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While religion and religiosity in Turkish society have long been topics of discussion, there has been a flourishing debate on the ascendance of deism, particularly among the youth. Simultaneous claims for the growing spectre of deism and religious backsliding and the Turkish government's policies of 'Islamization' seemingly resulted in a paradox. This article will start by tracing the evolution of the debate on deism and, through qualitative analysis, dissect the arguments raised by those who increasingly self-identify as deists into two interrelated categories: those directed against the very concept of God and those directed against the Quran and the Prophet Muhammad. Furthermore, it will explore the factors explaining the growing prevalence of deism, drawing attention mainly to trends of secularization and the broader socio-political context of Turkey in recent decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries, the territory of western Somaliland was integrated into a series of Muslim states which controlled large areas of the southeastern Horn of Africa. One of the ways this control manifested itself was in the emergence of a network of permanent settlements on the westernmost side of Somaliland and the neighboring Ethiopian region. Although 20 of these sites have been identified so far, our information about most of them is fragmentary at best. This paper presents a comprehensive study of the material, architectural and territorial context of three of these medieval sites: Abasa (Darbiyah Kola), Hasadinle, and Iskudarka. This paper analyzes the information they provide us for understanding some of the key themes of the history of the region, such as the strategies of state control, the process of Islamization, the relationships between nomads and urban dwellers, and the material expressions of hierarchization and social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The study of Islamic esotericism, particularly the concept of al‐bāṭiniyya, remains fragmented. While often studied under various labels like "mysticism" and "occultism," it is widely equated to Sufism. Scholars still hesitate to use the term al‐bāṭiniyya due to its historical pejorative connotations, linking it to extremist adherence to esotericism and sectarian views. Furthermore, al‐bāṭiniyya has faced marginalization because of its association with narratives of Islamic civilization's decline. Even when the decline narrative is challenged, esotericism is often depicted as an "intellectual defect." This article examines the ways the "esoteric" and "esotericism" have been studied, particularly in relation to the study of Shīʿī esotericism and Sufism. It also highlights developments in the scholarship on Islam and esotericism, aiming to draw a picture of an emerging coherence in the study of "Islamic esotericism." This is explored against the backdrop of twentieth‐century Islamic discourses that grappled with the place of esotericism within Islamic knowledge and pedagogy. Here, the focus is on the "Islamization of Knowledge" project and its key figures: Ismāʿīl al‐Fārūqī, Syed Naquib al‐Attas, and Seyyed Hossein Nasr. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the potentials of Mullā Şadrā's philosophy to explain the possibility of the Islamization of philosophy. This contributes to a more general, yet controversial, project in post-revolutionary Iran, namely the Islamization of knowledge, especially in the humanities. If there would be a mechanism through which Islamization of philosophy – as a historical example and as a field of knowledge that provides theoretical grounds of other humanities – can be plausibly explained, then one might think of Islamizing the humanities, as well. One famous explanation in Iran is based on the distinction between contexts of discovery and justification. It explains how a philosopher is permitted to use the Islamic content in the context of discovery – not justification – and how this helps to Islamize philosophy. In this article, we claim a new explanation which is based on Mullā Şadrā's transcendent philosophy. Such a philosophical explanation not only acknowledges using the Qur'an and authentic narrations in the context of discovery but also necessitates involving revelation as a philosophical criterion in the context of justification and a highly valid epistemic source in producing the new philosophical content. This provides a strong account of the Islamization of philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically analyses how Islamization of Knowledge (IOK), Radical Reform (RR), and Maqasid Methodology (MM), three distinct Islamic intellectual projects, attempted to develop discourses of Islamic epistemology in facing contemporary developments of natural and social sciences. Mainly, the paper focuses on similarities, differences, and potential contributions of all three projects respectively. Initially, this paper observes that IOK, RR, and MM have solid agreements among themselves in defining the core crisis of the modern Islamic intellectual tradition, as well as in highlighting the importance of inclusion of Islamic primary sources and its normative guidance in the process of reorienting modern knowledge. Equally, each of those projects presents itself as a new reflection of Islamic primary texts considering current intellectual challenges. Nevertheless, this paper further finds that all three projects have deep disagreements among themselves in terms of defining the scope of epistemic authority of revelation, reason, and spirituality and thereby offer three different visions of Islamic epistemic schema in facing modern knowledge. Finally, this paper reflects how these differences could potentially impact visions of an alternative education system from an Islamic worldview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Societal constructivists argue that domestic discourses of identity influence foreign policy. After the 1984 pogroms, Pakistan began its efforts to cultivate support among India’s Sikhs. This was predicated on cultivating a shared ‘monotheistic’ identity, which made Sikhism closer to Islam, as compared to Hinduism/India. The paper analyzes how the Pakistani state crafted this narrative using the popular radio show ‘Talqeen Shah’, and also delve into its wider conceptual implications. Specifically, we illustrate how the Pakistani state, even after undergoing Islamization under the Zia regime, projected an external identity that was at odds with its dominant representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Ziya Gökalp and Ali Shariati's assertion that Protestantism arose due to the influence of Islam in Europe in the Middle Ages, this study discusses the different discourses elaborated by the Turkish and Iranian authors based on this idea. The controversies surrounding modernity, westernization, colonialism, and Islam were a constant in their writings, despite the different geographical and historical circumstances. This paper discusses the logic of Gökalp and Shariati's claim that Protestantism was Islamized Christianity. The aim is to provide a detailed perspective on how this claim illuminates their broader thinking about civilization, culture, and religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hostility toward Urdu—primarily toward script but more markedly in some contexts toward lexicon as well—is a noticeable feature of a "Hinduizing" India. However, the implicit Islamization of Urdu is a historical puzzle that has been normalized into becoming obvious. I seek to uncover the historical context of the emergence of this tragically consequential historical misunderstanding. But the story of Urdu in "new India" is incomplete without also incorporating the paradoxically pervasive presence of Urdu, the deep longing for Urdu and its tonalities, its emotional nuances and resonances, in our popular culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the AKP has dismantled secularism in Turkey through stealth Islamization. Defined as incremental and top-down Islamization of social and political life, this process entails four processes: (1) institutionalization of Turkish Islamist political imaginary; (2) redesigning the Diyanet and public education system to spread Islamic beliefs and practices (da'wa); (3) the privileging of Muslim identity at the expense of secular choices, whose costs have increased substantially; and (4) return of Islam to the public space through changes in the built environment. This article unpacks these four processes, which entails AKP's colonization of the state to Islamize society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A biographical study through the lens of Mills' sociological imagination and Erikson's identity crisis provides a unique understanding of Dr Fauzi AR, a dedicated Islamist. Fauzi grew up in a devout Muslim family in Kauman, Yogyakarta, the heartland of the modernist Islamic organisation Muhammadiyah. He was educated in Muhammadiyah schools and eventually became a qualified medical doctor. He was politically active in the Islamic United Development Party and joined Laskar Jihad, a Salafi-Wahabi paramilitary group, during the inter-religious conflict in Maluku in 2000. This article argues that the political turbulence during the democratic transition in 1998--1999 led Fauzi to have an identity crisis, which spurred his desire to participate in jihad (holy war). Afterwards, Fauzi became a reformed "maverick post-jihadist," in that he was unpredictable yet competent. He was unorthodox in his methods, remaining active in mainstream political Islam through the United Development Party while also engaging in physical jihad, which is contradictory because participation in partisan politics is forbidden by the Salafi doctrine. He also remained a heavy smoker although smoking is forbidden by Salafi religious decree. He further defied Salafism by supporting his wife in an unsuccessful bid for a seat in the national parliament as a member of the secular-nationalist party Gerindra in the 2009 election. This case study of Fauzi AR reflects the complex and multifaceted nature of political Islam and Islamic movements in the post-Soeharto era, including those who resorted to extremism and violence to achieve greater Islamisation of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s aim to raise a pious generation has failed to achieve its objectives. On the contrary, relevant academic studies reveal that Turkish society is secularizing. Therefore, the present study seeks to explain the reasons why Erdoğan’s policy of Islamizing Turkish society failed despite him having the whole state apparatus at his disposal. Recent studies argue that this transformation is a reaction to the repressive policies of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) and that the dissatisfaction with Erdoğan and AKP has turned into a parallel dissatisfaction with religion. However, this article argues that the secularization debates centering on hot politics are only a small part of the picture and that the modernization process, as the secularization theory claims, is behind the young generations’ disaffection with religion in Turkey. The article argues that Turkey has been experiencing a demographic transition and religious change similar to what occurred in regions where scientific developments, industrialization and urbanization, i.e., modernization, had occurred. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The consumption of halal fashion in Indonesia increases yearly. In 2021, the consumption of halal fashion by Indonesian Muslims was recorded at 20 billion USD. The study aims to determine whether the purpose of the halal fashion concept is a part of Islamization or a commercial activity to make a profit. This library research was done by collecting data and information through research results, journals, books, and materials related to the research problem. Findings show that the halal fashion concept applies Islamic values to fashion which then becomes a commercial activity and make profit since business in halal fashion is promising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the pragmatic approach of Hasan al-Turabi, a key figure in the Sudanese Islamic movement, in fighting for an Islamic state. Using qualitative analysis that combines the concepts of pragmatism and social movement theory, this study reveals al-Turabi's strategy in translating Islamic ideals into political action, including building alliances with various religious factions and exploiting revolutionary momentum. Findings demonstrate al-Turabi's success in advancing Islamization and shaping Sudan's socio-political landscape but also faced challenges in the consistent implementation of Sharia and protection of the rights of marginalized groups. Comparisons with Islamist figures such as Rached Ghannouchi and Recep Tayyip Erdogan highlight the particularities of the Sudanese context and variations in the strategies and outcomes of political Islamist movements. This study deepens our understanding of the complex dynamics between political pragmatism and religious idealism in Muslim countries, with important implications for inclusive governance. Through a critical exploration of al-Turabi's legacy, this research contributes to discussions about the future of Islamic politics that accommodates diversity and protects the rights of marginalized groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four reasons led to the change of the main Jewish pilgrimage sites in Galilee from ʿAraba and Dalata to Meron during the twelfth century. The Jewish population abandoned ʿAraba and the community of Dalata declined. During the eleventh century, pilgrims from the Diaspora preferred to participate in a central annual event on the Mount of Olives, organized by the Yeshiva of the Land of Israel, which simulated pilgrimage to the temple. During the twelfth century, the Jewish regional center in the Upper Galilee region had shifted from Jish to Safed. Consequently, the main regional pilgrimage shrine changed from Dalata to Meron. The pilgrimage to Meron was a result of the Frankish ban on Jewish presence in Jerusalem and the Frankish takeover of important shrines venerated by Jews outside the Galilee region. Four reasons led to the change of the main Jewish pilgrimage sites in Galilee from ʿAraba and Dalata to Meron during the twelfth century. The Jewish population abandoned ʿAraba and the community of Dalata declined. During the eleventh century, pilgrims from the Diaspora preferred to participate in a central annual event on the Mount of Olives, organized by the Yeshiva of the Land of Israel, which simulated pilgrimage to the Temple. During the twelfth century, the Jewish regional center in the Upper Galilee region had shifted from Jish to Safed. Consequently, the main regional pilgrimage shrine changed from Dalata to Meron. The pilgrimage to Meron was a result of the Frankish ban on Jewish presence in Jerusalem and the Frankish takeover of important shrines venerated by Jews outside the Galilee region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This exploratory, diachronic study compares the politics of Islamisation, which have undergone different patterns of development in both Nigeria and Malaysia. Islamisation is defined as an ideological translation of Islamism into policies to "Islamise" the state and society by expanding the scope of the application of Islamic laws and principles. Islamisation in Malaysia has been implemented steadily and progressively since the 1980s. It involves the "inculcation of Islamic values" in a wide range of aspects of society, including the economy. The Islamic penal code or hudud enactments were legislated in two states, but held in abeyance due to their unconstitutionality. In contrast, Nigeria observed the sudden and erratic implementation of hudud in 12 northern states in 1999, along with other bureaucratic adjustments. Adopting an interpretative case study approach of the comparative method of Arend Lijphart, we explain the two contrastive case studies of the ideological translation of Islamism by analysing the manner in which various political opportunities and structural constraints in the respective cases have shaped the Islamisation process. Data gathering was based on an extensive review of the related body of literature. Analysis was conducted using a social movement theoretical framework based on a structured, focused comparison. The dynamic conceptualisation of the state as a set of institutions, which is continually and dialectically reshaped by contentious processes, captures how the bureaucratisation and judicialisation of Islam have modified the nature of state structures and the structure of political opportunities, which in turn allows for additional channels of influence for Islamic activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main population in Kosovo and Metohija, during the medieval Serbian state, conssisted of Serbs. It will remain so after the occupation of these areas by the Turks. According to historical sources on the structure of the population in the Balkans at the beginning of the 16th centtury, it can be seen that the rural life in Kosovo is entirely Serbian. There were no Arbanas, not only Muslims but also Christians, in Kosovo at that time, and not until the 17th century. The Albanian colonization of Kosovo and Metohija, according to historical sources and anthropogeographica I reconstructions, began in the 16th century, but it was not characterized by a mass that would change the ethnographic picture ot these areas. Mass colonization occurred at the end of the 17th century, as a result of the difficult circumstances caused by the Austrian-Turkish war. From this time began not only the settlement of the Albanian population, but also the expulsion of the Serbian people from these areas. During the 18th century, even more so in the 19th century, the intention that this expulsion has a systemic and planned character is clearly recognized, in order to fully settle and appropriate these areas. Islamization was of the greatest help to them, because it made them Turkish wards and a tool used by the Turkish state against its Christian subjects. Islamization was a way for the Christian population to be assimilated not only into Muslims, but also to be Albanianized.

