 to 0.92). Exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis suggested a four-factor structure with an explained variance of 69%. This dimensionality was also invariant across gender. Moreover, positive attitudes toward condom use were significantly associated with appropriation and assertiveness. Two dimensions (appropriation and partner disapproval) showed significant gender differences. (4) Conclusions: The Spanish&ndash, Colombian version of the Condom Use Self-Efficacy Scale is a psychometrically adequate instrument to measure perceived condom use self-efficacy. This scale can be used in both research and professional settings to measure self-efficacy at using condoms in young people.

To άρθρο πραγματεύεται τη λειτουργία του χρώματος στα κείμενα της βυζαντινής ιστοριογραφίας μεταξύ του 13ου και του 15ου αιώνα. Μέσα από την ανάλυση της χρήσης των χρωμάτων και των αποχρώσεών τους γίνεται σαφές ότι το χρώμα αποτελεί μέσο με το οποίο οι συγγραφείς μεταφέρουν το πολιτικό και θρησκευτικό κλίμα της εποχής, προσφέροντας στον σημερινό αναγνώστη τη δυνατότητα διαφορετικής πρόσληψης της ιστορικής διήγησης. Για τον βυζαντινό αναγνώστη, το χρώμα εμπεριείχε ιδεολογικούς χρωματισμούς που προσδιόριζαν τη βυζαντινή ταυτότητα σε σχέση με άλλες πολιτικές και θρησκευτικές οντότητες και έτσι προάσπιζε την αυτοκρατορική ιδεολογία σε μια περίοδο έντονων αλλαγών.

Dördüncü Haçlı Seferi'nden sonra Bizans İmparatorluğu çöktü ve Romania tarihi açısından yeni bir dönemi başladı. Bizans toprakları üzerinde birtakım Latin hakimler ve mirasçı Rum devletler ortaya çıktı. 13. yüzyılın büyük çoğunluğunda Rum devletleri Bizans İmparatorluğu'nun restorasyonunu gerçekleştirmek, Latinler de buna mani olmak için mücadele etti. Ancak 57 yıl sonra İstanbul'u Latinlerden geri alan İznik İmparatorluğu bu mücadeleden galip çıkan taraf oldu. Öte yandan Latinlerle mücadeleye devam eden Bizans İmparatorluğu 14. yüzyılın başlarında Anadolu'daki topraklarını Türklere kaybetti. Çünkü imparatorluğun ihmalkârlığı ve kötü politikaları Batı Anadolu'da birtakım Türk beyliklerinin ortaya çıkmasına imkan vermişti. Bu beylikler Bizans arazilerini fethetmekle kalmayıp Romania'daki Latinlere ait liman ve kentlere saldırdılar. Özellikle Aydın ve Menteşe beylikleri söz konusu Türk akınlarına öncülük ettiler. Hem batıdaki hem doğudaki rakiplerinin saldırıları karşısında zayıflayan Bizans İmparatorluğu, iç savaşlarla birlikte tamamen güçten düştü. Böylece düşmanlarına karşı mücadele edebilmek için müttefiklerinin yardımlarına dayanan bir devlet haline geldi. Nitekim Osmanlı Devleti 14 yüzyılın ortalarında imparatorluğun Avrupa arazisine adımını atarken Bizans İmparatorluğu'nun ona karşı koyacak gücü yoktu. Böylece Bizans İmparatorluğu 15. yüzyılın ortalarına kadar yavaş yavaş topraklarını Osmanlı Devletine kaybetti ve vassal devlet statüsüne kadar düştü. İmparatorluk nihayetinde 1453 yılında İstanbul'un son kez düşüşü ile tarih sahnesinden çekildi., After the Fourth Crusade, Byzantine Empire collapsed and a new era started in the history of the Romania. Several Latin sovereigns and Roman states which were heirs of the Byzantium Empire established in the Byzantine lands. In the great part of the thirteenth century, Roman states endeavored to accomplish restoration of the Byzantine Empire and Latins aimed to restrain their intentions. But the Empire of Nicaea, which recaptured Constantinople from Latins 57 years later, was the winner of the struggle. On the other hand Byzantine Empire continued to struggle with Latins, lost its territories in western Anatolia to Turks in the early years of fourteenth century. Because negligence and bad policies of the empire led to establishment of the various Turkish Emirates in western Anatolia. These Emirates not only conquered the Byzantine lands but also they successfully attacked the ports and the cities in Romania belonging to Latins. Especially emirates of Menteshe and Aydin pioneered the so-called Turkish invasions. Byzantine Empire, weakened by both western and eastern rivals, completely fell into a decline. So that it became a state that depended on its allies to withstand against its enemies. When Ottoman State begun to invade European lands of the empire in the mid-fourteenth century, Byzantine Empire has no power to resist their invasion. In the end, Byzantine Empire gradually lost its territories to Ottoman State until the mid-fifteenth century and it was reduced to the level of a vassal state. The Empire finally collapsed after the final fall of Constantinople in 1453.

