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The past two centuries have witnessed the publication of no fewer than three editions of Oliver Cromwell’s writings and utterances. All have approached the problem of recovering and presenting Cromwell’s words in different ways, reflecting shifting historiographical attitudes, scholarly practices and assumptions about their readerships. The latest edition, published in 2022, meets the needs of modern scholars and students, bringing the reader much closer to the original source material. Yet, it also focuses tightly on records that the editors suggest are repositories of ‘Cromwell’s voice’, omitting many items taken to contain no evidence of authorial intent. This article probes the potential problems latent in isolating an authentic Cromwellian voice in his letters, writings, speeches and conversations. While historians are now accustomed to reading Cromwell’s silences, there is a danger that by fixing and stabilising those texts deemed to contain his voice the edition creates a few silences of its own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to identify trends in Steiner Waldorf education through the lens of Clarence Beeby's work on educational myths. Beeby calls myths a form of communication between contemporaries or between generations, ways of conceptualizing education that can be understood quickly yet are flexible enough to accommodate a range of interpretations. A myth holds for a period and then transitions into a new myth that best suits changed times and changed circumstances. I reflect on what the myths of Waldorf education might be and take up Gramsci's well-known quotation on change, "The crisis consists precisely of the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear," In writing this, Gramsci extended the interregnum beyond its usual papal connotation to include the socio-cultural condition as well. I use the notion to consider if Waldorf education is currently in an interregnum period and is displaying both "morbid symptoms" and promising signs of fresh development. In addition, I contemplate if these promising signs point toward a new myth that will allow Waldorf education to step beyond its century-old, colonial heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Posthumanism is presented in this text as a problem and analyzed from a conceptual level, which includes other related concepts such as anthropocentrism, humanism and the Anthropocene, and especially at the level of prefixes, i.e. the expressions posthumanism, transhumanism, dehumanization, inhumanity and inhuman, pre-human or subhuman. The problem of posthumanism is understood here in the context of the interregnum as a time of transition, multiple crises and the transformation of the human into the inhuman. The problem of posthumanism is grasped as a problem of philosophical anthropology related to the question of humankind’s place in the cosmos, as an ontological problem associated with the relationship between identity and hybridity, and as an ethical-political problem associated with the question of human technological domination and control. Posthumanism is seen as an opportunity to formulate a picture of transversal thinking.

In the context of class and culture wars over the social purpose of the university, it is time to revisit a pivotal question: to whom is the discipline of geography accountable and for what? In the spirit of looking back to look forward, we wonder to what extent and in what ways historiographies of geography that critically interrogate geographers' statements on the discipline's social mission might help and guide us at this hour? Specifically, we work to extract added value from the so-called relevance debates which animated anglophone geography in the 1970s. Characterising the present historical conjuncture as a Gramscian moment of interregnum when the 'old is dying and the new cannot be born', we tender the provocation that it is the responsibility of geographers to advance the cause of a 'progressive populism'. To prosecute this public mission, it will be necessary to recentre the discipline around the figure of the geographer as scholar policy activist, immersed in and a progenitor of a vigilant, contestatory democracy. We conclude that whilst the relevance debates failed to theorise, codify, professionalise and valorise such an academic identity, these debates did bequeath logics and legacies that can fast track this work now. • Contends that our present 'Gramscian moment' of interregnum demands revisiting geography's public mission. • Critically interrogates Anglophone geography's relevance debates in the 1970s. • Argues for geographers' support of counter-hegemonic/counter-publics to build back differently. • Domesticates the image of the 'Gramscian intellectual' using the idea of scholarly policy activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text focuses on the legacy of Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer in their contemporary times. The initial point is Adorno - Horkheimer's ideas regarding the critique of change in the social space. These changes are caused by a whole range of factors - the separation from nature, technological progress and the associated increase of consumerism, the dumbing down of society due to movies or cartoons etc. These changes bring phenomena that can be called morbid symptoms. These symptoms are an integral part to the interregnum. Morbid symptoms described by Adorno and Horkheimer are identical to those manifested nowadays. These symptoms are presented by the Czech philosopher Michael Hauser. The pivotal aim of the text is to point out the connection between the ideas of Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer whose legacy is still alive in the social space, and the contemporary interregnum presented by Michael Hauser. