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Copyright of Mevzu is the property of Ali Sever and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The story of Moses and Khidr has been told and conveyed many times, with partial differences, by writers and poets in different centuries and different geographies. The short poem of 58 couplets recorded in the name of Kerim in the Süleymaniye Library Bagdatlı Vehbi Efendi Collection number 1616-002, which constitutes the main subject of the article, can also be considered as a variant of this story. The poem begins with Moses wanting to know "justice that looks like cruelty". Thereupon, Moses witnesses some events that happened to three people in a fountain: A horseman comes to the fountain and forgets his purse there. A child comes and takes the purse home. When the horseman returns, he sees a blind man and asks for his purse. They argue, the cavalry kills the blind man. With the revelation, the following is understood: The child's father worked for a while with the cavalry and died before receiving his money. The purse contains the child's father's salary. The blind man killed the horseman's father before he became blind. A cavalryman killing a blind person means retaliation. The story gives the following messages: The servant cannot always understand God's justice with reason and comparison, many things that appear to be cruelty are actually God's just judgment. Kerim states that he took this story, which is similar to the story of Moses- Khidr(?) with its fictional structure and the messages it carries, from Câmî's Subhatu'l-Ebrar. However, it has been seen that the story was also mentioned in Jewish holy texts before this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to identify the primary objectives of the narratives found in extensive passages of the Qur'an. These narratives primarily serve to guide and enlighten individuals. Moreover, they demonstrate that Islam and its principles are not new phenomena but rather a continuation of the teachings of previous prophets. The narratives aim to recount historical events, and to take a consideration for present and future generations. These narratives also provide a brief history of the ongoing struggle between belief and disbelief, and emphasize the consistent nature of human behavior in this struggle through different ages. By emphasizing the existence, unity, and omnipotence of Allah, these narratives provide evidence that Muhammad, who conveyed them through revelation without prior knowledge of past prophets and communities, is indeed the Messenger of Allah. This study aims to explain the main purposes of these Qur'anic narratives, which are dispersed throughout various works, and to explore why narratives are so prevalent in the Qur'an. The Qur'an functions as the primary source for this study, supplemented by narrative materials from classical tafsir and sirah sources, as well as modern literature. The main objectives of the Qur'anic narratives are presented in bullet points for clarity. The study reveals that, these narratives serve various other purposes in addition to its offering of advice and lessons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Islamic Civilization Studies / İslam Medeniyeti Araştırmaları Dergisi (IMAD) is the property of Islam Medeniyeti Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Academic Social Resources is the property of Journal of Academic Social Resources and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bu çalışmada Kafkasya ve özellikle Güney Kafkasya’nın Azerbaycan coğrafyasına ait klasik ve modern Tefsir kaynaklarında zikredilen olay ve yerlerin tespit ve tahlili yapılmıştır. Bu konunun temellenmesi için öncelikli olarak bölge tarihi ile ilgili kaynaklar taranıp literatür tespitinde bulunulmuştur. Yapılan araştırmalar sonucunda Kur’ân tarihine dair kırâat ilmi ile alakalı olarak zikredilen birtakım olayların Azerbaycan bölgesinde meydana geldiği görülmüştür. Yine kaynaklarda ayetlerin tefsiri yapılırken coğrafyaya ilişkin cereyan eden birtakım hususlara da değinildiği tespit edilmiştir. Kur’ân kıssaları bağlamında kaynaklara bakıldığında Kehf sûresinde anlatılan Zülkarneyn kıssasındaki Ye’cüc ve Me’cüc’ün zulmüne karşılık bölge halkının isteği üzere Zülkarneyn’in inşa ettiği seddin yüksek ihtimalle bu coğrafyada bulunduğu görülür. Bir görüşe göre “Ashâbü’r-ress” isimli topluluğun, Azerbaycan bölgesinde yaşamış ve peygamberlerini öldürmüş bir kavim oldukları ve peygamberlerini dinlemedikleri için cezalandırıldıkları şeklinde rivâyet de mevcuttur. Ayrıca Kur’ân’da Hızır-Mûsa kıssasına bağlı olarak zikredilen “Mecmau’l-Bahreyn” ile ilgili zikredilen birtakım rivâyetler de bu bölge ile ilişkilendirilmektedir. Sonuç olarak bu çalışmada klasik ve modern dönem kaynaklar üzerinden Kafkasya-Azerbaycan bölgesinde vuku bulan olay ve mekânlara dair rivâyetler incelenmiş, söz konusu coğrafyanın Tefsir ilmi literatüründeki önemi ortaya konmuştur.

Copyright of Journal of Islamic Civilization Studies / İslam Medeniyeti Araştırmaları Dergisi (IMAD) is the property of Islam Medeniyeti Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When the works of historicists are examined, it is clearly seen that they were influenced by western critics and orientalists, as well as the ancient batinis in the Islamic world. In essence, just as western critics were influenced by the esoteric interpretation of Origenes (d.253-254), historicists seemed to be reviving the path of the ancient batinis in the Islamic world. Phenomena such as heaven, hell, angels and jinn are symbols, the Quran is a human word, the stories of the Quran are not experienced realities, the provisions of the Quran are universal in the sense of being "valid at all times and for everyone". Those ideas are some of the similarities between the two groups that could be given as an example in this regard. However, the lack of a study revealing the relationship between historicists and the bâtınîtes and evaluating the fictional historicist method of exegesis in this context is an important deficiency on the subject. Therefore, it was deemed appropriate to investigate this issue in order to eliminate this deficiency and to create a basis for future studies on the subject. For this purpose, in the first part of the article, two groups were compared in terms of sources, methods and opinions and an evaluation was made about this. In the second part, it is examined whether the historicist method of exegesis in accordance with the Qur'an in the context of esotericism. Since the Qur'an contains many subjects that are not included in the culture of the Arabian Peninsula - and therefore cannot be counted as historical - it has been seen that it is not possible to apply this method of tafsir to the Qur'an. In addition, historicism's treatment of verses with an approach that is contrary to the Qur'an, such as the humanity of the Qur'an, contradicts the teachings of the Qur'an. The tafsir method of the historicists, who could not stay away from the esoteric interpretation style due to the method they followed, turned the Qur'an into a distorting word full of