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Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Il contributo propone alcune riflessioni relative alla comunicazione al pubblico non specializzato dei fondi d’autore. Nel caso specifico, in seno alle iniziative organizzate dall’Università degli studi di Firenze in occasione della Notte europea delle ricercatrici e dei ricercatori (Bright night 2024), è stata condotta un’attività di public engagement al fine di valorizzare il patrimonio documentario e bibliografico dell’archeologo Giacomo Caputo (1901-1992). L’evento si è trasformato nell’occasione per riflettere e materializzare problematiche e bisogni connessi alla particolare tipologia dell’insieme. Il fondo – di proprietà della Biblioteca umanistica dell’Università di Firenze e oggi allocato presso il Museo e istituto fiorentino di preistoria “Paolo Graziosi” – si compone di archivio e biblioteca al centro di due progetti di ricerca distinti, ma strettamente connessi tra loro. Nell’elaborare un’adeguata e condivisa comunicazione del patrimonio in questione sono state evidenziate e affrontate le necessità multidisciplinari legate al fondo: archivistica e biblioteconomia si intrecciano con l’archeologia classica, il restauro, la storia del colonialismo italiano in Africa, intersecandosi con momenti di vita privata e restituendo la fotografia dell’archeologo nel suo laboratorio di lavoro. L’esperienza va quindi a configurarsi come caso paradigmatico per sottolineare alcune effettive difficoltà di realizzazione e proporre possibili soluzioni in grado di comunicare, nell’ambito della terza missione universitaria, un simile patrimonio anche al pubblico non specialistico.

The experience and contributions of Abdel Wahid Gaziry (1941-1987) in the field of vertebrate palaeontology earned him the respect of the academic world, which recognized the importance of his discoveries and appreciated his dedication and commitment to research. In his short life, Abdel Wahid Gaziry published a significant body of work on Neogene fossil mammal systematics, origins, and evolution. Among the new species that he described were the shovel-tusker proboscidean Konobelodon cyrenaicus (Gaziry 1987) and the fossil Libyan hippopotamid Hexaprotodon sahabiensis Gaziry 1987. An active fieldworker throughout his career, Gaziry collected and catalogued a wide range of vertebrate fossil remains, including mammals, reptiles, birds, and fish. The outcome of his efforts has led to the establishment of a valuable collection within the Museum of Vertebrate Palaeontology at the Department of Earth Science of Benghazi University. This collection, consisting of numerous specimens, holds immense potential for future investigations, doctoral theses, and fostering international scientific cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Astrolabio: Nueva Época is the property of Revista Astrolabio Nueva Epoca del Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

More than a decade since the outbreak of the revolution in 2011, Libya remains mired in a political crisis and institutionally fragmented, having been the scene of two civil wars. This paper looks at the interrelationship between the national and international dimensions of the conflict to illustrate how the various rival political elites project an image of the country to the outside world (branding) in order to boost their national and international legitimacy, obtain material support and strengthen their bargaining position in the peace processes. To that end, it studies the discourses of the Libyan political elites in three periods: the first Libyan civil war (2011) and the transition phase, the second civil war (2014-2020) and the failed attempt to hold presidential elections in 2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the European Union (EU) response to three conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa region and shines a spotlight on the degree of division among its member states and on the management of these divisions. It concludes that the EU's desire to be seen as an international actor varies according to the confrontation; it is stronger in the Arab-Israeli conflict, but weaker in the Sahara. Domestic protest and politicisation in the EU affect the fragmentation of positions and the frequency of obstructionist stances. The EU manages the divisions differently in each conflict, with strategies that vary according to the level of ambition or the desire to ensure the sides note the existence of a European position. The paper highlights the growing interaction between the different regional flashpoints and makes the case for a systemic and multilevel approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Las llamadas manāqib (sg. manqaba) son un género literario bastante extendido en los últimos siglos. Algunas de estas manāqib han sido publicadas en ediciones críticas, y su circulación entre los estudiosos suele referirse a la historia norteafricana o a ciertos aspectos de la religiosidad popular. Sin embargo, este tipo de obras ha recibido una atención muy limitada desde el punto de vista lingüístico, a pesar de que presentan características propias de las variedades habladas del árabe. Por lo tanto, las manāqib constituyen una de las pocas fuentes que pueden utilizarse para analizar el árabe hablado y escrito en el pasado. El objetivo de este artículo es estudiar la lengua de la obra titulada Rawḍat al-azhār wa-munyat al-sādāt al-abrār fī manāqib Sīdī ʿAbd al-Salām al-Asmar, una colección de manāqib relacionadas con el santo sufí libio ʿAbd al-Salām al-Asmar de la ciudad de Zlīten (siglo XV), escrita por Karīm al-Dīn al-Baramūnī al-Miṣrātī.

