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I artikkelen blir tre oversette koloniale gjenstander i samlingene til Nasjonalmuseet i Oslo undersøkt, hver med tilknytning til det spanske Habsburg-riket, fra Japan til Peru via Mexico: en lakkiste, en vinkanne i sølv og en utskåret bilderamme.

Copyright of South African Journal of Cultural History is the property of South African Society for Cultural History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Internationale Neerlandistiek is the property of Amsterdam University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is an analysis of the evolution and changes that occurred in public procurement in Malaysia from two eras, namely the era of British colonialism and the era of the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP). The targeted objective is to examine the changes that occurred in public procurement during the period, analyze the reasons and factors why those changes occurred and then the impact that was left behind. This is important because the public procurement policy in those two periods has become the basis of the government procurement system in Malaysia today. Political and the direction of the government were found to play a role in shaping the form of public procurement in both eras and it was systematically legitimized. The British have made public spending run according to their mold and direction even though the sultan is still the supreme ruler of a state. Through the term “advising” versus “directing” in managing the administration, the British established the Federal Assembly as a legitimate control tool to govern and dominate the financial administration in their colonial states. Crown agents played an important role in public procurement representing the supreme British government in London and this continued until after independence. NEP which was launched in 1971 witnessed an important transition where there was a clear role for the government by being more actively involved in the national development agenda through public procurement. This happens through affirmative policies in the form of legislation, bureaucratic frameworks and quota systems. This has had an impact on the country’s public procurement policy until now. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia is the property of Historical Association of South Africa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Eisenhower, Dulles, Eden and Macmillan played crucial roles in the Suez crisis, which had significant repercussions for the Middle East and the global balance of power. However, none of them entirely escaped the crisis unscathed. Eisenhower viewed containment of communism as his primary objective. He believed that it was untenable for the USA to identify with Britain's colonial past. Dulles rarely lost sight of the colonial dimension during the crisis. Ultimately, the crisis had a significant impact on Britain's international standing, confirming its status as a second-rate nation and revealing its waning status as a global power. As the international aspect of decolonisation was crucial for Macmillan to address, he pursued withdrawal from Africa as a vital objective to maintain and expand Britain's status as a powerful nation. He was unable to eradicate the stigma associated with the fact that Britain was a colonial power. His efforts to strengthen the status of Britain as a significant power through the Commonwealth were similarly ineffectual. The importance of British colonialism had attained its pinnacle. In some quarters, it was believed that Macmillan had always played a dubious role targeting Eden's removal as prime minister. Reasons for these apparent misrepresentations remain a matter of conjecture. The most favourable interpretation was that he attempted to use his association with Eisenhower from World War II to bolster Eden's domestic position against cabinet opponents. Alternately, he may have led Eden intentionally into a political catastrophe from which he expected to profit. He was the ultimate beneficiary of Suez. Macmillan was involved in all of the crucial decisions during the crisis and may have had greater intent than Eden to bring down Nasser. Added to the suspicions about Macmillan's behaviour was his reluctance, if not outright refusal, to formally evaluate Suez that prompted him to collaborate closely with the Cabinet Office in order to authorise ministerial memoirs and official publications that were required to be submitted to him prior to publication. As it involved extremely delicate concerns of foreign and domestic politics, he ruled that nothing could be published regarding Suez without his permission. In his ruthless and violent pursuit of vindication, it was common knowledge that Eden disregarded the norms of confidentiality. His conservative administration was fatally undermined by internal discord. Suez ruined him politically, materially and emotionally. Eden made the final decision to invade Egypt without extensive consultation with his cabinet, without playing open cards with the United States, and while keeping members of the Commonwealth in the dark. Suez remained a highly visible and fiercely contested issue in British academic, media and political circles, and a parliamentary campaign continued as new publications, radio and television programmes addressed new aspects of the issue. The crisis resulted in moral defeat and diplomatic catastrophe for the two former colonial powers. Their authority and prestige among Arab powers were irreparably harmed. They were now dependent on Israel, the youngest and most rapidly expanding military power in the Middle East. The crisis had an enduring effect on the international relations of