Tertullian (ö. 225?), Latin Hıristiyanlığı'nın kurucusu ve babası kabul edilir. Kendisinden bu şekilde söz edilmesinde hiç şüphesiz geliştirdiği Latince terminoloji etkili olmuştur. Özellikle kristoloji alanında yaptığı katkı hem Latin Hıristiyanlık dünyası hem de günümüz Hıristiyanlığı için önem arz etmektedir. Araştırmamızın amacı, Tertullian'ın kristoloji anlayışını ayrıntılı bir şekilde incelemek ve kristoloji anlayışının sonraki kristoloji ve teslis anlayışlarına etkisini ortaya koymaktır.Philo (ö. M.S. 50) sayesinde ilk dönem Hıristiyan apolojist ve kilise babalarına aktarılan Logos anlayışının Tertullian'la beraber teslise dönüştüğü söylenebilir. Bu çalışmada özellikle Tertullian'ın kendi döneminde geliştirilen İsa anlayışlarına ne şekilde cevap verdiğini görmek istedik. Aynı zamanda Tertullian öncesi dönemde hem kilise ilâhiyatçıları hem de kilisenin heretik addettiği kişi ve gruplarca nasıl bir kristoloji algısı geliştirildiğini göstermeye çalıştık. Bunun yanında hem Tertullian'ın kristolojiye dair geliştirdiği terminoloji hakkında bilgi verdik hem de onun kristoloji alanında yaptığı katkıları ortaya koymaya çalıştık. Ayrıca Tertullian'ın kristolojisi ile Kadıköy Konsili (451) kararları arasındaki ilişkiye dikkat çektik.Çalışma, giriş ve iki bölümden oluşmaktadır. Giriş bölümünde Tertullian'ın yaşadığı bölgeyle ilgili bilgi verilmiş ve Tertullian öncesi dönemde kristolojinin tarihî seyri tasvir edilmiştir. Birinci bölümde Tertullian'ın hayatı, eserleri ve ana düşünceleri; ikinci bölümde ise kristolojisi incelenmiştir. Araştırma yapılırken dinler tarihinin tasviri yöntemi başta olmak üzere, tarihsel ve mukayeseli yönteme müracaat edilmiş, zaman zaman da linguistik metot kullanılmıştır.Araştırma neticesinde Praxeas'la (ö. 213?) olan mücadelesinde Tertullian'ın kendisinden önceki Logos anlayışını teslis anlayışına dönüştürdüğü görülmüştür. O, bu anlamda ulûhiyette 'tek öz üç şahsiyet', İsa'da ise 'tek şahsiyet iki öz/tabiat' formülünü geliştirmiştir. Ancak Tertullian'ın geliştirdiği kristoloji formülü Kadıköy Konsili'nde Papa I. Leo'ya mal edilmiştir. Tertullian (died 225?) is regarded as the founder and the father of Latin Christianity. Indeed, the Latin terminology developed by himself has been effective about his reputation. Especially his contribution that he made in the field of Christology, both branch of Latin Christianity and present-day Christianity, has an importance. The aim of the research is to examine the understanding of Tertullian's Christology at full length and to demonstrate understanding of Christological influence on later christological and trinitarian understandings.It can be said that the concept of logos which is transferred to the Church Fathers and Christian apologists in the early Christian period by Philo (d. A.D. 50) was turned into Trinity with Tertullian. In this study, it is especially endeavored to show how Tertullian replyed to understandings of Christ developed in his time. At the same time, it is tried to show how the perception of Christology was developed by both church theologians and persons and groups which were seen as heretic in the church before Tertullian. Besides, it is informed about the terminology that was developed by Tertullian regarding Christology and aimed to put forth his contributions in the field of Christology. Also, it is drawn attention to the relation between Christology of Tertullian and rules of the council of Chalcedon (451).This study consists of an introduction and two chapters. In the introduction part, it is informed about region where Tertullian lived and portrayed the historical process of Christology before Tertullian. In the first and second chapter the life, writings and main ideas of Tertullian, as well as his Christology are examined. During the research, first of all it is applied to descriptional, historical and comparative methods of the history of religion, occasionally linguistic method.As a result of the research, it is seen that Tertullian has transformed the earlier concept of Logos into trinitarian formula after his struggle with Praxeas (d. 213?). In this sense, he developed the formula which is 'one person two natures' for Jesus and 'one substance three persons' for God. However, the Christological formula which Tertullian developed was appropriated by Pope Leo I, in the council of Chalcedon. 251