La victoria obtenida por Merenptah en la batalla de Perire contra una coalición de libios y Pueblos del Mar marcó el comienzo de una época en la que Egipto comenzó a tener que defender sus propios límites geográficos. En el mismo año Merenptah sofocó una rebelión en Nubia y realizó una campaña en Canaán, unos ataques que pudieron estar coordinados que deben entenderse en el contexto de los cambios políticos, económicos y militares que tuvieron lugar en las últimas décadas del siglo XIII a. C., en la etnogénesis de los Pueblos del Mar.

BETWEEN A POLICY OF ENGAGEMENT AND POSITIVE NEUTRALITY: LIBYA AND TUNISIA ON THE ISSUE OF WESTERN SAHARA The unresolved issue of Western Sahara has been causing serious divisions in the Maghreb region for 48 years, which affects not only political relations, but also economic cooperation. The division into states supporting the independence of Western Sahara and those backing Morocco’s position has very strongly polarized the Maghreb region, as well as practically all states of the African continent. Moreover, during the Cold War, this dispute fed into division between states in the Western camp and those identified with the Eastern bloc and socialism, such as Libya. Tunisia was the only country in North Africa, which consistently tried to implement a policy of positive neutrality and because of that it was doomed to occupy a liminal space not only in the region – between Algeria and Morocco, but also in the bipolar world – between the West and the Eastern bloc. This article aims to present the two countries of Tunisia and Libya from the perspective of 48 years of the Western Saharan crisis. Both states, although they do not have a direct border with the territory of Western Sahara, are sometimes involuntarily, as in the case of Tunisia, involved in the largest regional dispute, which to this day casts a shadow over relations in North Africa.

La política migratoria se ha convertido en el mayor problema político actual de la Unión, junto con la superación definitiva de la crisis del euro y el Brexit. La falta de un acuerdo definitivo en el reparto de los refugiados sirios que llegaron a las costas griegas en 2015 y 2016, así como la de los procedentes de Libia a Italia desde 2013, ha acentuado la percepción de una Unión Europea incapaz de dar respuesta a crisis de esta magnitud. Sin embargo, son los Esta-dos miembros los que no han alcanzado un acuerdo definitivo, toda vez que las competencias sobre inmigración y asilo son básicamente estatales, por más que la Unión puede establecer unas normas básicas de regulación. Esta situación y esta percepción contribuyen al crecimiento de partidos nacional-populistas que quieren frenar una supuesta “invasión” de migrantes y refugiados y, por otra parte, recuperar competencias económicas de los Es-tados volviendo al modelo confederal, es el paradigma intergubernamental el que está poniendo en riesgo una política migratoria común. En el presente trabajo se estudia la relación entre las tres variables y sus influencias mutuas: organización institucional europea, dificultad en concretar una política migratoria común efectiva y crecimiento de los partidos nacional-populistas como expresión de una parte de la ciudadanía europea.