France. Mollet, the French premier, disapproved of Nasser's support for Algerian insurgents who presented France with substantial challenges and even posed a threat to its political stability. Following the collapse of the Fourth Republic, General Charles de Gaulle was elected president of France. He held his own opinion about France's indispensable role in international affairs. Nasser was at ease within the Soviet sphere of influence due to hostility and vilification from the West. The Soviet Union and its allies took advantage of the concurrent Hungarian insurrection to condemn Western imperialism, thereby diverting global attention away from their own brutality in Hungary. Nasser emerged from the crisis with distinction owing to his Pan-Arab nationalism and neutrality. It allowed him to strengthen his position as an advocate for the Arab cause and decolonisation. The new realities, which the West encountered in the Middle East, turned out to be the decline of colonialism and the rise of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though many historical accounts of Western Imperialism and Colonialism have been written by now, most of these works have tended to focus upon the conquest of territorial space. This paper looks at another, under-studied, dimension of colonial expansionism in Southeast Asia, and will consider how 'time' was also a concern among Western colonialists of the 18th to 20th centuries. It will look at how a distinctly Western understanding of time - as something singular, linear, uni-directional and teleological - was brought to the region by Western colonialists and Orientalists, and how the imposition of this linear understanding of time effectively marginalised and erased local understandings of time, history and chronology among native Southeast Asians themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Slagmark is the property of Aarhus University, Department of Philosophy & History of Ideas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Islamika is the property of Center for the Study of Islam & Society of UIN Jakarta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dutch colonial understanding of the Dutch East Indies has rarely taken into consideration the experiences and influences of returnees and of colonialists originating outside the Netherlands' political centre. In this article we make a case of how Frisian novels from the colonial period might provide a solution to this paucity of original data, as they have rarely been analysed in relation to colonialism. We take, as a case study, the work of the Frisian author Nyckle Haisma (1907–1943), who lived in the Dutch East Indies between 1930–1935 and 1936–1943 and wrote Peke Donia, de koloniaal based upon his unsuccessful, temporary return to Friesland in 1935. Haisma's novel depicts the former colony as a catalyst that breaks the ability of the main protagonist to reintegrate into his home province. In addition, it constructs a paradox between the provinces of Holland and Friesland and deploys the author's inability to integrate into Friesland as a result of his imaginary Dutch East Indies that he has created in opposition to his own homeland. Following the award of the highest literary prize of Frisian literature – the Gysbert Japicxpriis – in 1948, Haisma's writings became embedded into the Frisian literary landscape, yet the colonial discourse apparent in the work was left unquestioned. We argue that the effects of colonialism, as portrayed in Peke Donia, must be considered when studying the Netherlands' colonial legacies and their interplay with Dutch society in contemporary times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Artiklen præsenterer begrebet dekolonial dialektologi gennem først en teoretisk indramning i form af centrale postkoloniale og dekoloniale pointer, som dernæst illustreres med Grønland som case. Det vises hvordan kolonialisme både har haft betydning for den konkrete sproglige situation i Grønland i dag, samt det vi ved om den. Afslutningsvis præsenteres et netop påbegyndt forskningsprojekt om grønlandske dialekter hvor det forsøges at arbejde dekolonialt.

Copyright of Nordlyd is the property of Universitetet i Tromsoe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kulturstudier is the property of Dansk Historisk Faellesraad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Slagmark is the property of Aarhus University, Department of Philosophy & History of Ideas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Kolonialisme en racisme heeft Jan Breman veertien opstellen van eigen hand verzameld waarvan de helft niet eerder gepubliceerd werd. Als inleiding heeft hij daar nog enkele fragmenten uit zijn autobiografie bij opgenomen die duidelijk maken waar hij vandaan komt en wat hem drijft. De bundel is helder geschreven en kent, ondanks het brede scala van behandelde onderwerpen, enkele duidelijke lijnen. In het bijzonder drie thema’s komen uitgebreid aan de orde: de sociale kwestie, de koloniale kwestie en de verbanden tussen beide. Jan meent dat deze vraagstukken een geschiedenis van minstens tweehonderd jaar kennen en dat ze verklaard moeten worden uit de economische verhoudingen en politieke culturen binnen het wereldkapitalisme – of, zoals hij meerdere keren zegt – het imperialisme.