contradictions, legends and esoteric meanings rather than a guiding word. Therefore, it is clear that historicism, which we can define as modern esotericism, is a style of explanation contrary to the spirit of the Qur'an for these and similar reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bu makalenin merkezinde İbn Lehîʻa isimli meşhur bir râvi vardır. Nesebi Abdullah b. Lehîʻa b. Ukbe el-Mısrî şeklinde kaydedilen İbn Lehî‘a’ya ilk dönem cerh-ta‘dil kaynaklarında ve musannef eserlerde sıkça rastlamak mümkündür. Ancak, özellikle hadis rivayetleri ve ricâl tenkidi açısından bakıldığında genellikle ondan olumsuz olarak bahsedilir. Söz gelimi onun cerh-taʻdil durumu hakkında yer alan ifadeler arasında kendisinin zayıf olduğu, hadisinin delil olarak kullanılmaya uygun olmadığı, kuvvetli bir râvi sayılmadığı veya buna yakın anlatımların yaygınlık kazandığı ve onun çoğunlukla cerh edildiği dikkat çekmektedir. Yine bu alanın uzmanı sayılan önde gelen bazı âlimlerin “Ondan bir harf bile alma!”, “Ondan az ya da çok, asla hadis almam!”, gibi cümlerle kendisinden ve rivayetlerinden uzak durulması konusunda uyarılarda bulunduklarını görmekteyiz. Bununla birlikte onun hakkında övgü dolu sözler söyleyen âlimlerimizin de olduğunu, yine ilk dönem rical kaynaklarından ve bunlara atıf yapan son dönem akademik çalışmalarından öğrenebilmekteyiz. Mesela, İbn Lehî‘a’nın birinci el kaynaklara sahip olduğu, sırf onunla karşılaşmak için defalarca hacca gidenlerin bile bulunduğu; hafızasının çok güçlü olduğu, Mısır’ın muhaddisi denilince onun akla geldiği gibi övgü dolu sözlerin muhatabı da aynı İbn Lehîʻa’dır. Onun hakkındaki bu iki farklı yaklaşım, İbn Lehî‘a’nın durumunun her yönüyle ve tarafsız bir gözle yeniden ortaya konulmasının faydalı olacağını göstermektedir. Onu önyargılardan uzak ve tarafsız bir şekilde tanımanın yolu ise kendisine daha yakından bakmak ve yetiştiği çevreye odaklanmaktır diye düşünüyoruz. Buna binaen bu makalede İbn Lehî‘a’nın yaşadığı coğrafya, o bölgedeki yaygın medreseler ve ilmî hayat kısaca ele alınmaya çalışılmıştır. Bunu yapmaktaki amacımız, yaşadığı coğrafyada ve yüzyılda zaman zaman Sünnî-Şiî fikir ayrılıklarının hüküm sürdüğü, itikadî taassupların yaşandığı ve genellikle sâkin bir ilmî ortamın bulunmadığı bir çevrede yetişen İbn Lehî‘a hakkında verilen hükümlerin tarafsız olup olmadığı konusunda ipuçları elde etmeye çalışmaktır. Onun yaşadığı Mısır bölgesi, erken dönemlerden itibaren sahabenin sıkça uğradığı, özellikle hadis-fıkıh ve tarih ilimleri açısından yoğun bir ilmî mesâinin ortaya konulduğu bir yer olarak dikkat çekmektedir. Sahabeden Mısır’a yerleşen veya oraya bir şekilde uğrayan kişiler arasında şu isimlerin ön planda olduğu söylenebilir: Hz. Ömer, Hz. Osman, Ebû Eyyûb el-Ensârî, Ebû Hüreyre, İbn Abbas, Ammâr b. Yâsir, Amr b. el- s, Abdullah b. Ömer, Abdullah b. Amr b. el- s, ez-Zübeyr b. el-Avvâm, Sa‘d b. Ebî Vakkâs, Ubâde b. es-Sâmit, Câbir b. Abdillah el-Ensârî, Hâtıb b. Ebî Belta‘a, Ebü’d-Derdâ, Ebû Zer el-Ğifârî, Dıhye b. Halife el-Kelbî, Muâviye b. Ebî Süfyân, Muğîre b. Şu‘be, Mikdâd b. el-Esved, Abdullah b. Huzâfe, Abdullah b. ez-Zübeyr b. el-Avvâm, Râfi‘ b. Mâlik, Seleme b. el-Ekvâ‘, Sehl b. Sa‘d es-Sâ‘idî, Şürahbîl b. Hasene, Sıla b. el-Hâris el-Ğifârî, Abdullah b. Hâris b. Cez’ ez-Zübeydî, Abdullah b. Sa‘d b. Ebî Serh, Abdurrahman b. Ebî Bekr es-Sıddîk, Ukbe b. mir el-Cühenî, Muhammed b. Mesleme. Bu isimler arasında ise daha çok Abdullah b. Amr b. el- s’ın Mısır’ın ilmî faaliyetlerine yön verdiği anlaşılmaktadır. İşte sahabe döneminden itibaren ilmî, fikrî, itikadî, siyasî ve sosyal açılardan büyük bir hareketliliğe sahne olan Mısır coğrafyasının İbn Lehîʻa üzerindeki etkilerini araştırmak onun daha yakından tanınmasına yardımcı olabilecektir. Türkçe literatürde İbn Lehî‘a’nın yaşadığı hicrî ikinci asırdaki ilmî ortamı ele alan çalışmaların yeterli sayıda olmaması ve yapılacak yeni araştırmaların, onun daha iyi tanınmasına vesile olacağı düşüncesi böyle bir makalenin ortaya çıkmasını sağlamıştır. Kendisiyle ilgili yapılan diğer çalışmalardan farklı olarak bu makale daha çok, İbn Lehî‘a’nın yetiştiği dönemde Mısır’daki ilmî muhiti ve biraz da etkin medreseleri incelemektedir. Çalışmamız sonunda İbn Lehî‘a’nın yaşadığı çağda Mısır’ın siyasî, kültürel ve ilmî bakımdan oldukça hareketli olduğu; özellikle tarih, fıkıh ve kıssa/vaaz medreselerinin yoğun bir faaliyet icra ettiği sonucuna varılmıştır.

One of the most debated problems in the history of philosophy is the problem of evil. Since classical times, philosophers have started to think about evil, a phenomenon that exists in the world and that almost everyone encounters. With questions such as why there is evil in the world we live in or how we can deal with evil, the problem of evil began to be examined philosophically. However, this is not only unique to the history of philosophy, it is also a topic of discussion that religions with a tradition of revelation have dealt with. Religions such as Judaism, especially Christianity and Islām have to some extent dealt with this problem. The means by which these religions respond to this problem is different from that of philosophical explanation, in which the process of reasoning and each philosopher's own logical process is heavily involved. Philosophers have tried to explain evil within the framework of neo-platonism and argued that it is actually the absence of goodness. While matter takes its most concrete form at the lowest levels, it moves far away from the good. Therefore, distancing from the perfect brings evil. Scholastics and Islāmic theologians, on the other hand, have tried to show that the evil in the world is not incompatible and contradictory with the existence of God by providing explanations that are partially in line with the doctrine of their religion. These theologians sometimes went beyond the framework of the doctrine and carried their reasoning tools quite far. Philosophers and theologians have tried to act according to the religious tradition to which they belonged in offering some solutions to this problem. Nevertheless, they did not always take the religious tradition into consideration when providing these answers and often tried to produce philosophical answers. In the modern period, the problem of evil has been seen as the soft belly of the Abrahamic religions. Since the seventeenth century, it has become one of the strongest atheistic arguments and has been used intensively today. Academically, this issue has generally been dealt with within the framework of philosophy of religion. It seems possible to say that a Qur'an-oriented study is relatively rare compared to the philosophical one. Therefore, in this study, the researcher has tried to focus on some Qur'anic verses that can be associated with the problem of evil and to show the relationship between the concepts used in the Qur'an in this context. He then discusses whether some of the Qur'anic parables can be evaluated within the framework of theodicy. In addition, the researcher has tried to reveal the differences between the arguments and style in the Qur'an and philosophical theodicy, also called systematic theodicy, throughout this study.