High-level leader visits serve as credible signals in international relations, as they not only reveal the priorities of states in foreign relations but also convey messages to third parties. Observations of Turkey's elevated diplomatic encounters with Iran, China, and Russia suggest a potential deviation from the West, while visits to Middle Eastern capitals are interpreted as evidence of Turkey's Islamization. Beyond these individual cases, is it possible to identify a pattern of motivations that determine Turkey's visit dynamics? By constructing a novel dataset from primary sources like official state documents, " Turkey Visits ," which spans the period from 1989 to 2022, this study aims to both characterize the distribution patterns of high-level leader visits and investigate the underlying factors that influence these patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study examines the recent ideological and cultural apparatuses aimed at the Islamization of children in Turkey through the example of the Children's Magazine, published periodically by the Directorate of Religious Affairs (DRA). Since 2002, under the Islamist government in Turkey, the Directorate of Religious Affairs has progressively evolved into an ideological apparatus that operates in alignment with the government's social objectives. The DRA, supported by significant state funding, has become an institution that holds discussions on matters of family, children, youth, and gender. Seeking to align the government's ideological goals with the Islamization of society, the Directorate of Religious Affairs has placed special emphasis on cultural policies, media, and publishing. The Children's Magazine is one of the monthly publications produced by the Directorate of Religious Affairs, which has evolved into a significant cultural enterprise. The magazine conveys a religious pedagogy rooted in Sunni Hanafi Islam and a nationalist‐conservative family ideology. It not only reinforces the prevailing ideology on religious matters but also promotes the political strategies of the government and the newly established official historical narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past half-century, the study of Islam in the Muslim world has been preoccupied with three global projects: maqāṣid al-sharīᶜa (the higher objectives of revealed law), al-wasaṭiyya al-islāmiyya (Islamic moderation), and aslamat al-maᶜrifa (Islamization of knowledge). Of these three, the latter has been the most substantial enterprise due to its ambitious work plan, extensive scope, and far-reaching influence. However, in recent decades, the Islamization of knowledge project has undergone significant developments culminating in its reformulation as 'knowledge integration' (al-takāmul al-maᶜrifī). This paper traces and analyzes the key manifestations of this notable transformation. Firstly, it surveys the various contexts of eschewing the concept of 'Islamization' and adopting 'integration'. Secondly, it examines the conceptualization of the construct of 'al-takāmul al-maᶜrifī' within pre-modern and contemporary Islamic contexts. Thirdly, it investigates the practical implementation of knowledge integration with a special focus on the domain of higher education. The question that brings all three sections together is whether the knowledge integration model embodies a true paradigm shift or is a mere name change while bearing on the old rationale and approach of Islamization. The present paper argues that, under the banner of al-takāmul al-maᶜrifī, a shift from an internally focused intellectual effort to one that envisions new opportunities for epistemological renewal is recognizable at the individual level. However, institutionally, the application of this paradigm is still pending full and effective realization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of regionalism and religion in Nigeria's governance is significant, particularly in party formations and participation. These sentiments have been partially linked to various challenges confronting the country. The 2023 general elections in Nigeria saw an increase in the influence of regional and religious alliances, which were believed to be connected to the state of insecurity. This study, using secondary sources of data, examines the causes, manifestations, and consequences of regionalism and religion in the 2023 general elections to provide recommendations to address identified challenges. The study used a descriptive qualitative method and found that factors such as increased insecurity, high rate of kidnappings and killings, rumors of an "Islamization agenda," and biased appointments contributed to the consideration of regional and religious factors during the elections. The study also identified leadership failure, inequality, infrastructural deficits, and corruption as the effects of these factors in Nigeria. Finally, the study recommends the selection of leaders based on patriotism and merit, as well as the use of religion to establish social standards that benefit everyone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The group of Arabic medieval authors critiqued and condemned the practices of Islam among the Berber tribes in North Africa. This article delves into the medieval debate surrounding Berber Islam, exploring key themes and interpretations of Arab-Berber relations and the unique aspects of intra-religious dynamics in the medieval Islamic West. Through a comparative analysis, it examines medieval Arabic perspectives on the origins of the Berbers, the nature of Berber Islam, accusations of heterodoxy, and the perceived absence of urban culture. The essay also explores Arab authors’ perspectives on Berber rule during the Almoravid (1054–1147) and Almohad (1121–1269) periods. By examining polemical examples, it sheds light on the intricate political landscape of the Maghreb. A detailed investigation into the characteristics of Berber Islam provides insights into the Arab approach to governance in the region, as well as the successes and shortcomings thereof. The consistent negative portrayal of Berbers in Arabic narratives underscores underlying issues within the medieval Islamic politico-religious framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Group-based grievance has mainly been studied from the perspective of disadvantaged and minority groups. Following the refugee crisis and corresponding sociopolitical changes, there has also been an increase in perceived grievance among majority groups in many European countries. The present studies examined the role of perceived threat in the relationship between autochthony-based entitlement and group grievances among members of the German majority. Across three correlational studies, we tested whether threat moderates versus mediates this relationship. In Study 1, using a nationally representative sample, we found support for threat serving as a mediator of the relationship between autochthony-based entitlement and majority grievance. We replicated this finding in Studies 2 (N = 380) and 3 (N = 614) using convenience samples. We discuss the diverse roles played by perceived threat in predicting defensive reactions by majority groups and the importance of studying perceived entitlement in majority groups' grievance claims. Public Significance Statement: This study suggests, correlationally, that perceiving one's group to be more entitled than groups who arrived later in the country predicts increased threat perceptions to the ingroup and, in turn, grievance claims among the German majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, Hip hop created unique platforms for reclaiming the nation and forging citizenship desires. I explore