Sheikh Sulaiman al-Rasuli was a well-known ulama (scholar) in education as well as an important political figure. This paper discusses the political activities of Sheikh Sulaiman al-Rasuli using a content analysis approach with historical methods. In addition, this paper also uses the creative minority theory developed by Toynbee that oppression always gives birth to a small group of creative minority. The findings in this study are that, Sheikh Sulaiman al-Rasuli as a politician, dealt with colonialism by taking a cooperative way which politically benefitted the Minangkabau community. During the Dutch colonial period, Sheikh Sulaiman al-Rasuli successfully established VIOS (Vereeniging Ittihadul Oelama Sumatra), the Tarbiah Islamiyah Association (PERTI), and stopped the Marriage Bill which was drafted by the Dutch colonialists from becoming law. During the Japanese occupation, Sheikh Sulaiman al-Rasuli formed the Minangkabau Islamic High Council (MITM), served as General Chair of the Assembly and successfully inspired youth to join the People’s Army. After independence, Sheikh Sulaiman al-Rasuli became chairman of the Constituent Assembly session in 1955 and was the highest advisor to the Tarbiyah Islamiyah Unity Party. He was also one of the founding figures of Lasykar Muslimin Indonesia (Lasymi), advisor to the Military Governor of Central Sumatra and Chairman of the MUSI Commission (All Indonesian Ulema Council) in Palembang in opposing communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the impact of Japanese colonialism on Islamic education, namely on how Islamic education was held during the Japanese period. The writing of this research is qualitative research. The methodology and approach used are historical analysis and content analysis. The main source of research is books on the history of Islamic education written by actors of the history of Japanese colonialism and other relevant books. This article concludes that Japanese colonialism has influenced the system, goals, form, appearance and curriculum of Islamic education. This influence did not only occur during the Japanese colonialism or occupation, but also continues to this day. The influence of Japanese colonialism on Islamic education, among other things, changed the aim of Islamic education from fulfilling the happiness of the world and the hereafter to the fulfillment of worldly needs only. The spiritual aspect (hereafter) is considered unimportant and needed in education, because it is considered to not affect increasing one's happiness in the world. AbstrakArtikel ini membahas dampak penjajahan Jepang atas Pendidikan Islam yaitu mengenai bagaimana pendidikan Islam diselenggarakan pada masa Jepang. Penulisan penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif. Metodologi dan pendekatan yang digunakan adalah analisis historis dan analisis isi (content analysis). Sumber utama penelitian buku-buku sejarah pendidikan Islam yang ditulis para pelaku sejarah penjajahan Jepang dan buku-buku lain yang relevan. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa kolonialisme Jepang telah memengaruhi sistem, tujuan, bentuk, rupa, dan kurikulum pendidikan Islam. Pengaruh tersebut tidak hanya terjadi pada masa kolonialisme atau penjajahan Jepang, tetapi juga berlangsung hingga hari ini. Pengaruh kolonialisme Jepang atas pendidikan Islam, antara lain, mengubah tujuan pendidikan Islam dari tujuan pemenuhan kebahagiaan dunia dan akhirat diubah menjadi pemenuhan kebutuhan duniawi semata yang bersifat jasadi. Adapun aspek rohani (akhirat) dianggap tidak penting dan dibutuhkan dalam pendidikan, karena dianggap tidak berpengaruh pada peningkatan kebahagiaan hidup seseorang di dunia.

The history of religions records the existence of persistent violence in religions. Many rulers, with the help of clergies, misuse sacred texts for their conquering interests. The coming of Christianity to Indonesia was linked to Western colonialism with its exploitating ambition. To date, the fruit of the agenda of misusing Scriptures can still be found in the theology and traditions of the Indonesian churches. This study presents the post-colonial biblical criticism of Sugirtharajah as an inclusive, collaborative hermeneutic umbrella for efforts to liberate texts, traditions, and contexts of Indonesia. Rasiah S. Sugirtharajah has pioneered the post-colonial biblical criticism as a hermeneutics that criticizes domination and alienation. This study looks at the relevance of Sugirtharajah’s thinking for the context of Indonesian Christianity. The methods used include qualitative literature review on the post-colonial publication in Indonesia to find out the progress of the existing post-colonial hermeneutic works. Sejarah agama-agama mencatat hadirnya kekerasan secara persisten. Penguasa, dengan bantuan rohaniwan, sering kali menyisipkan kepentingan penaklukannya ke dalam penggunaan ayat-ayat suci. Kekristenan di Indonesia datang berkaitan dengan kolonialisme Barat dengan ambisi eksploitatifnya. Dalam hal itu terjadi juga kolaborasi saling menguntungkan antara misionaris dan penguasa (ekonomi dan militer) kolonial. Produk agenda penundukan dan pembodohan yang menggunakan ayat-ayat Kitab Suci masih terasa dalam teologi dan tradisi gereja Indonesia hingga sekarang. Bentuk kolonialisme baru juga terus bermekaran di dalam dan sekitar gereja. Studi ini menyelidiki pendekatan hermeneutik yang dapat melawan upaya mengkontaminasi Kitab Suci. Studi ini menyuguhkan Kritik Alkitabiah Pascakolonial Sugirtharajah sebagai payung hermeneutis kolaboratif inklusif bagi banyak upaya membebaskan teks, tradisi, dan konteks. Metode yang dipakai adalah analisis historis mengikuti kerangka teori Sugirtharajah. Juga dilakukan tinjauan literatur terhadap buku-buku teologi bernafas pascakolonial yang banyak dipakai di Indonesia guna melihat sejauh mana upaya pascakolonial telah ada sekaligus perlu dikembangkan sesuai pemikiran Sugirtharajah. Hasil studi ini diharapkan bisa membantu kekristenan Indonesia untuk lebih merdeka dan terampil dalam membebaskan teks, teologi, tradisi, dan penafsiran Alkitab secara pascakolonial berdasarkan konteks semesta dan manusia Indonesia.