In spite of being mentioned just once in the Qur'an, the parable of Dhu al-Qarnain is one of the most commented on stories. The story is interpreted many times since it has full of scenery that forces human willpower. The multiplicity and variety of narrations in exegesis is another effect that increases interpretations. In this article, a general ordering of controversies based on comments and variety of narrations about the parable is presented not to deal with the reasons, but no opinion is given about them. Certain words in related verses are examined in terms of the context so that the parable is understood and ensured more reasonably. Thus, it is seen that a real portrait section is presented with the parable. Henceforth, the methods of Dhu al-Qarnain on dawah, invitation, contract law, management, and constructional activities is examined. Besides, the results of the message, which is the main purpose of the parable, is analyzed. It is seen that his method can always be used due to the universality of the message. On the other hand, it is understood that human knowledge is limited as God is allknowing, thus our comments are subjective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ismail Konevi, who was one of the scientists who grew up in the last periods of the Ottoman Empire and who made a name for himself with his works in different fields, is among the important sources with his work of hashiyah on Bezavi's commentary. His scientific studies have not gone unnoticed by the notables of the palace, as he has been one of the indispensable figures of the scientific meetings in the palace. In this study, we discussed one aspect of his tafsir, the analysis of the parable of Ashab al-Kahf. The story attracted people's attention and became the subject of research due to the fact that it mentions an unusual event. The place where the incident took place, who the young people were and how long they fell asleep still remain a mystery. The Qur'an does not dwell too much on such details because it focuses on the essence of the issue. The details on the subject consist mostly of information based on interpretation. The main issue that needs to be focused on is the fearless struggle of the young people and the fact that this event is evidence that the doomsday will definitely occur. It is seen that Konavi also complied with this style of the Qur'an and used remarkable expressions in his analyses. Although he goes into details from time to time, it can be said that he reveals a more succinct narrative that we have mentioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Van Journal of Divinity / Van Ilahiyat Dergisi is the property of Ilahiyat Fakultesi, Yuzuncu Yil University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Kur'an-ı Kerimdeki kıssalar ilahi hedef ve amaç doğrultusunda, Kur'an'a özgü bir üslup ile aktarılmıştır. Kur'an kıssalarında bazı hususlar mübhem bırakılarak açıklanmamıştır. Kıssaların konu edildiği ayetler tefsir edilirken öncelikle Kur'an, sünnet ve sahabenin kavillerine müracaat edilerek ayetlerdeki belirsizlik giderilmeye çalışılmıştır. Müfessirler kıssaların anlatımında boşlukların doldurulması ve mübhem bırakılan hususların aydınlatılması amacıyla zikrettiğimiz temel kaynaklar dışında başka kaynaklara da bakma ihtiyacı hissetmişlerdir. Resulullah'ın (sav) İsrail oğullarından bilgi aktarımına müsaade eden hadislerini temel alan müfessirler Ehl-i kitabın kaynaklarından da alıntılar yapılmışlardır. Bu şekilde alıntılanan bilgilerde İslam’ın değerleri ile çelişmeme prensibi temel şart olarak belirlenmesine rağmen bu uygulama pek çok yanlış malumat ve hurafenin tefsirlere girmesine neden olmuştur. Mâturîdî'nin yaşadığı döneme gelindiğinde ise pek çok müfessirin İsrâîliyyât kavramı ile tanımlanan bu tür bilgileri Kur'an kıssalarının anlaşılmasında yardımcı malzeme olarak kullandıkları görülmektedir. Mâturîdî çok yönlü ilmi kişiliği ile tanınan, tefsirde dirayet yönü öne çıkmakla birlikte rivayeti de sık sık kullanan bir müfessirdir. Tefsirindeki muhakeme gücünü sebebiyle onun Te’vîlâtu’l-Kur’ân'ı dirayet türü tefsirlerin en önemlileri arasında sayılmıştır. Mantık örgüsünün kuvvetine rağmen Mâturîdî de çağdaşı müfessirlerle benzer kaynaklardan istifade ederek Te’vîlât'ı yazmıştır. Onun çağdaşları ile benzer kaynakları kullanması, Te’vîlât'ta söz konusu hurafelere yer verme ihtimalini akla getirmektedir. Bu bağlamda, İsrâîliyyât temelli haberlerin Mâturîdî tarafından kullanılıp kullanılmadığı sorusu cevap beklemektedir. İsrâîlî kaynaklardan faydalanmama durumunda onun kıssaların tevili için ne tür bir yol izlediği de cevaplanması gereken bir diğer sorudur. Mâturîdî, kendinden sonraki müfessirlerin pek çoğunu etkilemiş, dönemindeki birikimi sonraki nesillere aktarmış, yaşadığı dönem ile sonrası arasında köprü olmuş bir alimdir. Bu sebeple onun Kur'an kıssalarını tevilde esas aldığı kaynakların tespiti, sonraki nesillere aktardığı bilginin değerinin belirginleşmesi açısından önemlidir.

In the Qur’an, many subjects are covered in the stories. One of the subjects in these stories is worldly goods. The test of man with world property is as old as the history of humanity. The test of man with worldly goods is as old as human history. The common point of these verses is that the worldly goods created for humans turn out not as means but as an end for some people. In Surah al-Kahf 18/32-44, the parable covers all the related verses of worldly property. In this group of verses, the destruction of the property of a person with a fertile, large land after he claims superiority over his friend is narrated. Since the people, place, and time in the parable are ambiguous, it is possible that the same parable may happen again in any place at any time. In this study, we found it appropriate to examine the parable in the relevant verses separately. While doing our study, we first defined the parable. Afterwards, we tried to analyze the verses in accordance with both the order of the Mushaf and the time course of the event. During this research, we benefited from explanatory verses and hadiths, applied consulted tafsir sources and used of dictionaries for word explanations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The events and places described in classical and modern Tafsīr texts related to the Azerbaijan geography of the Caucasus, particularly the South Caucasus, are identified and examined in this study. First and foremost, documents relating to the history of the region are scanned, and the literature is determined. As a result of the research, it is discovered that some of the events listed in the history of the Qur'ān linked to the science of qirā'āt occurred in the Azerbaijan region. It has also been established that several geographical difficulties are stated while interpreting the verses in the commentaries on the Qur'ān. When we look at the sources in the context of the kisas/stories of the Qur'ān, it is seen that the great wall built by Dhūl-Qarnayn at the request of the people of the region, in response to the oppression of Gog and Magog (Yājūj wa-Mājūj) in the kissa of Dhūl-Qarnayn in the chapter of al-Kahf, was most likely occurred in this geography. According to one interpretation, the "Ashāb al-Rass" group was a people that resided in the Azerbaijan region and murdered their prophets before being punished for not listening to their prophets. Furthermore, several narrations regarding "Mejma' al-Bahrayn" referenced in the Qur'ān depending on the kissa of (Khıdır)-Mūsā is linked to the region. In this study, the narrations concerning events and places in the Caucasus-Azerbaijan region are analyzed through classical and modern sources, and