this blending of citizenship desires into soundtracks and lyrics as a pedagogy of citizenship that hip hop artists activated through songs, role modelling, and the forging of creative spaces in which responsible citizenship is defined and enacted. I first highlight hip hop as a new field of identification and diasporic imagination for the first generation of Hip hop artists in the 1990s. Before analyzing the lyrics of a few tracks, I stress the social and political genealogy of Moroccan rap to illustrate the rappers' articulation of national belonging in the context of Islamization of public discourse and the global fight against terror. Hip hop has shaped new spaces for the pedagogical enacting of citizenship engagements in music, fashion, and community engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the material culture of Urdu action heroine films released in the era of Pakistan's Islamization (late 1970s through 1980s) by a woman-led company called Shamim Ara Productions, which was headed by the illustrious female star, director, and producer of the Urdu screen Shamim Ara. With titles such as Miss Hong Kong (1979), Miss Colombo (1984), Miss Singapore (1985), Lady Smuggler (1987), and Lady Commando (1989), the action films released by Shamim Ara Productions bear the imprint of a traveling culture of production roving through urban South and Southeast Asia. Not only do we find here a mobile industry, headquartered in Lahore, fostering collaborations between smallscale film and tourism entrepreneurs strewn across South and Southeast Asian cities (Colombo, Dhaka, Manila, Hong Kong), but we also encounter a hybrid cinema led largely by women and cross-fertilized by global images of female action and public mobility flowing into Pakistani cities with the video trade and its piracy, and satellite television (video and VCR having come to the country in the late 1970s). In this article, I situate the gender politics of the ensemble heroine narrative Lady Smuggler (1987) in its material culture of production and reception, with attention to the diverse locations of that culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bukharan Jews represent one of the most ancient ethnoreligious communities in Central Asia. Their origin is relatively obscure, but it probably dates back to the time of the Achaemenid Empire, more precisely from the era after Cyrus II. The latter, during the expansion of his empire, indeed conquered Babylonia, where a Jewish community lived in captivity. The Jews then spread throughout the Persian Empire, including obviously in Central Asia. Since then the Bukharan Jews were in an intense sociocultural and economic with their host communities and after the Islamization of the region also with their Muslim neighbours. In some aspects the Bukharan Jews differ from their coreligionists in the Middle East and particularly in Iran. These aspects refer predominantly to specific characteristics which apparently reflect the degree of sociocultural assimilation of the Bukharan Jews within a vast Central Asian ethnographic context. This essay aims to elucidate some of the less studied aspects of these minorities and in particular that of so-called Crypto-Jews, including way of life, habits, costumes and traditions prior and after the annexation to the Tsarist Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim. This paper aims to highlight the elements of Ottoman culture that have influenced Albanians' culture and way of life. Albania was under Ottoman occupation for five centuries, which has had various consequences on the country's economic, cultural, and social life. Methods. To realize this study, a series of methods have been used, such as research, comparative, and cartographic methods. The comparative method consists of the authors confronting each other regarding the influences of Ottoman culture and how widespread it became in Albanian culture. The cartographic method aims to explain the extent of Ottoman work in Albania and whether it managed to penetrate Albanian territorial integrity. Results. Whether we like it or not, Ottoman influences are already part of our heritage in values, customs, traditions, beliefs, material culture, folklore, clothing, architecture, and the life of Albanians. Conclusion. The study has enabled a better understanding of the constructions of the time, their quality, level, and extent; at the same time, they testify to historical phenomena, such as the process of resistance to the invaders, the Islamization of the Albanian population, and the beginning of economic growth and especially of cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, the concept of ribāṭ and its practice have been the subject of intense debate. Recent summary papers on the eastern Mediterranean, Ifrīqiya, al-Maghrib al-Aqṣà, and al-Andalus, among others, have made it possible to compare different realities that express strong links with their local historical contexts. In this paper, we present the results of a new study that analyses the specific case of Northern Sharq al-Andalus, where the practice and institutionalisation of ribāṭ took shape from the early 9th century. There are three elements that lead us to corroborate this hypothesis: the documented presence of numerous individuals and groups voluntarily involved in the active and passive defence of the furthermost frontier of al-Andalus; the confirmation of a construction programme with homogeneous characteristics aimed at building fortified enclosures along the coast, and, lastly, the founding, in the early 9th century, of the Ribāṭ Kashkī centre at the mouth of the Ebro, a building were these practices would become centralised. In conclusion, we propose a much more complex scenario than that proposed previously, which enables us to characterise local forms of armed spirituality and sacralisation of the land that globally enriches the historical reading of ribāṭ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nikephoros Phokas' defeat of the Islamic Emirate of Crete in 961 AD is one of the most renowned examples of Reconquista celebrated by ancient authors and dealt with by modern historians. Transcending its historical and contextual framework, both in the past as in the present, this case of Reconquista has often come to take on further symbolic meanings, as a paradigm of an ideological and political confrontation between the worlds of Christianity and Islam. The aim of this article is to reassess the significance of this episode, with specific regard to how it relates to the preceding period of the Emirate, questioning the extent to which it can be regarded as the prodigious event of liberation of the island celebrated by textual sources and modern folklore as an archetype of the 19th-century patriotic struggle against the Ottornan occupation of the island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ottoman archives possess one of the most extensive collections globally. With its repository of 95 million documents, it stands out as a rare archive that not only illuminates the Ottoman Empire but also contributes to the broader scope of world history. Within the Ottoman archives, numerous documents pertain to the Malay World, predominantly encompassing the colonial occupations within the region and diplomatic endeavours undertaken by the Ottoman Caliphate. Each of these documents has been meticulously examined, unearthing original insights into the propagation of Islam in the Malay Archipelago. Among these insights are correspondences dispatched by regional sultans to Istanbul, while a significant portion emerges from research conducted by Ottoman-appointed consuls in the archipelago. This study's central aim revolves around