This article examines the effect of the Anglo-Siamese Treaty 1909 on the British intervention in the Northern Malay States (NMS) and its impact on the Federated Malay States' (FMS) financial liability. The position of NMS, which possessed the state government autonomy, is often used as an argument that NMS are the independent states. However, the British intervention through the appointment of agent and advisors raises questions: What is the British jurisdiction in the NMS? Besides, Article 4 of Anglo-Siamese Treaty directly involved the FMS to strengthen the British influence in Southern Siam and the NMS by implementing the 1909 FMS-Siamese Railway Treaty. The British Government made the FMS indebtedness to the Siamese Government for the concurrence of such Treaty. The involvement of the FMS in such an arrangement raises a question, how the FMS-Siamese Railway Agreement benefited the British interests? The study used historical methodology by collecting primary sources from Colonial Office, FMS Government and the British High Commissioner's Office. The study found that the British used both agreements as imperial strategies to restrain the foreign power's advancement in the southern of Siam. After the ratification of the Anglo-Siamese Treaty, the British possessed administrative authority of the NMS by retaining the sultan position as the sovereign ruler. The consolidation of such imperialism provided the British with an opportunity to develop Malaya's imperial communication networks. The British gained benefits in controlling the economic resources in southern Siam and the NMS; profiting from the FMS government's loan interest; connecting the imperial wireless communication with the Malayan telegraph stations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically discusses Hegel's account of the failure of mutual recognition (which Charles Taylor calls misrecognition) with specific focus on the master-slave dialectic. In this account, Hegel gives his analysis of a certain development in consciousness that leads to alienated self-consciousness in both the self and the other (subject and object). It is my view that the process which grounds this type of self-consciousness affords a phenomenological description and explanation of the cognitive roots of racism and violence as they are manifested in a so-called modern colonial mentality (in both the colonial and postcolonial context of European colonialism in Africa and elsewhere). In other words, Hegel's account gives us an exposition of how racism forms in self-consciousness. Considering racism, I chart a possible way to mutual recognition in order to see how misrecognition can be grappled with (in self-consciousness). This is done by way of a model of Hegel's theory of consciousness, which is outlined in order to unpack the different types of intersubjective recognition. The focus of this model is the interaction between the phenomenological and conceptual aspects of Hegelian recognition in the encounter between the self (as subject) and the other. It is hoped that this model will promote understanding of the ways in which self-recognition, misrecognition and mutual recognition are connected to different forms of consciousness. Misrecognition and mutual recognition have a significant effect on intersubjective human relations as well as on the socio-political and economic reality of a society. Fanon highlighted this by focusing on the role of race as it concerns the dialectic and recognition. Hegel charts the development of alienated self-consciousness in his account of the master-slave dialectic, and an understanding of this process is of crucial importance to the outline of mutual recognition provided in my study. This development may be summarised as follows: Self-consciousness distinguishes and identifies objects in the world and this level of consciousness can be termed bare existence. Consciousness is deepened as self-awareness when the self is distinguished as distinct from the world; this represents the split that takes place between the self as subject and the world (or the other) as object. Misrecognition as one-sided recognition is basically a continuation of object-centred recognition in human relations, and this kind of recognition distinguishes an other person simply as an object (who is thus reified). Misrecognition leads to a colonial consciousness with a colonial mentality in the self that grounds the alienated self-consciousness of the other through relations of racism and violence. Misrecognition gives form to a relation in which the self dominates the other to such an extent that they are alienated from each other. At the same time, the others feel alienated from their own selves and from the world around them because their sense of freedom is controlled by someone else. The ideal interaction with others that pays attention to issues of racism and violence would be some form of mutual recognition that distinguishes the other as a rehumanised subject (that is, a free person who can form his/her own identity). In this relation one also finds the ideal conditions for the self and the other to develop self-knowledge. This moment of Aufhebung (sublation) in the dialectic is a necessary step in overcoming the misrecognition inherent in the master-slave relationship, but it is also a postcolonial Aufhebung, which is different from the one that Hegel envisioned. This study calls attention to a critical lacuna regarding the account of the master-slave relationship (which is also highlighted in the work of Frantz Fanon and could be viewed as a Fanonian moment in the dialectic). The reaction of the master to the slave (and vice versa) brings about a consciousness that holds ideas, or concepts, as primary. Therefore, the slave will be connected to an idea that the master has in his consciousness. This means that the slave's idea about himself is not of his own making. The nature of the self-consciousness that emerges in the slave (but also in the master) involves a relation of alienation and the development of alienated self-consciousness. This kind of self-consciousness has to do with two key problems: Firstly, the negation, absence or denial of humanity in self-consciousness in so far as it concerns relations with others, for instance in the case of race, and secondly, the ideas generated because of this negation/absence/denial, which are attached to the racial other and lead specifically to misrecognition. Such ideas are sometimes combined in single terms or words (e.g. derogatory racist terms as labels). In the end, my study demonstrates how reification through concepts (as misrecognition) in Hegel's master-slave dialectic leads to the phenomenon of race and racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the treasures of the Arabic Malay books (Kitab Jawi) which have a wealth of Malay local wisdom. There are three important aspects of the contents of the Malay books discussed in this article, namely: (1) uruf and Malay local wisdom; (2) the principle of Malay local wisdom formula and (3) proof of Kitab Jawi as Malay local wisdom that can be promoted at this time. The results of this study confirm several things. First, the awareness of the world community about local wisdom belonging to the community of the non-European may be filled by expressing the concept of local wisdom based on Islamic knowledge. Secondly, the constructs and formulas of Malay local wisdom are indeed rather unique because they are the result of the sentiment between Islam and Malay thought. Third, Kitab Jawi is indeed the most important product of local Malay Islamic wisdom. This can be seen in terms of the formation of Jawi writings and the constructs of science that were awakened by previous Malay scholars. Artikel ini mengkaji khazanah kitab-kitab Arab Melayu (Kitab Jawi) yang memiliki kekayaan akan kearifan lokal Melayu. Ada tiga aspek penting kandungan kitab-kitan Melayu yang dibahas dalam artikel ini, yaitu : (1) uruf dan kearifan lokal Melayu; (2) asas formula kearifan lokal Melayu dan (3) pembuktian kitab jawi sebagai kearifan lokal Melayu yang bisa dipromisikan di masa ini. Hasil kajian ini menegaskan beberapa hal. Pertama, kesadaran masyarakat dunia tentang kearifan lokal milik masyarakat peribumi bukan Eropa boleh diisi dengan mengemukakan konsep kearifan lokal berasaskan ilmu melayu Islam. Kedua, konstruk dan formula kearifan lokal Melayu memang agak unik kerana merupakan hasil sentesis antara Islam dengan pemikiran Melayu. Ketiga, kitab jawi memang merupakan produk kearifan lokal Melayu Islam yang terpenting. Ini dapat dilihat dari segi pembentukan tulisan jawi dan konstruk ilmu yang dibangunkan oleh ulama melayu masa silam.