the significance of the stated geography in Tafsīr literature is shown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bu çalışmada İsrâiliyat’ın çerçevesine dâhil edilebileceğini düşündüğümüz rivayetler hakkında Mâtürîdî’nin ne düşündüğü, söz konusu rivayetlere karşı tefsirinde nasıl bir yaklaşım sergilediği ele alınmaya çalışılmıştır. Son asırda Mâtürîdî hakkında birçok çalışma yapılmış olmasına rağmen yaptığımız araştırmalara göre onun İsrâiliyat hakkındaki yaklaşımını kuşatıcı şekilde ele alan, kategorize eden ve örneklendiren bir çalışma bulunmamaktadır. Bazı çalışmalarda Mâtürîdî’nin tefsirinde İsrâilî olduğu düşünülerek yer verilen rivayetler birkaç başlık altında tasnif edilmeye çalışılmışsa da bu tasnifin yeterli olduğunu söylemek kanaatimizce mümkün değildir. Bu çalışmalarda İsrâiliyat olarak aktarılan örnekler, görebildiğimiz kadarıyla Mâtürîdî’nin ya eleştirdiği ya sükût ettiği ya da doğru olup olmadığı bilinemez dediği rivayetlerden oluşmaktadır. Dolayısıyla İsrâiliyat çerçevesine dâhil edilebilecek bir rivayeti Mâtürîdî’nin ayetlerin anlaşılmasında yardımcı unsur olarak kullandığına dair bir örneğe söz konusu çalışmalarda yer verilmemiştir. Mâtürîdî hakkında yapılan bazı çalışmalarda onun İsrâiliyat hakkındaki düşüncesine kısmen değinilmiş olsa da özel olarak İsrâiliyat’ın konu edildiği, hassaten İsrâiliyat’ın tarihçesinin belirlenmeye çalışıldığı araştırmalarda Mâtürîdî’nin sürece dâhil edilmediği görülmektedir. Mâtürîdî geçmiş toplumlar, peygamberler hakkında sadece Kur’an’da yer alan bilgilere veya Hz. Peygamber’e aidiyeti kesin olan rivayetlere itibar edilmesi gerektiğini belirtir. Ona göre geçmiş ümmetlerle ilgili bu iki kaynaktan gelen bilgiler Hz. Peygamber’in peygamberliğini ispat etmektedir. Bu iki kaynak dışında nakledilen bilgilerin önceki ümmetlerin kitaplarında yer alan bilgilerle çelişmesi ise o dinlere mensup insanların Hz. Peygamber’in peygamberliğini kabul etmemesine neden olur. Dolayısıyla böyle olumsuz bir durumun ortaya çıkmaması için ayetlerin izahında bu tarz rivayetlerden kaçınmak gerekir. İsrâiliyat kavramını kullanmasa da bu tarz ifadelerinden dolayı Mâtürîdî’nin İsrâiliyat hakkında değerlendirmeler yaptığı, teorik olarak İsrâiliyat’a karşı çıktığı söylenebilir. Mâtürîdî’nin bu konuda Mu‘tezilî âlim Ebu Bekir el-Esam’a yapmış olduğu bazı atıflar da, onun İsrâiliyat hakkındaki yaklaşımının oluşmasında Esam’ın etkisinin olabileceğini akla getirmektedir. Bu çalışma, Mâtürîdî’nin Te’vîlâtü’l-Kur’ân adlı eserinde yukarıda teorik olarak çerçevesi anlatılmaya çalışılan yaklaşım tarzı ile kıssaların anlatıldığı ayetlerin izahında yer verdiği, İsrâiliyat kaynaklı olabileceğini düşündüğümüz rivayetler üzerinden gerçekleştirilmiştir. Çalışmada Mâtürîdî’nin İsrâiliyat’a yer verip vermemesi hakkında doğru-yanlış, iyi-kötü şeklinde bir yargıya varmaktan ziyade, Te’vîlât özelinde iç tutarlılığın olup olmadığı üzerinde değerlendirmelerde bulunulmuştur. Mâtürîdî’nin tefsirinde yer verdiği İsrâilî olabileceğini düşündüğümüz rivayetler beş başlık altında kategorize edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Böylelikle de onun pratik anlamda İsrâiliyat’a yaklaşımı tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. İlk başlık altında Mâtürîdî’nin ayetin izahında istifade ettiği düşünülen örnekler yer verilmiştir. Söz konusu örnekler kanaatimizce çok fazla olmasa da Mâtürîdî’nin, tefsirinde ayetlerin izahında istifade etmek amacıyla İsrâiliyat’a yer verdiğini göstermektedir. Dolayısıyla bu örnekler Mâtürîdî’nin İsrâiliyat’ı tamamen reddetmediğini göstermektedir. Aynı zamanda bu örneklerin varlığı İsrâiliyat konusunda Te’vîlât’ta teorinin pratiğe tam manasıyla mutabık olmadığını göstermektedir. Te’vilât’taki bu durumu kanaatimizce Mâtürîdî’nin tefsir-te’vil teorisiyle izah etmekte de mümkün gözükmemektedir. İkinci başlık altında ise Mâtürîdî’nin naklettikten sonra hiçbir değerlendirmede bulunmadığı rivayetlere yer verilmiştir. Bu örnekler onun söz konusu rivayetleri tamamen benimsediği anlamına gelmese de sükût etmesi zımnen de olsa ayetlerin bu rivayetler çerçevesinde anlaşılmasının mahzurlu olmayacağını ima ettiği anlamına gelmektedir. Nakletmeden bilmeye gerek yok dediği ve eleştirdiği rivayetlere yer verilen üçüncü ve dördüncü başlıklar altında ele alınan örnekler onun bu rivayetleri tasvib etmediğini göstermektedir.

In this article we will focus on a famous rawī, named Ibn Lahīʿa. It is possible to find Ibn Lahīʿa, whose lineage is mentioned as ʿAbd Allah ibn Lahīʿa b. ʿUqba al-Miṣrī, frequently in early jarḥ-taʿdīl sources and muṣannaf works. But, especially from the view of ḥāadīth narrations and rijāl criticism, he is often mentioned negatively. For example, among the statements about his jarḥ-taʿdīl status, we find such expressions as "He is ḍaʻīf (weak).", "He is ḍaʻīf al-ḥadīth.", "His ḥadīths do not qualify to be used as evidence.", "He is not qawī." or similar expressions which have become widespread, and he is mostly considered majrūḥ. Also, we can see that some prominent scholars who are considered experts in this field said about him, "Do not even take a letter from him!", and "More or less, I never take ḥadīths from him!" and they have warned us to stay away from him and his ḥadīths. However, we can learn from the rijāl sources of the first period and the recent academic studies about him that there are also scholars who say laudatory words about him. For instance, the addressee of these laudatory words is the same person: "Ibn Lahîʻa has first-hand sources."; "There are even those who go on pilgrimages many times just to meet him."; "His memory was solid."; "When someone says the muḥaddith of Egypt, he comes to mind." These two different approaches about him show that it would be useful to reestablish Ibn Lahīʿa's situation in all aspects and with an unbiased eye. We think that the way to get to know him in a way that is free from prejudice and impartial is to take a closer look at him and focus on the environment in which he grew up. Therefore, in this article, the geography of Ibn Lahīʿa's life, the widespread madrasas, and the scholarly life in that region have been briefly discussed. Our aim in doing this is to try to get clues about whether the provisions given about Ibn Lahīʿa, who grew up in an environment where Sunni-Shiite differences of opinion reigned, where fanaticism of faith occurred quite a lot in the geography and century where he lived, where there were sectarian bigotries and mostly there was no calm scholarly environment. From the earliest periods, the region of Egypt, the geography in which he lived, attracted attention as a place where the ṣahaba often visited, especially in terms of ḥadīth, fiqh, and history of Islam, where there is an intensive scholarly working environment. It is safe to say that the following names are at the forefront among ṣahaba who were residents in Egypt or passed through it at any time: ʿUthmān, Abū Ayyūb al-Ansārī, Abū Hurayra, Ibn ʿAbbās, ʿAmmār b. Yāsir, ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, al-Zubayr b. al-ʿAwwām, Saʿd b. Abū Waqqāṣ, ʿUbāda b. al-Ṣāmit, Jābir b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Anṣārī, Khāṯīb b. Abū Baltaʿa, Abū al-Dardā, Abū Ḏar al-Ghifārī, Diḥyah b. Khalīfa al-Kalbī, Muʿāwiya b. Abū Sufyān, Mughīra b. Shuʿba, Miqdād b. al-Aswad, ʿAbd Allāh b. Khuzāfa, ʿAbd Allāh b. al-Zubayr b. al-ʿAwwām, Rāfiʿ b . M ālik, S alama b . a l-Akwaʿ, Sahl b. Saʿd al-Sāʿidī, Shuraḥbil b. Ḥasana, Sila b. al-Haris al-Ghifari, ʿAbd Allāh b. Ḥārith b. Caz' al-Zubaydī, ʿAbd Allāh b. Saʿd b. Abū Sarh, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Abū Bakr al-Ṣiddīq, ʿUqba b. ʿAmir al-Juhanī, Muḥammad b. Maslama. Among these names, it