The Libyan health system is in a dire state, and after security, strengthening the health system is a top national priority. The initial effort should focus on capacity building using the existing healthcare system as a foundation, and not try to design a new health system that is not appropriate for the situation on the ground. Many new health systems that have been successfully designed and implemented in the last two decades, such as in Taiwan, have built on the experiences and best practices from different countries. These however, were already stable countries that possess the requisite cross‐sector infrastructure to build upon. Libya is different: it not only lacks a robust functioning health system, it lacks many of the infrastructure requirements to carry on most other basic functions. Furthermore, unlike many other countries, Libya is unique in that the financing of healthcare in the long run should not be an issue due to the relatively small population size and potential revenue. Efforts should focus on identifying the strengths and weaknesses of the current national health system and see what needs to be changed to align it along a model of patient‐centered quality care. The current main issue appears to be that of governance and management, which should be redesigned and strengthened to achieve the key strategic objectives of quality and patient safety. For Libya to start to do this, it should try to model an existing single‐payer government model to help improve outcomes. Key points: The Libyan health system needs restructuring, preferably modeled on a preexisting single payer government system, like the Veterans Hospital Administration in the United States. This allows the governance and management structure to focus on quality and patient safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unresolved issue of Western Sahara has been causing serious divisions in the Maghreb region for 48 years, which affects not only political relations, but also economic cooperation. The division into states supporting the independence of Western Sahara and those backing Morocco’s position has very strongly polarized the Maghreb region, as well as practically all states of the African continent. Moreover, during the Cold War, this dispute fed into division between states in the Western camp and those identified with the Eastern bloc and socialism, such as Libya. Tunisia was the only country in North Africa, which consistently tried to implement a policy of positive neutrality and because of that it was doomed to occupy a liminal space not only in the region – between Algeria and Morocco, but also in the bipolar world – between the West and the Eastern bloc. This article aims to present the two countries of Tunisia and Libya from the perspective of 48 years of the Western Saharan crisis. Both states, although they do not have a direct border with the territory of Western Sahara, are sometimes involuntarily, as in the case of Tunisia, involved in the largest regional dispute, which to this day casts a shadow over relations in North Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of the 'Ovidius' University of Constanta. Political Science Series / Analele Universitatii Ovidius din Constanta, Seria Stiinte Politice is the property of Editura Ovidius University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i ocena zaangażowania Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w rozwiązanie kryzysu w Libii z 2011 roku. Problem ten rozpatrywano z uwzględnieniem okoliczności dwustronnych i wielostronnych. W poszczególnych częściach artykułu omówiono zagadnienia, takie jak relacje Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki i Libii przed kryzysem oraz działania USA w trakcie kryzysu i motywy je warunkujące. Dotyczy to między innymi aktywności politycznej Waszyngtonu na forum Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ oraz wkładu Sił Zbrojnych USA w operację zbrojną w Libii. Ukazano również ewolucję stanowiska Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w kwestii wykorzystania czynnika militarnego do zmiany reżimu politycznego Libii. Problem badawczy zawiera się w pytaniach, czym motywowane były działania Waszyngtonu wobec Libii oraz czy obrana polityka była zasadna? Główną tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że podstawowym powodem zaangażowania się Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w kryzys w Libii były przesłanki natury humanitarnej, jednak liczyły się także interesy USA. Niestety akcja zbrojna nie doprowadziła do zakończenia konfliktu wewnętrznego w tym państwie. Podejście Waszyngtonu do kryzysu w Libii było ważnym elementem wpływającym na formułowanie doktryny prezydenta Baracka Obamy. Możemy w nim dostrzec cechy wpisujące się zarówno w liberalną, jak i realistyczną koncepcję stosunków międzynarodowych. W artykule wykorzystano metodę analizy źródeł tekstowych.

Copyright of Ágora: Estudos Clássicos em Debate is the property of Agora: Estudos Classicos em Debate and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A Geografia de Estrabão apresenta uma sistematização do mundo habitado no início do primeiro século do império romano. O livro XVII compreende a descrição dos territórios do Egito, Etiópia e Líbia e é aqui analisado com o objetivo de explicitar como o geógrafo amasiano caracterizou as regiões norte-africanas e seus respectivos povos. Argumenta-se que, na construção discursiva desses, Estrabão explicita uma dicotomia do tipo bárbaro versus civilizado, por meio da qual estabelece não só a distinção entre dois grupos, mas operacionaliza dentro desta uma diferenciação gradativa. Consideramos que esta gradação ocorre em razão de sua localização geográfica, a qual, para o autor, era um dos importantes fatores a determinar o modo de vida dos mesmos.