Submitted: 30.09.2018. Accepted: 15.11.2018. Поступила в редакцию 30.09.2018. Принята к печати 15.11.2018. In article are examined notions of John Apokaukos, metropolitan of Naupaktos, about participants of the IVth Crusade, who became subjects of Latin Romania. Information about them is contained in epistles of 1215–1230, which are addressed to Theodore I Doukas (1215–1230) and Ecumenical Patriarch Manuel Sarantin (1217–1222). By themes sources are divided into five groups: military campaigns against Latins, organization of dioceses, which are released from enemies, dogmatic disputes, relation to them, who came over to hostile side, and division of Romans in consequence of Latin domination. Latins are represented in epistles by one nation, Italoi, who are subjects of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki. They are described as main enemies of Theodore I, whose domination created the precipice between the State of Epirus and the Empire of Nicaea. The struggle against them is the main ruler’s goal and don’t allow any compromise. It’s described by way of enkomion that is traditional for epistles to Byzantine emperors. In this context metropolitan used images of nature and compared the enemies of Theodore I with cloud, brushwood, lions and birds, while the ruler is compared with sun. Negative relation to Latins underlined by their personal wicked qualities (haughtiness and ever madness) and weakness of Catholic dogmas, which are disputed by bishops and clerics. This opinion is characteristic to other bishops in the State of Epirus (Demetrius Chomatianos and members of synod in Arta) and abroad (Michael Choniates) that testify about single understanding of two aspects: danger of Latin domination and necessity to restore Byzantine Empire. В статье рассматриваются представления Иоанна Апокавка, Навпактского митрополита (1200–1230) и сторонника правителей Эпирского царства, об участниках Четвертого крестового похода, ставших подданными Латинской Романии. Сведения о них содержатся в письмах 1215–1230 гг., адресованных главным образом к Феодору I Дуке (1215–1230) и Вселенскому патриарху Мануилу Сарантину (1217–1222). По теме источники разделяются на пять групп, охватывающих военные действия против латинян, организацию освобожденных от них диоцезов, догматические споры, отношение к тем, кто перешел на сторону врагов, и разделение ромеев вследствие чужеземного владычества. Латиняне представлены одним народом – италийцами, подданными Фессалоникийского королевства. Они изображены как главные противники Феодора I, создавшие пропасть между греческими государствами: Эпирским царством и Никейской империей. Борьба с латинянами является главной целью Дуки и не допускает компромиссов. Она изображена при помощи приемов энкомия, традиционных для писем к византийским императорам. В этом контексте митрополит активно использует образы природы, сравнивая противников Феодора I с тучей, хворостом, львами и птицами, а его – с солнцем. Негативное отношение к латинянам подчеркивается их дурными качествами (высокомерием и даже безумием) и слабостью догматов католичества, оспариваемых как архиереями, так и клириками. Данные суждения характерны для других архиереев в Эпирском царстве (Димитрия Хоматиана и членов синода в Арте), а также за его пределами (Михаила Хониата), что свидетельствует о едином понимании духовенством опасности латинского владычества и необходимости возрождения Византийской империи.