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that climate change as a policy issue sits at the interface of several overlapping crises and must be understood within this broader context, which seems to parallel Gramsci's notion of the interregnum. In this context, competing coalitions not only contest the more visible policy problem (climate change) but also attempt to reshape governing institutions in alignment with their values. Rather than promote evidence-based policy making to rise above value conflicts; however, scholars should foreground values and the struggle over governing institutions. I argue for a focus on climate justice coalitions that do intersectional organizing across a range of social identities and thus offer potential counter-hegemonic projects that not only propose a way forward through the climate crisis but substantially focus on transforming the state to secure climate policy and more just governing institutions. I illustrate my argument with examples from climate justice coalitions in New York, USA and Meta, Colombia. I propose several possible areas of inquiry for interpretive and critical scholars related to this interregnum period and discuss the potential of action research as a mode of inquiry in this context and the challenges associated with it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labor landscapes of post-Fordism are commonly characterized by fragmentation, fracture, and atomization, with platformization as the latest abstraction of a workplace that is everywhere and nowhere. The period following the 2008 financial crash has been posed as an interregnum where the exposed contradictions of neoliberalism have not yet ousted this order, while multiple actors jostle to grasp the reins. In this paper, I propose a focus on the cultural practices of place-making in theorizing contemporary class struggle with reference to two groups of digital laborers: tech workers and online sex workers. Taking the incubator—a place of pooled resources for companies in-the-making—as a jumping off point, I consider the interrelations, differentials, and potentials for class (re)composition when the distinction of work from life is as blurred as it is distinguishing. From an autonomist perspective and looking to collectives such as the Tech Workers Coalition and Hacking//Hustling, I unpick the “common sense” of a placeless platformed capital to explore the multiplicity of the “workplace,” what counts as “work,” and which places enable the imagination of otherwise. As visions of the “future of work” abound I ask, how can research under the umbrella of cultural studies support and co-create points of intervention—places of aggregation—in the interregnum?

This article seeks to identify trends in Steiner Waldorf education through the lens of Clarence Beeby’s work on educational myths. Beeby calls myths a form of communication between contemporaries or between generations, ways of conceptualizing education that can be understood quickly yet are flexible enough to accommodate a range of interpretations. A myth holds for a period and then transitions into a new myth that best suits changed times and changed circumstances. I reflect on what the myths of Waldorf education might be and take up Gramsci’s well-known quotation on change, “The crisis consists precisely of the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear,” In writing this, Gramsci extended the interregnum beyond its usual papal connotation to include the socio-cultural condition as well. I use the notion to consider if Waldorf education is currently in an interregnum period and is displaying both “morbid symptoms” and promising signs of fresh development. In addition, I contemplate if these promising signs point toward a new myth that will allow Waldorf education to step beyond its century-old, colonial heritage.

Text se zaměřuje na odkaz Theodora Adorna-Horkheima v současné době. Výchozím bodem jsou myšlenky Adorna-Horkheima týkající se kritiky proměn ve společenském prostoru. Tyto změny jsou způsobeny celou řadou faktorů – odloučením od přírody, technologickým pokrokem a s ním spojeným rostoucím konzumem, otupělostí společnosti díky filmu či karikaturám atd. Tyto změny přinášejí jevy, které lze nazvat morbidními symptomy. Tyto symptomy jsou nedílnou součástí interregna. Morbidní symptomy, které popisuje Adorno a Horkheimer, jsou totožné s těmi, které se projevují dnes. Symptomy interregna prezentuje rovněž český filozof Michael Hauser. Stěžejním cílem textu je poukázat na propojení myšlenek Theodora Adorna a Maxe Horkheimera, jejichž odkaz je ve společenském prostoru stále živý, se současným interregnem prezentovaným Michaelem Hauserem.