appears that ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ mainly directs the scholarly activities of Egypt. Here, an investigation of the effects of Egyptian geography on Ibn Lahīʿa, which has been the scene of mobility in scientific, intellectual, religious, political, and social aspects since the time of the ṣahaba, will be able to help us to get to know him more closely. The fact that there are not enough studies in the Turkish literature that deals with the scholarly environment in the second century of the Hijra in which Ibn Lahīʿa lived and the idea that new research to be done will lead to better recognition of him have led to the emergence of the present article. Unlike other studies conducted on him, this article mainly examines the scientific district and somewhat influential madrasas in Egypt during Ibn Lahīʿa's upbringing. The present study shows that Egypt was very dynamic city politically, culturally, and scientifically in the age of Ibn Lahīʿa; especially that madrasas of history, fiqh, and story/preaching carried out an intensive activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ULUM Journal of Religious Inquiries is the property of ULUM Journal of Religious Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Translations of the Qur'an have an important place in conveying the meaning of the Qur'an. In this context, the Qur'an has been translated into different languages since ancient times. In terms of Turkish translations, it is seen that there has been a significant increase in the number of translations, especially in recent years. Depending on this increase, there is a diversity in translation approaches. In addition to the literal translations, the annotated translations also gained popularity in this process. The reflection of the point of view and way of thinking of the owner of the translation on the explanations in such translations has brought some problems in the translation. In this case, the translations, whose main purpose should be to bring the meanings of the Qur'an together with the reader, have also been the scene of prejudiced and ideological interpretations. In this study, the rationalist approach, which is one such approach encountered in translations, is discussed. First of all, concepts such as translation and rationalist were emphasized, then the narratives of the Qur'an and the reality of the narratives were mentioned. Finally, the rationalist approaches in these translations have been exemplified, and this approach has been evaluated by selecting the prominent ones on this subject, especially among the translations published in our country in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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İsrâiliyat meselesi, genelde tarih özelde ise tefsir sahasının dikkat çekici konularından birisidir. Özellikle Sünnî tefsir geleneğinde ilk dönemlerden itibaren, İsrâiliyat alanına giren bilgilerin Kur’an’ın bazı konularının açıklanmasında kullanıldığı görülmektedir. İsrâiliyat bağlamında aktarılan hususların, güvenilir olması, tefsir çalışmalarında yer bulması, dinî düşünceye olan tesiri gibi hususlar belirli dönemlerde tartışmaya açılmış ve bu çerçevede pek çok araştırma yapılmıştır. Bununla birlikte Şiî tefsir geleneğinde İsrâiliyat’ın kullanımı konusunda hangi yaklaşımların ortaya çıktığı ve bu hususta nasıl bir tavır sergilendiği ise bu zamana kadar bir çalışma konusu olmamıştır. Hüseyin Zamur da Şîa Tefsirinde İsrâiliyat başlıklı eseriyle bu alanda ilk olabilecek bir çalışmaya imza atmıştır. Zamur, eserinde Şîa tefsir edebiyatının ön plana çıkan müfessirlerini dikkate alarak onların İsrâiliyat kabilinden olan bilgileri nasıl kullandıkları ve yaklaşımlarının ne olduğunu ortaya koymuştur. Zamur’un bu eseri, Şîa tefsir geleneğinde İsrâiliyat kaynaklı bilgilerin kullanımı, bu alana dair yaklaşımlarını bütüncül bir perspektiften ele alması itibariylehatırı bir sayılır bir çalışma olarak değerlendirmek mümkündür.

Hadith/Sunnah material is discussed in studies from different perspectives. Some of these are culture-oriented studies. While observing technical hadithism, these approaches which focus on a point other than that, examine the social impact of hadith. This study aims to deal with the mythological elements in fabricated hadiths with the aforementioned method. The Quran and authentic hadith/sunnah are excluded from this study. Though the issue of fabricated hadiths and mythology is ambiguous at first glance, when we investigate the Mawdhu’ hadiths books, one of the narrative methods used by the storytellers and zindiqs is the tales of the ancients. This creates the need to examine the mythical effect on the two groups mentioned. For this reason, in this article, fabricated narratives about animals, strange creatures and giants has been examined and compared with mythological elements. The fabricated narrations at the center of this research were attained from Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya’s (d. 751/1350) al-Manar al-Munif, Ibn 'Arraq al-Kinani’s (d. 963/1556) Tanzih al-Sharia, Ali al-Qari’s (d. 1014/1605) al-Masnu fi Marifat al-Hadith al-Mawdu also known as al-Mawzuats al-sugra. Different works were used to determine the mythological elements. At the beginning of the article, the method of the research was declared, and this part is also a method proposal for similar studies. The essence of the method used in the study is to put the belief of oneness (tawhid) and Islam in the center and to evaluate other cultural accumulation and beliefs from this perspective. Because Islam is the common name of a belief system that starts from Prophet Adam and continues with the succession of Prophets, it is temporally prior to all ideological and intellectual accumulations. For this reason, Islam is the original, while the others are elements that either resemble it or are formed by its distortion. This is one of the issues that should be emphasized in the context of the hadith-culture relationship. Even though people’s milieu, time, place and thoughts are different from each other, it can be said that they have similarities owing to the existing features in their nature. This truth is sufficient to give us an idea in the context of the narratives about the “sacred”. In this case, it is quite natural that there are common elements between fabricated narratives and human-made mythologies. As a matter of fact, in our research, it has been observed that there are mythical elements in fabricated hadiths. Throughout the research, similar and divergent elements were observed in the mythologies and fabricated hadiths of nations living in very different geographies. It is possible to explain the similarities in the narratives with the human element. Because people are similar in their weaknesses and perfections. It is possible to explain the divergences in terms of geography and culture. As a matter of fact, it is beyond the explanation that people in different environments will have different lifestyles and that they will create a cultural accumulation by centering the assets located in the center of their own geographies. In this case, just as it is natural for an Arab living in the desert to have a camel in the center of his life and to derive these animal-centered beliefs, it is quite natural for a citizen of a geography adjacent to the sea, like Ancient Greece, to derive beliefs and myths centered on marine assets. In this case, it is a significant issue to examine the geography and culture they live in for the analysis of the people who fabricate hadiths and the narrations they fabricated. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to give importance to interdisciplinary studies. Therefore, examining the tribes and towns to which the fabricators are attributed, based on the works of geographers, will have an important function in understanding and interpreting the fabrications in the Mawdhu’ hadiths works. Based on all of these, it is possible to say the following: Although geographies and beliefs differ, the human race that creates history by living it has similarities in any case. For this reason, it is natural that there is intercultural interaction, similarity of beliefs, situations that cause fear and joy to remind each other. Examining these provides a useful material for hadith and culture researchers to understand and interpret the people and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tasavvur: Tekirdag Theology Journal / Tekirdag Ilahiyat Dergisi is the property of Namik Kemal University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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In this study, the view of Muhammad Tahir Ibn Ashur (d. 1973) on the qisas/narratives of the Qurʾān is discussed. In the article, firstly, technical information about the concept of qiṣṣa and the nature of qiṣaṣ is given in order to ground the subject. Then, the general thoughts of Ibn Ashur in the context of his view of the qiṣaṣ are discussed. In this title, according to him, the benefits of having qiṣaṣ in the Qurʾān and the wisdom of mentioning them in separate sūras are explained. Then, some of the points that the qiṣaṣ deal with in their interpretation are explained. These can be listed as making etymological analyzes for the wording of the qiṣṣa, mentioning the language and rhetoric in the narration of the qiṣṣa, his comment on the most beautiful qiṣṣa expression, his approach to the problem of the source of the qiṣaṣ, his discourses on the issue of the truth of the qiṣaṣ. Then, the method of interpreting the qiṣaṣ is discussed. These can be mentioned as his reference to the qiṣaṣ in terms of integrity, his stylistic statement about the repetition of the qiṣaṣ, his emphasizing the example point of the qiṣaṣ, and his opposition to some commentators. Finally, his attitude towards the narrations of the qiṣaṣ, his approach to Israelite traditions and his references to the Bible are evaluated. According to the findings here, he strongly opposes unfounded and exaggerated news about qiṣaṣ. Even so, he quotes passages from the Torah that are compatible between the Qurʾān and the old testament. As a result, Ibn Ashur draws attention to the fact that the qiṣaṣ are told with the truth and that the source of the qiṣaṣ is the Qur'anic revelation. He says that as in the style of the Qurʾān, the qiṣaṣ are similar in style. According to him, in order to know the qiṣaṣ, they must be handled within the framework of the unity of the revelation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Ottoman Literature Studies / Divan Edebiyatı Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Ottoman Literature Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Journal of Ottoman Literature Studies / Divan Edebiyatı Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Ottoman Literature Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Among the stories that make up two-thirds of the Quran, the story of the ul alazm prophets have an important place. Sufis also benefited from the exemplary and advice-filled content of the stories of the Quran. In this article, the stories of the prophet Noah in the Qur'an will be examined in the context of the ishari tafseer. In terms of their interpretation of the Qur'an, Sufi commentaries differ from tafsir and ta'wîl with their unique methodology. On the basis of this method, there is information obtained based on discovery and inspiration beside reason and transmission. Here, within the limits of our article, we will try to determine the approach of the sufis to the stories in the Qur'an in the context of the story of Noah. In order to see the course of the subject in sufi thought, first of all, how Noah is addressed in sufism classics will be emphasized. Later, the interpretations of prominent ishari commentaries on the verses about Noah and his story will be recorded. Thus, the contribution of the sufis to the interpretations of the story of prophet Noah in the tradition of Islamic sciences will be revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tekke poetry, whose first examples in Turkish poetry began to be given by Sufis such as Hâce Ahmet Yesevî, Yûnus Emre, Âşık Pasha, Gülşehrî in the 12th and 14th centuries; showing a great development in the 15th and 16th centuries, it evolved with the contributions of Eşrefoğlu Rûmî, Kaygusuz Abdal, İbrâhim Gülşeni, Üftâde, Şemseddin of Sivâsî, Pîr Sultân Abdal and many other poets; and it has completed its development with the contributions of poets such as Azîz Mahmûd Hüdâyî, Abdülmecîd Sivâsî, Sinân Ümmî and Niyâzî-i Mısrî etc. in the 17th century. During these processes, poetry became one of the means of spreading the thoughts of those who were engaged in Sufism, and gained a nature that can be read and listened with pleasure in the assemblies of Sufis and in religious rituals as a means of engaging in divine enthusiasm, experiencing spiritual pleasure, and interrupting the relationship with everything other than God. In the 18th century, when the Devlet-i Aliye began to lose its power, in parallel with the decline in artistic activities, it has been entered a period of pause and repetition in the poetry, which is one of the most important of these activities. Ünsî Hasan Şa'bânî, the representative of Tekke poetry, who stood one step ahead of his peers in such an era of decline, took his distinguished place in the 18th century as a poet-chanting poet and mystic. In this article, after giving brief information about the life, literary personality and characteristics of the Divan of this talented sufi poet Unsî Hasan Shabânî, a member of the Shabâniyye branch of the Halvetiyye order, his imaginations about the prophets mentioned in the Quran will be tried to be analyzed based on 424 poems contained in his Divan. It will be determined which prophet, how many times and in which way Unsî, who gives importance to meaning rather than form in his poems and uses Sufi symbolic language very successfully, mentioned in his divan; and his love for the prophet will be demonstrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Çukurova Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi (CUIFD) is the property of Cukurova Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi (CUIFD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Milâdî 610 yılında Hz. Muhammed’e nâzil olmaya başlayan ve yaklaşık yirmi üç yılda tamamlanan Kur’ân-ı Kerîm, insanların yaşamını anlamlı hale getiren bir hayat kitabıdır. Kur’ân’da farklı toplumlara peygamberler gönderildiği belirtilmekte ve bunlara ittiba etmenin ehemmiyeti vurgulanmaktadır. Bu çalışmamızda, başta peygamberlerin kıssaları olmak üzere Kur’an’da zikredilen dualarda tasvir edilen insan modelinin vasıfları üzerinde durulacaktır. Farklı mevzuları gündemine alan dualara bir bütün olarak bakıldığında Kur’ân’ın öngördüğü model insanın önemli niteliklerini görmek mümkündür. Kur’ân-ı Kerîm, insana verilen değerin yapılan dualarla orantılı olduğunu açıklamaktadır. Bu durumda Kur’ân’da geçen duaları ve söz konusu dualarda ele alınan nitelikleri etraflıca ele almanın zarureti ortaya çıkmaktadır. Bu da İslâmî ve insanî değerlerin ciddi manada zarar gördüğü günümüz dünyasında Kur’ân’da tasviri yapılan insan modelinin temel niteliklerini tespit etmeye ve İslâm’ın bu konudaki söylemini anlamaya katkı sunacaktır.