Sammendrag I denne artikkelen argumenterer jeg for at luft og atmosfære har stort analytisk potensial for studier av den koloniale arven i dagens Sør-Afrika. Med utgangspunkt i bruken av såpe i helbredelsesritualer blant zulusionister i Durban, Sør-Afrika, trekker jeg linjene tilbake til viktoriatiden. Dette gjør jeg gjennom et arkivmateriale hvor fokuset på helse og sykdom forankres i viktorianske ideer om luft og atmosfære. Settlerbefolkningens opplevelse av et fremmed landskap og fremmed folk blir koplet til ideer om forurenset luft og sykdom. Å puste under enkelte atmosfæriske forhold var å inhalere problematiske aspekter ved Afrika og afrikanere. Derfor ble bearbeiding av luftrommet et betydningsfullt forebyggende helsetiltak som hadde andre effekter enn de helsemessige. Såpe framstår i dette perspektivet som en atmosfærisk teknologi som viser at forståelser av luft var med på å legge grunnlaget for segregasjonspolitikken. Jeg konkluderer med at et fokus på luft og atmosfære synliggjør at zulusionistenes helbredelsesritualer kan tolkes som et uttrykk for en kreativ måte å manipulere settlerbefolkningens rasisme.

Copyright of Kulturstudier is the property of Dansk Historisk Faellesraad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: The Betawian Accounting Practice in Power and Knowledge Perspective. This article aims to identify and explain the Betawian accounting practices during the Dutch colinialism period. The method used is Foucauldian perspective. This article finds that the perspective of capitalist power produces a major influence on tax collection conducted on Betawi society. Power of Dutch colonialism is a mechanism that can create knowledge (accounting practices) that is in terms of making the rules of tax collection and fines to the local people. It is used as a tool to perpetuate power in the long term.

Nord-Europas urfolk, samene, opplever i likhet med urfolk verden over en økende grad av urbanisering (Peters & Andersen, 2013). Det gjelder særlig den yngre generasjonen samer, hvor stadig flere vokser opp i eller flytter til byene. I takt med at samene blir mer urbanisert, dukker det også opp nye spørsmål om samisk fremtid hvor samisk synlighet og overlevelse i byene blir et viktig tema. Vi er opptatt av hvordan koloniale relasjoner, representasjoner og praksiser reproduseres i nåtiden. Vi har intervjuet samisk ungdom i utvalgte nordiske byer, representanter fra samiske ungdomsorganisasjoner, samiske sivilsamfunnsaktører for øvrig, samt relevante myndighetspersoner. I artikkelen undersøker vi hvordan det skapes nye urbane samiske rom i møter mellom samisk ungdom, samiske ungdomsorganisasjoner, majoritetssamfunnet og dets institusjoner. Gjennom Sara Ahmeds begrepspar behag/ubehag, analyserer vi hvordan de intervjuede erfarer koloniale strukturer på mikronivå i bysamfunn hvor det ikke alltid er rom for samisk språk og kultur.

The study of islamic movement in Indonesia during the Dutch colonization left some problematic issues for the development of the after-independent islamic educational system inIndonesia. The first Al-Islam congress in Cirebon, which was held by Sarekat Islam (SI), was intended to underline several problems faced by the Indonesian Muslims at that time, to flourish Indonesian unity, and to recommend the Colonial government to abolish the Teachers' Act in 1905.On the contrary, since 1932 the Ducth Co lonial government issued Act on unauthorized schools (De Wilde Scholen Ordonantie) that legalize the government to eliminate schools run by Nationalist or Muslim Movements which were considered anti- government policy and unwilling to corporate withthe government.