This article examines the state, future configuration and ways of managing the international order, as well as Latin America’s place in that order, to understand where it is now and reflect on what it might be like and how it might develop in the future. To do so, we employ the notion of “non-hegemonic order”, which has no start date because it stems from a combination of processes of varying duration and effects. We argue that the order taking shape will have two main fault lines: a breach between two opposing and different Norths – North 1 and North 2 – and another breach between the two Norths and a Global South diverse in resources and power configurations, of which Latin America forms part (with its own specificities). We address the singular position of the Latin American region which in a bid to consolidate its autonomy maintains a complex triangular Latin America-United States-China dynamic.

Charles Thorpe argues sociology lacks a "language of society as a whole." He holds that positivist sociologists de-legitimated holistic theories or broad normatively oriented "social theories," leaving the discipline without discursive means to critically assess and deliberate its overall directions and those of society. Thorpe does not address holistic theory directly or explain how it differs analytically from standard "sociological theory." My intent is to clarify these matters by extending facets of his argument to illuminate the interdependence between holistic theorizing and empirical-historical social science, which is necessary to create the type of "reflexive sociology" that Thorpe argues would make sociology more cosmopolitan and capable of addressing the turbulent sociopolitical conditions in the interregnum after neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from neo-Gramscian theory, the paper explores how urban austerity governance mediates crises of neoliberal hegemony. Focusing on the decade after the Global Economic Crisis of 2008–2009, it compares four European cities disclosing five intersecting characteristics of urban political economy that contributed to sustaining and disrupting austere neoliberalism. Austere neoliberalism was sustained through three characteristics: economic rationalism, state revanchism and weak counter-hegemony, but undermined by both weakening hegemony and the combustibility and generativity of urban struggles. Hence, although state revanchism is a prominent feature of urban politics, and novel counter-hegemonic forms are elusive, struggles for equality and solidarity remain contagious, tenacious and vibrant. Urban governance is a crucial arena for studying the interregnum, signposting multiple ways in which neoliberalism survives, mutates and dies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neo-Gramscians have drawn on the concept of interregnum and connected terms to shed light on the 'global organic crisis' they claim we have been living through since 2008. I examine their ideas, highlighting the important contributions they have made in this terrain. In doing so, however, certain oversights are detected in the neo-Gramscian theoretical framework, leaving them unable to explain fully the dynamics of the contemporary international system or, more pointedly, structural change itself. Ultimately this stems from ontological shallowness: a tendency to reduce reality to intersubjectivity and conscious class agency. Rooted in critical realism, and drawing on Gramsci and Gramsci-inspired scholars such as world-systems analyst Giovanni Arrighi, this article aims to offer a more convincing account of the present conjuncture. In contrast to the neo-Gramscian transnational perspective, I recognize the continuing relevance of 'world hegemony', arguing that the global organic crisis is actually an expression of a systemic crisis afflicting American world hegemony and the neoliberal accumulation regime it helps underwrite. Hegemony has never been solely based on consensus—coercion and militarism are integral to it. Nonetheless, this article questions the sustainability of a world hegemon (the United States) increasingly reliant on political and military means to overcome 'incurable structural conditions' in a changing global scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various sociologists have developed concepts that have a close connection with hope (action, social change, utopia, etc.). However, a coherent and systematic analysis of this theme has not been developed yet. Taking up the threads of this rich, but fragmented, reflection, I will try to clarify some aspects and dynamics that appear particularly significant to what could be defined as the "sociology of hope". This path will be outlined starting from the development of the concept of hope in the social sciences as a lever for overcoming the interregnum ("old dies" but the "new" fails to be born). It will continue with a systematized synthesis of humanities and sociological studies that have opened a "dialogue" with the concept of hope and which have considered hope as a force that mobilizes individuals and social groups to action (praxis) toward new "possible worlds." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fragility of the post-war international order is threatened not only by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, but even more tellingly, by the decisions that Western nations, the European Union, and NATO make in response to Russian aggression. This paper frames Western responses to Russia's invasion of Ukraine within what Reinhart Koselleck calls 'the sediments of time' or Zeitschichten that contain different temporalities, speeds, and directions. Koselleck's approach of parsing the 'sediments of time' is a heuristic device for understanding how Western responses to the war in Ukraine are framed by very different historical markers. Just as one might parse the grammatical components of a sentence in order to understand its meaning, so one might parse Western responses within different historical timescales that include Zeitenwende, déjà vu, interregnum, and Never Again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines how Catholics experienced changes to the religious and political landscape during the Interregnum. Since the later sixteenth century, Catholics had faced legal sanctions because of their religious nonconformity, with Elizabethan and Jacobean laws augmenting these restrictions. The reality for Interregnum Catholics was complex. Catholics were prohibited from practising their faith, and they faced suspicions from officials and locals that they were promoting 'popery' that threatened to subvert the peace and stability in the precarious republican regimes. Additionally, the scattered nature of the relevant Catholic archives, combined with Catholics avoiding making explicit references to their faith, has meant that Catholics have been largely absent from historiographies for this period. This essay, therefore, seeks to revise this assessment by demonstrating that through using different archival materials and methodologies we can integrate Interregnum Catholics into the broader narrative of how the Church in England was contested in the mid-seventeenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much attention has been paid to the 'puritan' clergy who refused to conform to the Act of Uniformity in 1662 but far less has been focused on those ministers of the revolution who chose to remain within what became the Anglican church, accepting the re-imposition of an episcopal administration and mandatory use of the Book of Common Prayer. This essay aims to stimulate greater interest in these men, arguing that despite the assumption that most of the 'revolutionary' clergy left the church in 1662, in fact three quarters of them chose to remain. It discusses possible factors for this statistic and compares the career paths that resulted from conformity in two English counties, highlighting some of the problems of researching the ministry in this period. It concludes with an examination of clerical decision-making in 1662, seen primarily through the eyes, and records, of the Somerset minister, John Chetwynd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many questions remain to be answered about the parish clergy who served in England's churches between 1640 and 1660, due to the difficulties of interrogating the complex, ever-changing, singular and often deficient ecclesiastical records of the time. But much can be learned about religious policy and the relationships of clergy with their communities from the legal records of the time. As well as being useful for linking transient clergy to particular locations, assize, quarter and borough sessions reveal clergy's interventions to influence local religious practice or morality, their complaints against parishioners, as well as the objections parishioners made against them in their turn. With evidence of violence and verbal abuse on all sides, disrupted church services, factional struggles within parishes, resistance to Godliness and a continuing propensity of parishioners to denounce their ministers' political opinions, religious practices, drinking, swearing or sexual misbehaviour, these sources show that clergy had a challenging task in negotiating the divided religious landscape of the times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In dialogue with Della Porta’s work on protests as critical junctures and drawing on the comparative analysis of four case studies in Europe (Barcelona and Dublin) and North America (Baltimore and Montréal), the paper develops a neo-Gramscian perspective on the impact and legacies of urban resistance to austere neoliberalism after the Global Economic Crisis (GEC) of 2008–9. Framed by the postulated ‘interregnum’ in the hegemony of neoliberalism, it argues that the conjunctural politics of the period are defined by a continuing conflict between passive revolutionary subsumption and generative anti-systemic politics, which plays out in acute form in the international urban arena. The paper accordingly contributes to the journal’s work on the relationship between protests and social structures, situating urban movements in multi-scalar socio-economic, political and cultural contexts and developing reflections on the conjunctural significance of anti-systemic struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Reformation progressed in the 16th century, Poland became increasingly populated by representatives of Protestant denominations. Because political elites and nobility disagreed on religious matters, the issue of religious tolerance required appropriate formal and legal solutions. That was particularly important during the first interregnum following the death of King Sigismund Augustus, when the spectre of anarchy loomed over the state. The Warsaw Confederation Act was introduced during the Convocation Sejm to preserve order in the country during the interregnum. This document also included provisions on religious tolerance, which remained a source of dispute for both supporters and opponents of religious peace for many years. This article addresses the first stage of the struggle for formal recognition of religious tolerance, which occurred between the death of the last monarch of the Jagiellonian dynasty (7 July 1572) and the end of the session of the Convocation Sejm during the first interregnum (28 January 1573). The study was built on 16th-century historiography - the works of Marcin Bielski, Świętosław Orzelski and Reinhold Heidenstein. The paper aims to reconstruct the events that led to the creation of the Warsaw Confederation Act. Moreover, the sources reflect the atmosphere prevailing in the country at that time, which is undoubtedly significant in capturing the topic under consideration. The paper is a three-part inquiry that, aside from research methodologies, displays the historical context in the introduction while the remainder of the text is a comparative analysis of the source material, from which relevant conclusions were drawn.