L'articolo esamina le declinazioni di cittadinanza, sudditanza e nazionalità che presero forma nel contesto dell'espansionismo coloniale italiano durante gli anni della Grande Guerra e del primo periodo postbellico. Viaggiando attraverso il territorio dell'impero formale italiano in Libia e nella concessione dell'impero informale a Tientsin in Cina, il saggio unisce – per la prima volta in un'unica indagine – l'analisi dei tre concetti in oggetto tra metropoli, sponda nordafricana e lembo asiatico dell'oltremare; e fornisce altresì importanti elementi per comprendere il ruolo svolto dalla Grande Guerra nella definizione di quei legami di appartenenza. Situato all'intersezione degli studi sulla Prima guerra mondiale nelle colonie, sulla politica della cittadinanza nel Regno d'Italia, e sulla dimensione transnazionale della storia coloniale, questo saggio offre un innovativo confronto inter-imperiale del caso italiano basandosi sull'interazione di preziosi documenti inediti degli archivi italiani, fonti parlamentari, scritture edite della memorialistica, letteratura italiana coeva, e recenti studi storici in lingua italiana, inglese e francese. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Classica: Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Estudos Classicos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Fronteira: Revista de Iniciacao Cientifica em Relacoes Internacionais is the property of Instituto de Ciencias Sociais, Departmento de Relacoes Internacionais, PUC Minas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Military Science Review / Hadtudományi Szemle is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ci si propone con questo breve intervento di indicare le linee fondamentali di una ricerca in corso sulle sentenze emesse dal 1927 al 1939 dal Tribunale Speciale per la Difesa dello Stato in Tripolitania conservate presso l’Archivio Centrale dello Stato. Mentre ormai è abbastanza chiaro quali fossero le metodologie di repressione attuate dal TSDS in Italia, la sua attività in Africa, le sue finalità e i limiti della sua capacità di intervento, sono ancora da esplorare. Tuttavia, dopo una prima ricognizione del materiale archivistico, risulta chiaro che l’esame delle sentenze di questo particolare organo giurisdizionale presuppone un approfondimento della complessa realtà coloniale, caratterizzata da frammentazioni etniche, religiose e culturali che si riflettono nelle vicende ventennali della resistenza libica contro gli Italiani. Tali frammentazioni non solo hanno reso accidentato e spesso sterile l’intervento dei colonizzatori prima ‘liberali’ e poi ‘fascisti’, ma hanno determinato dopo la conquista dell’indipendenza dello stato africano nel 1951 una sostanziale assenza di dialogo fra le storiografie europea e africana. Per questo motivo la storiografia sulla Libia è certo ricca, ma sconta difficoltà di ‘comunicazione’ dovute alle profonde differenze culturali, a partire dalla lingua araba, che hanno reso difficile il dialogo fra storici italiani e libici negli ultimi decenni dello scorso secolo. Cercheremo qui di dare conto di ciò che è emerso da una prima ricognizione bibliografica che ha per scopo, non va dimenticato, la comprensione dell’attività giurisdizionale del TSDS in colonia. In particolare ciò che si vuole comprendere è chi fosse il nemico che i fascisti tentarono di combattere con il loro tribunale di giustizia politica, con quali strumenti lo affrontarono, quanta fosse la distanza fra il nemico reale (per quanto è possibile anche per noi comprenderlo) e il nemico costruito dalla non comprensione e dalla propaganda della Metropoli. A questo scopo l’esposizione è stata organizzata intorno a due poli: i colonizzatori e i colonizzati.