South African legal history is "modern": the Dutch brought the 17th-century European Renaissance to Southern Africa. North-Atlantic cultural arrogance and the rationalisation of political and economic immorality were an integral part of Western liberalism even up to World War II. When South Africa achieved statehood in 1910, it was founded upon the 19th-century colonial ethos. In 1948 the dual dream of the Afrikaners (liberation from the British yoke and securing their survival as a minority) blinded them from recognising the global implications of the American-sponsored liberal humanism, leading to the establishment of the United Nations (UN) and the institutionalisation of the notion of universal human rights. Following the end of WWII, numerous former colonies and dependencies obtained their independence from European states and the USSR, quadrupling the membership of the UN within a few decades. By the 1990s, liberal-democratic constitutionalism had crystallised as a range of interrelated elements, establishing the norm for good governance and economic success under North-Atlantic hegemony (see Table 1'). When State President FW de Klerk announced the radical historical turning point in the history of South Africa on 2 February 1990, the question was what would be "just, right and fair" in a hugely complicated situation. Although some constitutionalist elements had at the time been present in South African law, a liberal-democratic culture of human rights and constitutionalism did not exist. Nevertheless, to achieve the desired change, the ANC, as the only organisation capable of mobilising a political majority, was an unavoidable component of the political equation, despite having just emergedfrom at least three decades of Marxist/ Leninist indoctrination as a client of the collapsed USSR. What had to be clear for all to see, was that compromises had to be made, which could neither include continued racial separation nor take the form of a socialist revolution. Constitutionally the most attractive available model on which the political compromises could be built, was liberal constitutionalism as it was exemplified in particular in the post-war constitutions of Germany and Canada. Ironically, now, three decades later, it is becoming increasingly clear that liberal constitutionalism has globally entered a crisis phase, unable to counter populism, extremist politics, digital ubiquity or the inhumane conduct of states such as China, Russia and various Middle-Eastern countries. The reasons for the crisis are complex, but it is suggested that they include the following: the foundational thinking underpinning liberal democracy is steadily losing its cogency; this loss of persuasiveness is fortified by factors such as exponential population growth and globalisation; and the lack of cogency of the foundations of liberal democracy, such as the fictional social contract, the nation state and natural law. Liberalism as civil religion, based on self-sufficient individualism, has become impotent in the face of the challenges faced by humanity in the 21st century When the ANC got the opportunity to use its parliamentary majority to steer the writing of the "final" Constitution in 1995/96, it superimposed particular elements of socialism on the constitutionalism of the 1993 Constitution, including centralised presidential powers, the qualification ofproperty rights, egalitarian standards of justice and the justification of selective discrimination in, for example, labour relations and state procurement. These were the first steps indicative of mere pragmatism on the part of the ANC when it acceded in 1993 to support the introduction of constitutionalism. Subsequently, on the level of social indoctrination, the elastic notion of "transformation " was canonised with the express purpose of promoting the interests of the "proletarian " (black) masses as policy imperative to turn colonial history against the (white) "bourgeoisie ". Supported by parliamentary legislation adopted since 1998, patently socialist policies have systematically been introduced, including the "transformational" regulation of labour, (unconstitutional) "cadre deployment" at all levels of state employment, the virtual nationalisation of water rights, mineral rights and marine resources, enforced annexation of private business interests by means of "black economic empowerment", state control over the legal professions and higher education, the growing dependency of at least one third of the population on state social grants, the ongoing preparations for the nationalisation of the health sector and the constitutional empowerment of expropriation without compensation. Despite these indicators, theANC, probably under the intellectual guidance of the intelligentsia concentrated in its alliance partner, the SACP, strategically does not openly characterise its policies as "socialist", but even in its third decade in government, illogically maintains that it still is a revolutionary liberation movement. There are no obvious solutions to the worldwide crisis of constitutionalism. The illiberal constitutionalism of for example, China - a virtual dictatorship with a population apparently unperturbed by comprehensive state incursions on individual privacy in exchange for personal wealth - may be perceived by some to be a solution. Such a system, however, stands in complete contradiction to Western notions of constitutionalism. A response to what would be constitutionally just and fair from a Christian perspective requires recognition that realjustice is not man-made, b ut a divine gift. In the hands ofhumanity, optimal constitutional justice may be pursued not on liberal, rationalistic or socialist foundations, but based on reciprocity, which is the time-honoured intuitive golden rule predating Jesus's propounding thereof as doing unto others as you would wish them to do unto you. In the end, one may find solace in the truth that history is not dependent on the seven or eight billion presumably autonomous denizens of earth holding widely divergent worlch'iews, but is exclusively in the hands of the sovereign Creator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The novel Keroncong Cinta by Ahmad Faishal was an adolescent novel about social, politics and culture life of a family due to the interracial Europe-Java marriage at the end of colonial era. This research used postcolonial approach to reveal the forms of characters hybridity and interpret it in relation to the colonial era in Dutch East