Bu çalışma, sosyal Latin danslarının, bireylerin beden algısı, öz-yeterlik ve sosyal becerileri üzerindeki etkilerini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Araştırmanın örneklemini dans eden ve dans etmeyen 18-35 yaş arası bireyler oluşturmaktadır. Ölçme aracı olarak Sosyal Fizik Kaygı Envanteri, Beden Bölgelerinden ve Özelliklerinden Hoşnut Olma Ölçeği, Kendini Fiziksel Tanımlama Envanteri, Genel Öz-Yeterlik Ölçeği ve Sosyal Beceri Envanteri kullanılmıştır. İstatistiksel değerlendirmede ise Pearson korelasyon analizi, regresyon analizi ve 2 yönlü çoklu varyans analizi (MANOVA) teknikleri kullanılmıştır.Çalışmanın sonuçları incelendiğinde sosyal latin dansları ile ilgilenen bireylerin, dans etmeyen bireylere oranla fiziksel benlik algısı, sosyal beceri ve beden bölgelerinden ve özelliklerinden hoşnut olma seviyelerinin daha yüksek, sosyal fizik kaygı seviyelerinin ise daha düşük olduğu, buna ek olarak dans etmenin öz-yeterlik üzerinde önemli bir etkiye sahip olmadığı belirlenmiştir.Sunulan çalışma, sosyal latin danslarının daha pozitif bir beden algısına önderlik ettiğine dair ön bulguları ortaya koymaktadır. Gelecekte bu konunun daha uzun vadeli çalışmalar dahilinde incelenmesi önerilmektedir. In the present study we aimed to examine the influence of social latin dances on individuals body image satisfaction, self-efficacy and social skills. The sample included dancer and non-dancer individuals, ranging in age from 18 to 35. Social Physique Anxiety Scale, Body Image Satisfaction Questionnaire, Self-Efficacy Scale and Social Skill Inventory were used to as the measurement devices.Descriptive statistics, spearman correlation analysis, regression analysis with a stepwise fashion and 2 way multiple analysis of variance were used to analyze data.Results showed that individuals participating social latin dances have been found to have higher level of body image satisfaction and lower level of social physique anxiety than non-dancers. Further, social latin dance participants have been found to have higher level social skills than non-dancers. Dance participants have not been to have a consistent effect on self-efficacy. The present study provided preliminary evidence that social latin dances may lead to more positive body image perception. In future studies we recommend to examine this topic in longitudinal studies. 67

It contains the summary of the articles sent and accepted to be published in the journal. In number 7 there is also a summary of the articles in Spanish and in English. Contiene el sumario de los artículos enviados y aceptados para ser publicados en la revista. En el número 7 se incluyen además un resumen del artículo en idioma español y otro en idioma inglés.

Bu çalışmada, Birinci Haçlı Seferi esnasında Doğu Akdeniz'in siyasî durumu,İtalyan denizci devletlerin (Venedik, Cenova ve Pisa) sefere olan katkıları ve Lâtinkolonilerinin bölgede gerçekleştirmiş olduğu sosyal, ekonomik ve ticari faaliyetlerincelenmiştir. Batı Roma İmparatorluğu'nun 476'da yıkılmasının ardından Bizansİmparatorluğu (Doğu Roma) evrensel imparatorluk kurma düşüncesi ile hareketederek Akdeniz'in kaybolan siyasî birliğini sağlamaya çalıştı. Bu durumunMüslümanların Akdeniz'de hâkimiyet kurmaya başlamasına kadar devam ettiğigörülmektedir. Müslümanların, Akdeniz üzerinde güç kazanması Akdeniz'in siyasîolarak doğu-batı şeklinde iki kısma ayrılmasına neden oldu. Birinci Haçlı Seferi'nekadar Müslümanların kontrolünde olan Akdeniz bundan sonra Hristiyan dünyasınınidaresine geçti. Akdeniz'deki güç dengesinin ve siyasî yapının değişmesinde BirinciHaçlı Seferi'ne destek veren Cenova, Pisa ve Venedik'in doğrudan katkısı oldu.İtalyan denizci devletler vermiş oldukları destek sayesinde seferin başarıylasonuçlanmasını sağlarken aynı zamanda burada kurulan Lâtin toplumununoluşmasında etkili oldu. Doğu Akdeniz topraklarında kurulan Antakya HaçlıPrinkepsliği, Kudüs Haçlı Krallığı ve Trablus Haçlı Kontluğu'nun siyasî ve ekonomikolarak varlıklarını devam ettirmelerinde en büyük desteği İtalyan denizci devletlerverdi. Haçlılara yardımları karşılığında bölgede kendi bağımsız yönetimlerini kuranİtalyanlar, kısa sürede doğu-batı arasında devam eden ticaretin önemli güçlerinden biriolmayı başardı. Cenova, Venedik ve Pisa şehirlerinin Doğu Akdeniz'de başlatmışolduğu girişim Haçlıların uzun yıllar bölgede kalmasını sağlamış ayrıca