Many places in the post-socialist world undergo emptying: a loss of their constitutive elements—people, infrastructure, services, and futures past. Some people see this emptying as a loss, others as an opportunity. We argue that the shift from loss to opportunity—or vice versa—is a site of the political, that is, a moment of decision about the place of the present in a framework of meaning that gives form and direction to life. Drawing on contributions to the theme section, as well as on literature on hegemony, the political, and Anthropocene, we identify a potential tension between re-politicization on the scale of geopolitics and de- politicization on the scale of the planetary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since Gramsci's famous reformulation, there has been increased scrutiny of the term 'interregnum' across the cultural field. Yet while extensively discussed as a political, sociological or historical concept, its relation to a visual vocabulary of art and design is less noticed. This article reconsiders the interregnum in light of the close relation between art and political representation that emerges during periods of crisis. More specifically, it considers how the interregnum as an unsettled process - related to, but distinct from, the revolutionary transfer of sovereignty - can be expressed through the time-based processes of performance art. The focus is the English multi-media and performance artist Stuart Brisley, whose work explicitly references Gramsci's notion of the 'interregnum', often with respect to the British monarchy. It concludes by considering how Brisley's performances permit us to locate the historical and contemporary role of the artist in relation to sovereignty and its images. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the crisis of the domination of the political "West" with the rest of the world, at the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. Using the tradition of Ancient Rome, this paper will label the mentioned period as interregnum. Period when the unipolar world shifts towards a multipolar world, in which there is a need of new coexistence as a product of dialog against confrontation. The aim is to draw a historical parallel in order to determine the genesis of previous and current phenomena during the period of interregnum. Determination of the existence of cycles of interregnum in different civilizations and the exit strategy from such periods, with a special emphasis on modern phenomena in the era of globalization. This is a time of multiple crises and uncertainties which mark the end of the world as we know it, and the original need to go back to normalcy in an entirely new context of human existence. The paper, while analyzing the challenges of Western civilization, will also observe if the West, as a civilization, will have the courage for making bold and new decisions, or will it let another civilization do this; the paper deals with the view of West on the West itself. It was necessary to decipher the structural crisis of what we call the West, in order to respond to the dilemma of whether we are living in the end of the 5 centuries domination of the West over the entire humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The main purpose of the article is to study the position of Jan Zamojski as the sole ambassador of the Belz Voivodeship at the Warsaw Convocation Sejm in 1573. Such work will provide a better understanding of the sejm activities of the nobility of the Belz land in the late 16th century. The methodological basis of the article is the general scientific methods of critical analysis and synthesis. Among the special historical methods can be distinguished historical-comparative and problematic-chronological approaches. Legislative achievements of the pre-convocation sejms of Belz, Kalisz, Krakow, Poznan and Sandomierz voivodeship, resolutions of the Warsaw Convocation Sejm in 1573 and private correspondence of Jan Zamoyski in this period were used as a source base. Comparing the provisions of the instructions of the Belz pre-convocation sejm with the proposals of Wielkopolska and Malopolska ambassadors, as well as analysing Zamoyski’s letters at this time, we came to the conclusion that the views of the Ukrainian voivodeship largely coincided with those of Wielkopolska and Malopolska. In particular, in the instructions adopted in Belz, Wisla and Schröd, we come across mentions of necessity to agree on the time, place of election and form of participation of the nobility in this process, as well as to determine the principles of domestic and foreign policy for the interregnum. In addition, the Belgian ambassador Zamoysky in a letter to the provincial officer of the Ruthenian voivodeship Yakub Herburt put forward the idea of a common Sejm for all Ukrainian lands. In part, such statements can be interpreted as a rhetorical tool that helped Zamoyski achieve the main political goal at the time — to expand the circle of his supporters in different regions of the Commonwealth.