Indies context. This research discovered that the hybridity in Dutch East Indies caused by marriage, concubinage, education and the spirit to gain equality experienced by the Indo. The forms of characters hybridity showed through the identity ambivalence and ambiguity as the results of contradiction between indigenous and Europe cultures. These forms among others are identity ambiguity and awareness of the Indo as the third class, the blurring of colonialism contradictive lines and a lady’s Europe orientation. This research also proofed that adolescent literatures, as a part of popular literatures, are not only literatures filled with entertainment and simplicity. Abstrak Novel Keroncong Cinta karya Ahmad Faishal merupakan novel remaja yang menceritakan kehidupan sosial, politik, dan budaya sebuah keluarga karena perkawinan antarras Eropa-Jawa di akhir masa kolonial. Penelitian ini memanfaatkan pendekatan poskolonial untuk mengungkap bentuk-bentuk hibriditas tokoh dan diinterpretasi dalam kaitannya dengan konteks masa kolonial di Hindia Belanda. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa hibriditas di Hindia Belanda disebabkan oleh perkawinan, pergundikan, pendidikan, dan semangat memperoleh persamaan derajat yang dialami kalangan Indo. Bentuk-bentuk hibriditas tokoh ditunjukkan dengan adanya ambivalensi dan ambiguitas identitas sebagai akibat dari kontradiksi antara kultur Eropa dan pribumi. Bentukbentuk hibriditas tokoh antara lain ambiguitas identitas dan kesadaran orang Indo sebagai kelas ketiga;pengaburan garis-garis kontradiktif koloniaslisme; dan orientasi ke-Eropa-an seorang Nyai. Penelitian ini sekaligusmembuktikan bahwa sastra remaja, sebagai bagian sastra populer, bukan hanya sastra yang berisi hiburan dan kesederhanaan.

Buku ini diterbitkan sebagai buku pertama dalam rangkaian seri Agrarian Change and Peasant Studies oleh Initiatives in Critical Agrarian Studies (ICAS). Dalam salah satu pidato colloqium di Yale University, disebutkan mengenai gagasan awal buku ini, yaitu bahwa Bernstein bersama-sama dengan Saturnino J. Borras memiliki pandangan kreatif untuk membuat rangkaian publikasi terkait dengan perubahan agraria dan studi petani, dua topik yang memang secara khusus menjadi perhatian Bernstein. Penulis buku juga menjadi penggagas awal dan pengurus dua jurnal utama tentang topik tersebut, yaitu Journal of Agrarian Studiesdan Journal of Peasant Studies, yang keduanya berada di dalam institusinya, yaitu School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London (Bernstein, 2010)

There is always a reason behind a paradigm shift that takes place in society. The Presbyterian Church (CCAP) in Malawi is one of the religious institutions that played a critical role in the nation's liberation and fight for independence. Seven weeks into independence a cabinet crisis occured where some ministers were dismissed, while others resigned in support of their fired colleagues. Ironically, the Church kept a low profile and did hardly anything to intervene. This article assesses how, in 1964, the cabinet crisis impacted on the role of the Church and argues that political conflicts influence relations between the Church and the State. Furthermore, the article contributes to the current debate on Church and State relations through the lenses of Calvin's Church and State and the 1964 cabinet crisis. The article is informed by Calvin's Church and State, with the focus on how this conceptual thought influences Church-State relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses a question crucial to contemporary cultural analysis: the question of how to compare and what to compare in a globalized world. Modern comparativism has effectively undermined the very foundation of historical comparativism, i.e. the idea of confined and segregated (na tional) cultures and Eurocentric perspectives and perceptions of what is historically significant, and what is not. The article opens with a discussion of some important critical revisions of comparative methodologies in the fields of comparative literature and art history, and then moves on to call for a relational comparativism that is attentive to three aspects: context, dynamics/agency and circulation. To indicate what the implications of a relational comparativism might be, we conclude with two case studies of the autobiography The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano (1789) and the commemorative sculpture I Am Queen Mary (2018) by artists Jeannette Ehlers and La Vaughn Belle. Both works are related to the history of slavery; a history that in significant ways points to the need for rethinking comparativism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The current debate on post-colonial theology is of great importance to mission. It is known that the great missionary project of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries often coincided with colonialism even though there were sometimes strong voices warning against it. Colonialism is currently being severely criticised by many. The fact that different perspectives and actions have occurred in different countries are sometimes overlooked. Suppression, slavery and exploitation are regarded as the central heritage of colonialism. According to various authors, all forms of hegemony of power must therefore be rejected. Theology adds to this by showing that all forms of domination and power that occur in theology must also be rejected. Discrimination against women, the LGBT community, and indigenous groups are shown as abuse of power - post-colonial theology, however, goes beyond these issues. Western domination in theological points of view is rejected and Africa's own voice must be heard. The confession that Jesus is the only saviour, that He is the true mediator between God and man, and that He, according to the confession of Nicea, is also truly God and therefore totally unique, is sometimes rejected. Differences between religions must be resolved by finding common ground in the fight against oppression, exploitation and discrimination. Eurocentrism was an essential part of colonialism, and thus the own voice of the culture of, for example, Africa was denied. The contribution of African cognition and thinking is especially disregarded. Sometimes culture and religion are both considered to be equally unacceptable and therefore there is exploitation on an unprecedented scale, especially in the field of labour; ethnic disputes were exploited and continued, authority relations were disturbed, artificial boundaries