buradakurulan Lâtin kolonilerinin faaliyetleri Avrupa'da sosyal hayatın değişmesinde etkiliolmuştu.Anahtar Kelimeler: Birinci Haçlı Seferi, Doğu Akdeniz, Venedik, Cenova,Pisa, Latin Kolonileri, Doğu Akdeniz Ticareti In this study, the political situation in the Eastern Mediterranean during the FirstCrusade, Italian Sailors States (Venice, Genoa and Pisa) time that contributions andsocial which was carried out in the region of Latin colonies, economic and commercialactivities were examined. After the fall of the Western Roman Empire in 476 theByzantine Empire (Eastern Roman) is driven by the idea of establishing universalempire had tried to make political unity lost in the Mediterranean. This situation showsthat Muslims in the Mediterranean continued until the start to dominate. Muslims, togain power over the Mediterranean as political reasons had been divided into two partsto form an east-west. Mediterranean with the First Crusade until control is passed tothe Muslims after the administration of the Christian world. The balance of power inthe Mediterranean and the change in the political structure supporting the First CrusadeGenoa, Pisa and Venice was a direct contribution. Italian sailors thanks to the supportthey have given state once established here, as well as successfully concluded wasinstrumental in the formation of the Latin community. Founded in the easternMediterranean lands Principality of Antioch, the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem andthe Crusader County of Tripoli continued presence as the largest support in politicaland economic state showed Italian sailors. In the region in return for helping theCrusaders Italians established their own independent management, in a short time hehas managed to become one of the major forces in the ongoing trade between East andWest. Genoa, Venice and Pisa city East of the Crusaders initiative it launched in theMediterranean has to remain in the region for many years, here also the activities ofestablished Latin colony had been effective in changing the social life in Europe.Keywords: The First Crusade, Eastern Mediterranean, Venice, Genoa, Pisa, Latin Statement, East Mediterranean Commerce. 205

In the last years an alarming increase has taken place in the number of suicides in children and teenagers, being a daily reality in the panorama of the USA, especially in the case of Latino immigrants. In the current study, a survey about the perceived risk factors for suicide was established between risk population. The sample was composed of 593 children and adolescents aged between 11 and 18 years, most Latino ethnicity, belonging to "Latina Youth Program" (LYP), a program of suicide prevention in risk population, developed by Pacifics Clinics, an organization that operates in Los Angeles, California. They interviewed the participants about the factors they considered risk for suicidal behavior. Participants were randomly selected in 2003, 2005 and 2008. The factors most commonly identified risk were the regulation of emotions (96.57%), poor family communication, poor school performance, the influence of the peer group (89.67%, 82. 73% and 41.57% respectively). The found trend is towards an increase in the perception of risk factors detected in any case up to ten risk factors for suicide. The higher quantity of variables impede the precise determination of the (s) reason (s) that might end in this fatidical conclusion, being the most common a panorama in which converge multitude of variables, crucial to settling objectives in interventions, En los últimos años se ha producido un incremento alarmante en el número de suicidios en niños y adolescentes, siendo una realidad cotidiana en el panorama de los EEUU, especialmente en el caso de inmigrantes latinos. En el presente estudio, se estableció un sondeo en población de riesgo acerca de los factores de riesgo de suicidio percibidos. La muestra quedó conformada por 593 niños y adolescentes de edades comprendidas entre los 11 y los 18 años, la mayoría de etnia latina, pertenecientes a “Latina Youth Program” (LYP), un programa de prevención del suicidio en población de riesgo, desarrollado por Pacifics Clinics, una organización que desarrolla su actividad en Los Ángeles, California. Se entrevistó a los participantes acerca de los factores que ellos consideraban de riesgo para la conducta suicida. Los participantes fueron seleccionados aleatoriamente en los años 2003, 2005 y 2008. Los factores de riesgo más comúnmente señalados fueron la regulación de emociones (96.57%), la pobre comunicación familiar, bajo rendimiento escolar, la influencia del grupo de iguales (89.67%, 82. 