Tâhâ sûresi ittifakla Mekkî kabul edilir. Tefsir kaynaklarında sûrenin Mekke döneminin ortalarına doğru Meryem sûresinden sonra indiği yer almaktadır. Hz. Ömer’in Müslüman olmasından evvel indiği ve okuduğu ayetlerden etkilendiği rivayet edilmektedir. Tâhâ sûresi’nin ayet içeriği metin iç ve dış bağlam çerçevesinde değerlendirildiğinde sûrenin hangi zaman diliminde nazil olduğu daha netlik kazanacaktır. Ayrıca siyer-i nebi çerçevesinde ayetleri anlama ve yorumlamanın daha sağlıklı olacağı kanısından hareketle Tâhâ sûresinde yer alan Hz. Mûsâ örnekliğinin Hz. Peygamber’in hayatında nereye tekabül ettiği sorusu ayetlerin daha iyi anlaşılmasında yardımcı olacaktır. Siyer kaynakları ile tefsir kitaplarında yer alan bilgilerden hareketle Tâhâ sûresinde bütün detaylarıyla Hz. Mûsâ’nın hayat hikâyesi resmediliyor görünse de aslında sunulmak istenen büyük fotoğraf Hz. Peygamber’in Mekke’de yaşadıklarıyla Hz. Mûsâ’nın yaşadıkları arasındaki benzerliktir. Nitekim Mûsâ Peygamber özelinde Hz. Peygamber ve Ashab verilen mesajları almışlardır. Bu makalede ayetlerin nüzul sürecinde Hz. Peygamber’in hayatında meydana gelen olaylar ve değişikliklerle bir bağ kurarak bir tür satır arası okuma (söylem analizi) yapılmıştır.

Öz: Divan ve halk şiiri, Türk şiirinin aynı kaynaktan doğmuş iki ırmağı gibidir. Şiirlerde farklı özellikleriyle kişi adları geçmektedir. Yaklaşık altı asır varlığını sürdüren bir edebiyatın ürünlerinin kaynağı da oldukça zengindir. Bir milletin ortak zevkini yansıtan bu iki şiir anlayışı, beslendiği kaynak itibariyle ortaklık arz eder. Ancak geliştiği coğrafî çevreler itibariyle mahalli farklılıklar göstermesi olağandır. Divan şiirinin beslendiği en önemli kaynak, Kur’an’daki kıssalardır. Bu itibarla kıssalarda geçen peygamber hikâyeleri şiiri beslemiştir. Peygamber mucizelerinin öneminden dolayı bu isimlerin yoğunluğu dikkati çekmektedir. Halk şiiri de aynı nedenlerle bu isimleri şiire dâhil eder. Ayrıca şâirlerin hayatında yer edinen gündelik tiplerin de şiirde varlığı söz konusudur. Şiirin şahıs kadrosu; • Tarihî Şahsiyetler • Tarihî- Efsanevî Şahsiyetler • Dinî Şahsiyetler • Şâirler • Masal- Hikâye Kahramanları • Gündelik Tipler Başlıkları altında değerlendirilmiştir. Daha ziyade şehir kültürünün etkisiyle klasik anlayışa sahip divan şiirinde kişilerin, mucize- keramet, kahramanlık gibi mutlaka bir özellik taşımaları dikkati çeker. Tarihî ve dinî kişilerin şiirde varlığı kendisini belirgin şekilde hissettirir. Her iki şiir şubesi de benzer anlayışa sahiptir. Tarihî- Efsanevî Şahsiyetler bahsinde şiirimizi özellikle eski İranlıların etkilediği görülecektir. Hükümdar ve devlet adamları bahsinde ayını kişiler şiire girmişken, IV. Murad’ın halk şiirinde baskınlığı dikkati çekmektedir. Hikâye- masal kahramanlarına bakıldığında her iki şiir şubesinde de tartışmasız isimler, Leylâ ile Mecnûn’dur. Abstract: Divan and folk poetry are like two rags born from the same source of Turkish poetry. In poems, person names have passed by different characteristics. The source of the products of a literature that sustains the existence of about six centuries is also very rich. These two poetry connotations, which reflect the common taste of a nation, offer a partnership as to the source from which they feed. However, there are local differences in geographical environments. The most important source of Divan poetry is the shorts in the Qur'an. In this respect, the stories of the prophets in the fallacy are poetic. Due to the importance of the miracles of the Prophet, the intensity of these names attracts attention. Folk poetry also includes poetry for the same reasons. Moreover, the everyday types that take place in the lives of poets are also in poetry. Poeticpersonage; • Historical Persons • Historical - Legendary Persons • Religious figures • Şâirler • Story-Story Heroes • Daily Tips Under the headings. It is noteworthy that the people in the Divan poetry with the classical understanding under the influence of the city culture, have a certain characteristic such as miracle-keramet, heroism. The presence of historical and religious people in poetry makes them feel distinctly. Both poetry branches have a similar understanding. Historical - In the case of legendary personalities, it will be seen that our poetry is particularly influenced by the ancient Iranians. When the people who were on the subject of ruler and statesmen entered poetry, IV. The dominance of Murad's folk poetry attracts attention. When we look at the story-legendary heroes, there are indisputable names in both poetry branches, Leyla and Mecnûn. In this study, the names mentioned in divan and folk poetry and the characteristics of these names with poetry were discussed and evaluated.

Bu makalede, tefsirde rivâyet-yorum ilişkisi üzerine kronolojik bir analiz yapılmıştır. Söz konusu incelemede örnek olarak seçilen garânîk olayı üzerinde yoğunlaşılarak, bunun âyet yorumuna/tefsire nasıl yansıdığıyla ilgili bir takım sonuçlara ulaşılmaya çalışılmıştır. “Garânîk” ifadesi “uzun boyunlu kuğu kuşları” anlamına gelen bir kelimedir. Bu adla anılan olaya göre, Hz. Peygamber (sas) Necm sûresi’ni okuduğu esnada şeytanın müdahalesine maruz kalarak ve istem dışı bir şekilde, “Onlar yüce, uzun boyunlu kuğu kuşlarıdır ve şüphesiz ki onların şefaati umulur.” nitelemesiyle putları övmüştür. Bunun üzerine Hz. Peygamber (sas) durumdan haberdar edilmiş, ardından teselli olarak Hac sûresi 52. âyet indirilmiş ve şeytanın müdahalesi izale edilmiştir. Müslümanların, İslam’ın temel ilkeleriyle çelişen bu eksendeki rivâyetleri kabul etmeleri mümkün değildir. Zaten söz konusu rivâyetler de ulemâ tarafından sahîh ve makbul sayılmamıştır. Bununla beraber müfessirlerin/müelliflerin bir kısmı garânîk konulu rivâyetlerin naklinde, hatta bunu vaki kabul etmekte bir sakınca görmemiştir. Diğer bir kısım müfessirlerin bunu İslâm’a uygun bir şekilde tevil etmeye çalıştığı görülmektedir. Bazı müfessirlerin ise rivâyetleri net bir şekilde reddettiği görülmektedir. Makalede genel anlamda üç kısma ayrılan bu yorumcuların rivâyetler karşısındaki tutumları ve öne sürdükleri fikirler ayrıntılı bir şekilde incelenmiştir. Bu arada Mukatil b. Süleyman’dan (v. 150/767) günümüze, otuzdan fazla müellifin konuyla ilgili görüşleri ele alınmıştır. Görünen o ki tefsir faaliyetlerinde, -sıhhatsiz olsalar bile- rivâyetleri göz önüne alarak lafızları ona göre yorumlamak temel bir prensip halini almıştır. Buna karşın gerektiği zaman aklî ve naklî delillere dayanarak bu tür rivâyetleri reddetme tavrı, görece çok daha az müfessirin uyguladığı bir yöntemdir.