This article explores the experiences of Scottish women and their interactions with the Kirk during the Cromwellian occupation. Drawing on kirk session records, it demonstrates that amid the heightened anxieties of the 1650s, parish kirks viewed and treated female bodies as potential sources of social and religious disorder. This analysis reveals the strength of the Kirk's regulatory toolkit in times of crisis as well as the continuity of gendered experiences of discipline. It also offers new insights into civilian experiences of the Cromwellian invasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses Trump's failed self-coup, its authoritarian backwash, and threats to democracy. It analyzes his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, which contributed to his 2020 election loss and deepened the political polarization that led to the January 6 Capitol insurrection. The essay also discusses how the forty-year acceleration of economic inequality and sociopolitical de-democratization generated a legitimacy crisis of the hegemonic, neoliberal regime that opened way for Trumpist ethnoracial nationalism. The Trump presidency and pandemic increased the intensity of the political-economic contradictions and transparency of the attenuated relationship of democracy and capitalism. In the consequent "interregnum," fundamental threats to democratic electoral institutions persist, yet a clear, realistic vision of an alternative democratic regime and the political bloc to bring it into being have yet to be forged. The fate of American democracy rides on overcoming the remarkable denial and normalization of the Trump coup attempt and on forging new safeguards for electoral institutions. Preventing a recurrence, however, requires a progressive transformation of Trumpism's de-democratized seedbed – neoliberal capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a crisis of global governance at this moment in our history -- a moment being labeled as 'the interregnum -- a moment of transition from one world order to another. The turbulence and disequilibrium of this moment in our history have triggered intense and growing interest in the concept and practice of governance at all levels. This is not a reflexive moment; it is a time for serious reflection and contemplation; a time for reconceptualizing 'global governance'; an auspicious moment for constructing a new global governance paradigm. To assist in this introspective exercise, it may be important to shift from 'problem-solving' theorizing to a 'critical theory' approach that stands outside prevailing understandings of what global governance has come to mean and discard the oversimplified state-centric vision of world order; replacing it with the more nuanced 'summative' global governance - a concept that is more sophisticated and flexible than previous ones and may provide the needed space and time for us to transform the practice of global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a recent contribution Hendrikse (2018) has coined the concept of neo-illiberalism to capture mainstreaming of illiberal doctrines among neoliberal elites, thereby signifying a “mutation and restoration of transatlantic neoliberalism.” After a critical appraisal of his concept, this essay argues that it is too early to claim that neoliberalism is mutated and suggests that the present conjuncture can better be termed ill-neoliberal instead. Following several scholars who have argued that we have arrived at an interregnum, I argue, by also applying a Gramscian framework, that neoliberalism is increasingly malfunctioning, “ill” or even dying, while something new is yet to be born. Unlike most Gramscian reasoning, however, I do not regard the rise of Trump or the European far right as “morbid symptoms”, but as attempted remedies for neoliberalism. In this “restoration perspective” neoliberal elites, somewhat reluctantly, welcome illiberal actors and doctrines in an effort to keep existing hierarchies in place, or to even restore old ones. This transformation in the West towards illiberalism differs, then, from the emerging (and already) illiberal or authoritarian world powers such as China who increasingly rely on an ever-growing private economy and can therefore more rightfully be considered “neo-illiberal” (cf. Aiyar 2016). Whether such powers will be able to install a new (global) order depends foremost on the ability of the atlantic heartlands to overcome neoliberalism.