were established and people were artificially divided, cultures were destroyed, and political control has hampered the development of own government. However, there were also positive developments, namely the usage of Western medicine, creation of infrastructure, liberation and expansion of culture through the Christian gospel and control of communities that did set boundaries and restricted political violence. Post-colonial theology means that the global can be found in the similarities found of Jesus Christ and, for example, the beliefs of the African Traditional Religions. A reforming approach would emphasise a theology of respect for God. In addition, principles of exegesis in the light of the sola Scriptura also emphasise the principle of the priority of the text, with the reformed principle of sacra Scriptura sui ipsius interpres est. Mission would therefore call people to repent and the recognition of Jesus as the only Lord. He is not just the good teacher, the one among many. There can be no doubt that mission must be at the forefront of opposing discrimination, exploitation, and disregard, but also of confessing that Jesus truly is ONE with God. It is not only the Gospel of John that confesses this, but there are several theologians who recently confirmed that Jesus is considered to be ONE with God in the context of Jewish monotheism, such as Paul (See Van de Beek, NT Wright and Hurtado). The classical theoretical concept of God is analysed differently. Post-colonial and decolonial theology put important questions to mission of the past and present. However, a reforming approach will guard against the inherent abuse of power that appears in it and the denial of confessing that Jesus is the only Lord. Sometimes missionary theology must go against the growing general view to confess that Jesus is the Lord, the Mediator between God and Man. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current national crisis in Higher Education in South Africa, set against the backdrop of a corrupt national government incapable of providing any leadership in this regard, compels philosophers to undertake an incisive analysis of our present, a task that has always been a crucial and inherent part of philosophical discourse. The formidable nature of such diagnostics of the present forces one to try to make sense of the senseless violence, the irrational politics, and the disintegration of society that typify our time. In an attempt to devise sense, the article starts out with a thought experiment of sorts, in which our country, South Africa finds herself on the proverbial psychoanalyst's coach in discussion with the author-therapist. In the course of the therapy session, Freud's well-known dream scenario comes up about the dead child whose shroud caught fire and the dream that the parent had following the tragic incident. In this essay, the dream with its burn-motif is linked to the prevailing conditions in South Africa, which newspaper headings describe as a country burning with rage. In an attempt to make sense of the present, the Freudian dream is first and foremost closely analysed from a Lacanian perspective. In contrast to Freud's contention that all dreams are wish fulfilments, Lacan argues that it is not the dream that offers an escape from the reality of the child's passing. In actual fact, the child's terrible accusation in the dream that the parent had failed him/her while still alive was experienced as far worse than the actual death of the child. It is the same accusation seen in the eyes of our children having fallen by the wayside, going hungry, burning to death in their shacks, left behind and to their own devices. The essay continues by investigating why the fury of the youth is so fervent at this particular historical juncture. This line of investigation puts the author on Mbembe's track, specifically his contention that the fundamental question regarding the restoration of social bonds that had been destroyed by human trafficking (slave trade) and endless wars has been neglected by the postcolonial discourse on the identity of the African subject. Instead the African subject has primarily been conceived as passive victim of forces beyond his/her control. This has divided African societies against themselves and it opened the way for Africans to participate in the victimization of their own people. Throughout the blame had been laid before the door of the external Other while failing to acknowledge the repressed trauma of the original fratricide, which played an important part in the slave trade. It is argued that the repressed trauma is the reason why the present trauma of the born-free generation has led to so much fervent protest and violence. What is being repressed is the fact that the African subject has not only been violated by European imperialism, but also by his/her own people in the form of African slave traders and more recently a self-elected government in blind pursuit of selfenrichment rather than the empowerment of its citizens. If the born-free generation is indeed subject to an original trauma to which all subsequent traumas owe their impact or amplified potency, and which results in irrational, emotionally driven reactions, how can we possibly hope for an outcome that is not predetermined by the same regressive spiral of us and them, of violator and victim? The author turns to Lacan in the hope of finding an answer to this question. Lacan is adamant that a minimum yet recalcitrant measure of choice remains at our disposal, which is capable of breaking the chain of historical predestination. In the end it is found that this supposed freedom of choice is anything but a straightforward or simple solution to the dilemma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research was partially take reference by Edward Said in his Orientalism in 1978 have criticized the Orientalists which he said was biased against Western thought and culture, Orientalist studies of the Al-Qur’an, we could divide them into two general categories, the first group “old” Orientalism (Orientalism “The Past”). This paradigm shift occurred from philological approach, criticism of the text of the Al-Qur’an to approach literature; study the Al-Qur’an in the Western world in recent years is very widespread and growing. In contrast to previous studies in the past were very much influenced by the spirit of colonialism, and orientalism misionarisme, study the Al-Qur’an in recent years shows an understanding and appreciation of intellectual property