Tefsir ilmi bir yönüyle nakil/rivayet demektir. İsrâiliyyât türü haberler rivayet merkezli olduğundan, ayetlerin tefsirinde sahih/doğru olanını seçmek önem arz etmektedir. Aynı zamanda bu tür rivâyetlerin delalet ettiği anlamların Kur’ân ve sünnete ters düşmemesi de gerekli bir durumdur. Bu çalışmada öncelikle ana hatlarıyla İsrâiliyyât kavramının anlam çerçevesi çizilmektedir. Bu bağlamda yakın kavramlar üzerinde durulup İsrâiliyyât türü haberlerin menşei ve İslâm kaynaklarına girişi hakkında bilgi verilmektedir. Daha sonra bu tür haberlerin bilgi değeri ifade etmesi, İslâmî ilimlerde bilginin kaynakları, haber/tarihî bilgi ve rivayet ile ilim bağlantısı üzerinde durulmaktadır. Yine İsrâiliyyâtın bilgi ifade etmesi sorunu bağlamında, İsrâiliyyât-mitoloji ilişkisi ve haber türü bilgilerin olgusal gerçekliği ortaya konmaktadır. Son olarak ise Kur’ân’da Tâlût ve Câlût kıssası örnekliğinde tefsirlerde zikredilen İsrâiliyyâta dayalı rivâyetler tahlil edilmektedir. Sonuç olarak belirtecek olursak İsrâiliyyât türü rivâyetler, rivâyetle elde edilen habere dayalı bilgiler olduğundan, bunlarda aranması gereken iki önemli şarttan birisi, sahih olması; diğeri ise dine ve itikada ters düşecek tahrif özelliği taşımamasıdır. Bu kriterler sonrasında İsrâiliyyât türü haberler, dinî ilimler ve özellikle tefsir sahasında bilgi değeri taşıyabilecektir. Aksi takdirde bunlar, asılsız bilgi/mevzu hükmünde olacaktır

In this article, the “qissa of the first murder" (al-Maidah/27-31) is discussed methodologically in the point of classical tafsir sources and modern studies. The qissa consists of two elements which are the phrases “two sons of Adam” and the “crow’s guidance to the murderer”. In general, the commentators consider that the “Adam” indicates the Prophet Adam. The crow was sent to show how the body would be buried because the murder committed is the first murder on earth that does not know what to do with a dead body. In this general opinion, as well as the proofs of verses words and in-text contex elements, authentic ḥadiths, which are the main references of the tafsir, and narrations of companion and followers were taken into consideration. Along with other ḥadiths; especially it is seen that it is not possible to discredite the following ḥadīth narration of Masruq Ibn al-Ajda reported from Abdullah Ibn Mas'ud that is included in almost all authentic ḥadith sources as “no person is killed wrongfully, but a share of responsibility for his blood will be upon the first son of Adam, because he was the first one to kill". By adding the views of the companions, followers and the alliance of the ummah, it has become clear who the killer and victim are. In addition, the crow sent to show how to bury the dead body that confirms this view. Until the 20th century, it is seen that all of the commentators are in alliance on this view. The view referred to personalities such as Ḥasan al-Baṣrī and al-Ḍaḥḥāk is that the two people mentioned in the qissa are from children of Israel. However it is evident from other narrations of this view is not related to the idea that Adam and his wife were not the first human couple. Therefore, there is not an unique understanding of Adam that is accepted by everyone. In the explanations made by the commentators taken into consideration the different verses related to the subject. On the other hand, the literal meaning of the verses was taken as a basis and there was no need for taʾwīl because of any ambigious expression. These are also constitute the basic elements of the method followed in classical tafsirs. As for the evolutionist point of view; there is no such phenomenon as the first children of the first two people. Because in evolution, it is impossible to mention such a thing as the first two people. One of the dominant elements that shapes the modern exegesis understanding is this style of approach. According to the claim that the qissa's are symbolic, the verse statements are not important already. In this aspect, it is emphasized that both there is no reality of the story and is mentioned in reference to the Torah. But the similar story mentioned in the Torah, which is originally as divine, does not contradict its inclusion in the Qur’an as a truth. As a matter of fact, the Qur’an has been modifier and corrective as well as supplemantary and confirmative on the texts of Torah and Bible. In addition, the story of Abel and Cain in Torah is not mentioned the crow. According to the symbolist understanding, the Qur'an conveys a story that is claimed to be an imaginary product, and adds unfounded element to it during the transfer. This is a delusion that is not based on any evidence. It is certain that Allah, who knowledge encompasses everything and describes what is told in the Quran as truth, does not need to tell an imaginary story to show the guidance. Moreover, if the qissa of the first murder is symbolic, it means that the entire ummah, including the Prophet (pbuh) and the companions, has not understood this since 14th century which means that even mentioning this is absurd. The same inconsistent situation applies to evolutionist interpretations. As a result, after one of the two brothers killed the other; the killer did not know what to do the dead body, and finally learned from a crow that he should be buried. The literal expression of the verse refers to these two people as "two sons of Adam", and ta'wîl on this issue is far from convincing unless there is a valid evidence. It is seen that both approaches, which are the product of modern times in terms of methodology of Qur’anic Exegesis, are not based on solid scientific basis and lead the way to different contradictions rather than solving problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prophethood is the founding doctrine of revelation in that it expresses the communication between God and man and the basic structure on which the principles of belief are built. Based on this importance, those who deny religious truths and those who defend them have focused on the issue of prophethood. While those who do not believe in God, Christians, Jews, and groups such as Barahima and Summaniya criticized Islam's understanding of prophethood. On the contrary, the Mutakallims tried to advocate the prophethood through reason and religious evidence. In this context, one of the issues on which opinions are expressed is the subject of the authenticity and truth of the parables. In the fact that the exemplary historical events were called as the qissa in a religious-moral sense instead of ustûre which Arabs before Islām called it. Not only the naming of past social events but also their content has been corrected. Nevertheless, the question of the authenticity of the parable has always been the subject of debate. There are two dimensions of the nobility of the prophetic parables as reality and authenticity. While the truth is about whether narrations refer to a case outside of the mind, the issue of authenticity is about the cultural base to which stories belong to. One of the attitudes about the authenticity and reality of the prophetic parables is the positivist approach. According to this approach, parables are a reflection of mythological narratives on religious beliefs. The second form of approach is the Psychoanalytic approach, based on the interpretations made on the symbolic manifestations of stories. According to this approach, parables are religious experiences that appear symbolically in consciousness through symbols and metaphors. In the theological approach, in which the possibility of revelation is accepted, there is a general acceptance that parables are signifying a truth properly. On the other hand, there are three different means of this approach, whether the stories are a complete expression of truth or symbolic messages created to give specific meanings. The first of these ways is the literalist view, in which the verbal of the stories are regarded as the truth. The second is the batinı intuitionist approach that is considered the truths are under the apparent verbal meaning of stories, and that claims to be reached only through intuition only, not by way of literal meaning. The third approach is that the truth will be reached by understanding the language employing the real meaning suitable for the speaker. Among all approaches, the double truth paradigm, in which Ibn Rushd draws attention to the distinction between religion and philosophy, has come to the fore as a remarkable method. Thus, the fields of religion and philosophy have been separated from each other, and it has become important not to confuse the areas where interpretation is necessary and the areas that should be believed. As a conclusion proposal, the Mutakallims should consider this perspective in terms of providing a way out of the tension between religion and science in the modern period. In our study designed to evaluate the claims put forward in this regard, the ways of approaching the reality and authenticity of the parables of the Qur'an will be examined. As a result, in this study, in which the basic views of some Mutakallims on the subject are also stated, a method has been tried to be presented about the way they approach the nature and content of the prophetic parables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of BEÜ Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Bulent Ecevit University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)