assessing the progression of Islam into the Malay Archipelago--a region housing the world's most densely populated Muslim community--using resources within the Ottoman archives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To fully understand the secular soul of Albania, or the lack of devotion and religious spirit, as some scholars define it, it is extremely important to know its painful history, little known in the international arena. This history is made up of centuries-old struggles to achieve freedom, especially in recent centuries in which invaders, aggressors and winners have implanted their own cultures, customs and religions, often stripping them not only of individual conscience, but also of national identity. An important aspect is the fact that in five centuries of invasion by the Ottoman Empire there was a progressive Islamization of the people. The Ottoman administration used many mechanisms, one of which was taxation as a means of conversion from Christians to Muslims. However, the reasons that led Albania to bend to the religion of the invader are still today the subject of debate between Christians and Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical chronicles in Southeast Asia often designate the forest as an area where animals and spirits prowl, where heroes meditate or journey across. But the forest is neither a mere setting nor a passive witness to the unfolding of events. Using nineteenth- and twentieth-century historical chronicles from Cirebon, West Java, this article examines how the forest is storied to mediate the past. Discussion is centred around three narrative topoi: the first concerns the establishment of new settlements, as prefigured through forest-clearing; the second accentuates the forest's rhetorical function as a site of disappearance during Islamization; and the third analyses the creaturely figure Menjangan Wulung, who sabotages the Cirebonese sultanate and lurks in the wilderness. An inquisitive reading of these episodes reveals the forest to be a historiographical trope. Conceived as a topography of concealment, the forest exemplifies a withdrawn reality where contentious pasts are subdued yet sustained, preserving continuity amidst change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamization in Indonesia has been through a different process in each region. The spread of Islam in Indonesia has occurred in several ways, including preaching (da'wah). Walisongo is an Islamic figure who plays a significant role in the spread of Islam, especially in Java. Besides Walisongo, other Islamic figures also preached to disseminate Islam in Indonesia. This research emphasizes the biography of Sheikh Hisammuddin and his contribution to Islamization, especially in Lamongan. The method used in the research is the historical method, which consists of five stages of research: topic selection, heuristic, source criticism, interpretation, and finally, the historiography stage. This research aims to comprehend the biography of Sheikh Hisamuddin, the model of the spread of Islam by Sheikh Hisamuddin in Lamongan, and the exemplary example of Sheikh Hisamuddin as a preacher of Islam. As a direct descendant of Sunan Ampel, he has his method of spreading Islam, such as a cultural approach, social approach, elements of tawhid, political methods, and Pondok Lelono. In addition to contributing to the development of Islam in Lamongan, Sheikh Hisamuddin has an exemplary attitude; he is a person who is diligent and pious, hardworking, wise, devout in worship, and firm.

n the article an attempt is made to trace the stages of development of the process of the Kypchak-Tatar – Turko-Seljuk Turkization and the beginning of the process of Asia Minor–Central Asian Islamization of the population of the peninsula and formation of artistic culture and decorative art of the Crimean Tatars during the formation of the foundations of the Crimean Tatar statehood in the Black Sea uluses of the Golden Horde.

The conflict in Kashmir is influenced by various interactive factors among which the Islamization of Pakistan and the following Talibanization of the entire Sub-Indian region undoubtedly have played a significant role. The emergence of the dispute is a consequence of the decolonisation process which peaked after the Second World War. Unfortunately, this same period was also marked by the beginning of the Cold War. Hence, it is argued that the Islamization of Pakistan is the product of the negative interaction of two main factors – the geopolitical rivalry of the superpowers at that time, especially considering the negative impact of the war in Afghanistan, and the rise of Islam as a consequence of the overall religious revival around the world. Adding to them is the local rivalry between the newly emerged states of India and Pakistan producing an extremely explosive mixture with the potential to ignite the entire region of South-East Asia, involving also the leading international powers. Thus, the conflict in Kashmir became an integral part of the post-Cold War world directly affected by the Islamic revival and the dissemination of the Islamist principles in Pakistan.

The secular social contract as the basis of democracy gives birth to policies and laws that are far from religious principles and norms. For example, the legalisation of same-sex marriage and the legalisation of prostitution in most Western countries. This is certainly not in line with Islamic values and needs Islamisation. For this reason, this article aims to explain al-Attas' idea of Islamisation and social contract theory as an example, in order to become an alternative way of Islamic politics. Through literature research with a content analysis approach, it can be concluded that first, the Western social contract is based on an anthropocentric and secular paradigm. Second, the agreement between people with the general will becomes the determinant of policy, third, there is a need for Islamisation of social contract theory with the concept of bai'ah which has a theocentric or tawhidi paradigm, as an alternative way of Islamic politics

Purpose The Faculty of Islamic Studies and Arabic Language is the only faculty that teaches Islamic sciences in both Arabic and Tamil languages in Sri Lanka. Students of this faculty learn in different fields at both general and specialization levels; but there are no prior efforts in scientific research on the extent to which the faculty has achieved the theory of Islamization of knowledge among its students. This research aims to obtain an answer to the question “How is the Islamization of knowledge achieved among students of the Faculty of Islamic Studies and the Arabic Language? What are the opportunities and challenges that face in applying this theory?” Method This research uses descriptive and analytical methods through mixed approach quantitative and qualitative. The questionnaire was given to 60 male and female students of the third year to explore the students’ attitudes in it, and an interview was conducted with ten lecturers to find out the opportunities and challenges in applying this theory, and the results were analyzed using the descriptive approach with the help of MS Excel. Results/findings This faculty applies this concept to moderate level, without using the term Islamization of knowledge. Conclusion the faculty aims to be a well-known national center for integrating Islamic studies and the Arabic language in the related fields of study, and in the faculty’s curriculum there are subjects related to Islamic studies and the Arabic language; But some of them did not achieve the required goal, such as linguistics, and some of the subjects related to social sciences and humanities.