Copyright of Archeologia Medievale: Cultura Materiale, Insediamenti, Territorio is the property of All'Insegna del Giglio s.a.s. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Yearbook of European Integration / Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Libya is closing a period of about 10 years of internal chaos, instability and violence, with the recurrence of civil wars. The elimination of the former Gaddafi dictatorial regime did not produce a viable democracy. The Government of National Accord, which controls the Western side of Libya and the Libyan National Army, which governs the East side, fought some bloody battles and now are in a situation of stalemate, in spite of being supported by important foreign powers: Turkey, Russia, UAE, Egypt etc. A durable peace will most probable result not from one side being victorious on the battlefield, but from a long protracted negotiation process, leasding to a wide power-sharing and through inspired confidence-building measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France and Turkey, two of the strongest NA TO members, are divided by a lot of conflicts, arising from their different interests and historic sensitivities in the geopolitical games of the Mediterranean Sea, but also by the personal hostility between the two presidents. If the two states will be unable to normalize their relations, then Ankara would be totally blocked from a future EU integration, and its Neo-Otomanist doctrine will further strain the relations with the other NA TO states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2018, the Italian parliament approved a new military operation in Niger and an extension to the existing deployment in Libya. Italian leaders explicitly cast this as a 'pivot' to Africa, a 'relocation of troops' from Afghanistan and Iraq to the Sahel and Northern Africa. What factors underlie this strategic shift? Despite the importance of this question, to date, little analysis of the decision-making process underpinning the recent change has been forthcoming. The article seeks to address this gap through an analysis of the parliamentary debates on the missions. Specifically, it examines the 'relative importance' of the two threats/challenges motivating the interventions: irregular immigration into the E.U. (and the related smuggling phenomena) and transnational terrorism. The article contributes to the ongoing debate on the evolution of the Italian foreign, security and defence policy in the broader Mediterranean, offering insights for comparative analyses with other states engaged in those contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unpopular decisions of the first president of Chad, François Tombalbaye, quickly led to dissatisfaction, mainly among discriminated Muslim people living in the northern part of the country, for Chad’s population comprises a number of tribes. They speak different dialects and have different religious beliefs, including Islam, Christianity, and Animism. Not without significance is also the fact that the borders of the country were set artificially, with no consideration of ethnic areas or historical context.As soon as in 1965, a civil war erupted and in the following year the National Liberation Front of Chad (FROLINAT) was established. It was a rebel group aiming to overthrow the president. In 1975, in effect of internal terror and purge in the army, F. Tombalbaye was overthrown and succeeded by gen. F. Malloum. Yet FROLINAT continued the fight until 1979 when Hissène Habré took over. The subsequent years made the long-lasting period of bloody combat between the new president and his ex-collaborator Goukouni Oueddei. During that time, several countries started to intervene in Chadian internal affairs, including France, Libya, USA and neighboring countries. Foreign support for opposing politicians made the crisis in Chad even longer.

Neste artigo, analisa-se a forma como a Turquia deve envidar todos os esforços para melhorar as suas relações com a Líbia, a fim de ter êxito no avanço da "Evolução Africana". O estudo abrange o período do Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento (AKP) desde 2009, incluindo a revolta dos rebeldes de Benghazi, até à morte de Kadhafi e o período pós-Kadhafi até ao presente.

O objetivo desta investigação é analisar se a implementação do programa Erasmus Mundus criou um impacto positivo nas relações bilaterais entre os Estados Unidos Mexicanos e a União Europeia no período entre 2009 e 2014. A hipótese sobre a qual esta investigação se debruça é se as relações bilaterais tiverem um impacto positivo ao implementar-se o programa Erasmus Mundus. Esta é uma investigação quantitativa e analítica longitudinal. Recorremos a fontes primárias, tais como dicionários, livros e revistas científicas, e a fontes secundárias, como artigos e pesquisas, para obter toda a informação desejada. A análise das fontes e da informação foi feita com recurso a estatística descritiva, que permite criar uma boa descrição dos objetos específicos. Para representar os resultados obtidos, apresentam-se tabelas e gráficos que revelam a quantidade de candidaturas mexicanas no período entre 2009 e 2014. Foram aceites 11% dos candidatos mexicanos, o que é uma percentagem considerável, mas ainda há muito a fazer para melhorar esses programas porque, sem qualquer dúvida, os programas de intercâmbio académico permitem uma melhor qualidade de vida e, para aqueles que podem expandir os seus horizontes, uma vida, um presente e um futuro melhores.

Copyright of Annales UMCS, Sectio K (Politologia) is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Comunitario Europeo is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the 1930s Libya and South Tyrol were recently annexed territories, inhabited by alien populations, where - in the case of the North African colony -- the Fascist regime had only recently acquired full control. According to the author, these factors made them borderlands where the regime claimed to impose Italian sovereignty and national cohesion through settlement policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Thiasos Monografie is the property of Edizioni Quasar di Severino Tognon s.r.l. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)