73% y 41.57% respectivamente). La tendencia encontrada apunta hacia un aumento en la percepción de factores de riesgo, detectándose en cualquier caso hasta diez factores de riesgo de suicidio. La cantidad de variables puestas en juego complejizan la determinación precisa de la(s) causa(s) que podrían desembocar en este fatídico desenlace, siendo lo más común un panorama en el que confluyen multitud de variables, cruciales para asentar objetivos en las intervenciones

Url: http://usad.selcuk.edu.tr/usad/article/view/79, IV. Haçlı Seferi sırasında İstanbul’u ele geçiren Latinler, 57 yıl boyunca şehri işgal altında tutarlar. Bu sırada Trabzon, İznik ve Epir olmak üzere üçe bölünen Bizans yönetimi, Balkanlar üzerindeki hâkimiyetini tamamen kaybeder. 1204 yağması sırasında kan dökülerek kilise mallarının talan edilmesi, Bizans ile Latinler arasında kalıcı bir kırılmaya neden olur. IV. Haçlı Seferi’nden sonra Venedik ve Cenova tarafından ekonomik vesayet altına alınan Bizans, parasızlık yüzünden bir daha donanma kuramadığı gibi, güçlü bir orduya da sahip olamaz. Bu durum Balkanlarda Bulgarlar, Sırplar ve Boşnakların tamamen bağımsız hareket etmelerine neden olur. Epir’de yaşayan Arnavutlar uluslaşma sürecine girerler. XIII. yüzyıl başlarında Balkanların güney kıyıları ile Akdeniz ve Ege’de birçok ada ve şehre yerleşen Venedik, Akdeniz’in en güçlü sömürgeci devletleri arasına katılır. Vaktiyle buralara yerleşen Slavlar, zamanla kuzeye doğru göç ederken, Rumların yoğunlaştıkları görülür. Sefer sonrasında Bizans’ın elinde kalan topraklar, daha çok Rum nüfusun yaşadığı bölgelerdir. Bu nedenle Bizans, XIII. yüzyıldan sonra bir ulus devlet görünümü kazanır. Yine İstanbul yağmasına karşı duyulan öfke, İstanbul ve Mistra’da toplanan aydınlar arasında ulusçuluk hareketine dönüşür. Ekonomik ve askeri bakımdan Bizans’ın her geçen yüz yıl biraz daha çökmesine sebep olan IV. Haçlı Seferi, Osmanlıların Balkanlara geçişini kolaylaştırır. Yarımadaya Türklerin gelmesiyle, Balkanların etnik yapısı daha da çeşitlenir. Din değiştirmeğe zorlanmayan bu etnik gruplar, Osmanlı yönetiminde âdeta uyuyan hücrelere dönüşerek varlıklarını XX. yüzyıla kadar sürdürürler., The Latin army who captured İstanbul during the Crusade the Fourth occupied the city for 57 years. Meanwhile, the Byzantine sovereignty which had been divided into three regions such as Trabzon, İznik (Nicaea) and Epir completely lost its domination in Balkans. Blood is shed during the plunder in 1204 and the properties of the Church were pirated and this caused a permanent fraction between Byzantine and Latin people. The Byzantine which was financially surrounded by Venice and Genoa after the Crusade the Fourth, can no longer afford to establish a new navy force and can no longer have a strong army. This occasion allows the Bulgars, Serbians and Bosnians completely act independently in Balkans. The people of Epir living in Epir constituted a nation. At the beginning of the 13.th century, Venice which occupies the southern coasts of Balkans and numerous islands and cities in Aegean Sea and the Mediterranean turned into one of the strongest colonists of the Mediterranean. The Slavian people who had settled in the region once upon a time moved towards the north and they were substituted for the Greeks. The land which remained under the control of Byzantine after the crusade is the regions where the Greek people live. For that reason, Byzantine turns into a nation state after the 13.th century. And, the fury against the plunder of İstanbul turns into a nationalist movement among the intellectual gathered in İstanbul and Mistra. The Crusade Fourth which caused gradual collapse of Byzantine every century in terms of economy and military also facilitates the transition of Ottoman army to the Balkans. Upon the emerging of the Turks in the peninsula, the ethnical structure of the Balkans is also diversified. Those ethnical groups which easily converted in the new religion almost turn in to the sleeper cells under the Ottoman sovereignty and transfer their existence to the 20.th century.