Shakespeare’s travels into Persia started in the middle of the nineteenth century when modern socio-political forces and the need for a powerful army were fomenting important changes in the traditional structure of government, production, and culture alike. Shakespeare appeared in Persia at a time when the country was experiencing a fundamental transition from older traditions into a western-like government, infrastructure, education, and ideas. Shakespeare was important to this process in two ways. He was enlisted to enrich the cultural property of the country and therefore became ensconced in the educational system. Perhaps more importantly, his plays were used to critique the ruling political system and the prevailing habits of the people. Hamlet has always been a favorite play for the translators and the intellectuals because it starts with regicide and ends with murdering a monarch and replacing him with a just king. Othello, another favorite, was frequently retranslated partly because there were similar themes in Persian culture with which readers could easily connect. Thus, Shakespeare became a Persian Knight and moved from one historical era to another to function as a mirror to reflect the aspirations of the elite, if not those of the common folk. This paper traces Shakespeare’s steps in Persia chronologically, expounding the socio-political context in which Shakespeare and his plays operated not only within the context of academia, but also without in society amongst the people and the elites as political allegories to sidestep censorship and to attack the despotic monarchs and ruling power.

So far, the trade and spice route historiography has focused on social, political, and economic aspects. This discussion is also fragmentarily or is part of another focus. No studies have discussed the relationship between local knowledge practices, spice routes, power networks, and Islamization. However, the spice trade and Islamization are two intersecting events important for their connection with the local culture. This article assumes that there was a local knowledge used as a strategy by the Banten rulers as a response to trade, Islamization, and power networks in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It finds that Sultan Maulana Yusuf’s policy, known as “gawe kuta baluwarti bata kalawan kawis”, was a local knowledge that continued to be used by Banten rulers throughout the sixteenth-seventeenth centuries. This local knowledge was transformed from its literal meaning of “building cities and fortresses from bricks and corals” into a metaphor representing development that considered the duality of Banten’s potential. This local knowledge became the foundation stone for the strategies of Banten’s rulers until Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa to respond the challenges posed by the trade, power network, and Islamization. This application of the local knowledge carried the Banten Sultanate to its peak of advancement during the reign of Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa (1651-1682). In his sponsorship of this local knowledge, the ruler of the Banten appears as a technocrat, trader, scholar, leader, and ruler who paved the way for the expansion of the Banten Sultanate. This local knowledge was passed down from generation to generation and remains the local knowledge of the Banten people today. This study reconstructs the historiography of the existing spice route by according local knowledge (gawe kuta baluwarti bata kalawan kawis), the leading role in shaping the expansion of the Banten Sultanate in the century of the spice trade and the extension of the spice route.

Amid Islamic revivalism in the 1980s, the Malaysian government introduced policies to promote the primacy of Islam. These policies impacted the religious rights of the Christian community and compelled Christian leaders to respond. However, they had to navigate the delicate balance of defending their religious rights without being perceived as anti-Islamization. In their response, Christian leaders employed elite and political mobilization strategies. The former focused on consolidating support with like-minded allies while the latter sought to promote a sense of shared awareness among the broader Christian community. Christian leaders also framed their message in a way that draws the attention of their audience to the growing threat of erosion of their religious rights without openly criticizing the government. These strategies are likely to be used among religious minorities in semi-democratic countries, especially those that are in the nascent stage of defending their interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the AKP rule the military was deprived of its traditional dominant positions and levers in the social and political domains. Being deprived of its institutional autonomy, the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) went through transformations, in which the institutional identity and value system of the military were scrutinized. The article aims to reveal the transformation trends of the TAF's identity and to represent the narratives and manifestations of 'creeping Islamization' in the military, particularly after the failed coup of 2016. The article argues that the process of de-secularization and transformation of the institutional identity of TAF has been intensified because of the deprivation of its autonomy in the political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Malaysia, being a former English colony, inherited a corpus of English law which includes equity and trusts. In recent times, major banks, financial institutions, and trust companies have reimagined the English trust in combination with Islamic law, by offering an innovation called the hibah trust. This instrument represents the Islamisation of the English trust concept where the Islamic idea of the hibah , an inter vivos gift and the English trust is combined as a wealth management offering to clients. This article explores how the hibah trust works, reasons why institutions may be offering this hybrid instrument, and potential challenges to its validity both in the civil and Syariah court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The paper explores the nature of modern institutions to see if Islamization movement sufficiently attempts to remove the obstacles which the structural design of modern institutions brings in the path to achieve the moral goals of Islamization movement. Methodology: The paper being theoretical in nature uses a conceptual and critical interpretative approach based on the analysis of extant literature from institutional history, philosophy, institutionalism, and more. Hollingsworth’s framework of institutional analysis is used to integrate the literature and guide the theoretical analysis. Findings: The paper argues that an institutional design that constrains moral agency of individuals is incompatible with the goals of the Islamization movement. This is so because the goals are primarily moral in nature, therefore they necessitate exercising of moral-agency in full capacity. This is unlikely within the constraining nature of modern-institutional design. Originality/Value: There is negligible literature that attempts to evaluate the structural nature of modern-institutions from the perspective of their capacity to facilitate the Islamization-movement. The concerned Muslim intelligentsia is therefore invited to further explore how the modern-institutional-structure may be obstructing their goals to achieve socioeconomic justice in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since late 2016, Ningxia has drawn attention as a new target in Beijing's drive to 'Sinicize Islam.' The removal of overt signs of the Islamic faith and Arab influences is viewed as representing a new front in the CCP's sweeping rollback of religious freedom. Is Ningxia another Xinjiang as both the party and its critics fear? This paper argues that it is not at the empirical level but shares with Xinjiang key underlying dynamics at the systemic level. At the empirical level, Ningxia's 'Islamization' stemmed largely from local authorities' use of the Islamic part of Ningxia's heritage as a developmental strategy, leading to so-called pan-Halalfication, Saudization and Arabization. In contrast to more complex social dynamics in Xinjiang, Ningxia's 'Islamization' can be more easily dealt with by withdrawing the local state's own promotion. At the systemic level, the rise and fall of Islamization in Ningxia share with Xinjiang's case the critical role of the state in affecting the fate of religion for significant ethno-religious communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What was ribāṭ in early Islamic Ifrīqiya and what was its primary function? The answer often differs depending on the sources that are used, and whether they focus on the building or the institution more generally. Rather than approaching the question through either of these aspects, this study will consider the expectations, reflected in textual sources, about the behavior of the murābiṭūn, or the men who inhabited them. Analyzing expectations about the character of the murābiṭūn and the activities carried out in the ribāṭ offers an insight into how the writer of the text viewed the institution, including its function and significance in early Islamic society. By comparing the expectations reflected in various texts, it is also possible to recognize different views of the ribāṭ building and institution and to relate these to the historical context or the perspective of the writer. The analysis in this study will focus on the ribāṭ in the Ifrīqiyan tradition but will relate some of the developments to the significance of the institution in the wider Islamic Empire and its intellectual tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the gradual decline in Turkish-Israeli relations between 2002 and 2020 by focusing on both states' use of nonstate actors as proxies in pursuit of their competing strategic interests in the Middle East region. The article argues that the Islamization of Turkish foreign policy under the rule of the Justice and Development Party, as well as Turkey's use of various Sunni Islamist nonstate actors in contradistinction to Israel and in the post-2003 Iraqi war period, coupled with Israel's reliance on various Kurdish nonstate actors as proxies in tandem with its longstanding periphery doctrine, resulted in a decline in the bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author explores the impact of the Indian Cultural Parent on education in India, particularly the possible impact on transactional analysis (TA) training through the experience of both trainers and trainees. The article touches on the author's personal exploration and considers relevant philosophical ideas and political systems and systemic processes. She aims to understand the educator's role through the experience in the Indian cultural context of having a rich heritage with ancestral influences that contribute to academic rigidity and a dogmatic approach. She asks from a systemic perspective what influences academic rigidity in the Indian TA community and what unconscious process has been part of the Indian psyche for the TA educator. Instances are given of issues that inhibit the educator's flexibility unconsciously and the learner's culture shock experiences that can result in chaos and confusion. The article concludes with a perspective on the learning space using Cupsa's stages of change, which learners and educators can contribute to in the process of becoming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories about state-led Islamisation tend to attribute the phenomenon to domestic dynamics, such as political competition, institutional co-optation, and changing social norms. When exogenous factors are considered, they usually refer to imported ideologies. Moreover, Islamisation is often depicted as a firm rejection of the West. This article seeks to complicate those explanations. Using insights from the ontological security literature in International Relations, I argue that Malaysia's state-led Islamisation cannot be understood comprehensively without looking at macro-historical factors, particularly Malaysia's postcoloniality and its elites' perception of the global order. Instead of being a manifestation of anti-West sentiments, I argue that the initial receptivity towards Islamisation by Malaysia's largely secular ethnonationalist elites constitutes a quest for recognition within an international order within which the Muslim identity is racialised and stigmatised. This is most obvious in Mahathir Mohamad's ideas on Islam, in that his calling for a developmentalist Islam has as its (imagined) respondent the stigmatising 'West'. I argue that the forms of Islamisation undertaken during the Mahathir administration reflected this drive to catch up with the West while simultaneously securing recognition for Islam; and that such a leitmotif persisted even into the post-September 11, post-Barisan Nasional world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]