Interregnum is that moment of crisis in society wherein forces of dislocation and disruption cause, or at least open space for, the potential collapse or reorganization of hegemonic order, the space of the not-yet and, as such, epistemically opaque. It is this image which perhaps best captures those early and unsettling days of the pandemic: moments and spaces which I now attempt to represent herein through selected meditations on everyday life. These meditations—or traces as I see them now, were initially written in the spring and summer of 2020. I resurrect them in a world meaningfully distinct from that of those first weeks, a world all too similar still. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the scriptural concept of the 'heathen' as its starting point, this article investigates the attitudes of Protestant ministers and parishioners in England towards the conversion of indigenous non-Christian people in colonial New England during the years of the English republic from 1649 to 1660. The article examines Psalm 2 as a framework within which churchgoers interpreted non-Christianity, before turning to the fragmentary prosopography of parishioners who donated money towards the cause of religious expansion. Illuminating the practical strategies that the new government developed as its pursuit of legitimacy intersected with attitudes towards evangelism overseas, the article demonstrates the ways in which liturgical, pastoral, political and socio-economic circumstances shaped local engagement with the wider Atlantic world. It suggests that English support for the propagation of the gospel emerged from profound theological ambivalence as animosity towards non-believers co-existed with the conviction that some among them could convert and might be saved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global governance is widely perceived to be 'gridlocked', 'unravelling', and 'unfit for purpose'. The legitimacy of old institutions is breaking down, yet new institutions struggle to establish themselves as viable alternatives. Though overlooked, global development governance is no exception. Heterogeneous development actors, approaches, and understandings increasingly characterize the field. However, attempts to create a common platform have foundered. This article contributes to a growing body of literature that depicts world order as a Gramscian 'interregnum' to account for the crisis facing global development. Its primary contribution lies in the examination of the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation as a vantage point to explore the politics, dynamics and struggles over the means and ends of 'development' in the current conjuncture. Here, competing projects vie for influence, yet none command the support necessary to supplant the 'old' order. Although this article finds that the condition of 'interregnum' will likely persist, it also explores what transformative elements of a possible future exist within present practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the joint publication of Thomas Middleton's More Dissemblers besides Women (1614) and Women Beware Women (1621) as Two New Playes in protectorate England. Scholars have highlighted these Jacobean plays' sympathetic treatment of female characters and Middleton's interest in the plight of women generally. When these two plays were published together in 1657, however, their depiction of gender-based hierarchies gained new meaning and significance. Instead of critiquing patriarchal oppression, the plays helped to define the republican body politic as exclusively masculine, promoting a patriarchal model of republican governance at a time of unprecedented political participation among women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This paper aims to examine the political and economic consequences of the pandemic caused by the new coronavirus, setting it in the context of a Gramscian interregnum. First, the dismantling of the triangular articulation of the world market that characterized the decade before 2008 is examined. Second, the global protest wave and the electoral shifts observed since 2010 are interpreted as evidence of a crisis of neoliberal hegemony. Together, the economic and hegemonic crises represent the interregnum. Last, it is argued that the fight against the pandemic may lead to the overcoming of neoliberalism.

The features of the development of the dynastic crisis of the interregnum of 1825 through the prism of the functioning of one of the key public authorities - the Holy Synod is discussed in the article. An analysis of the literature allows us to conclude that in modern historiography, the events of the oath to Grand Duke Konstantin received conflicting estimates. It is noted that as a result there were several interpretative schemes of what happened in the capital on November 27. An appeal to the workflow of the Synod makes it possible to assert that from the point of view of the logic of the functioning of the state apparatus, a coup d’etat took place. An analysis of everyday activities, the key bureaucratic formulas in the protocols leads to the conclusion that the bureaucratic reaction to the oath to Konstantin did not correspond to the established traditions and was distinguished by haste and internal contradictions. This was reflected primarily in the decisions of November 27: the Synod decides on the oath, relying on oral reports from the synodal members, but the next day duplicates its own decision, referring to the jurisdiction of the Senate. Moreover, a comparison with the events of December 12-14 shows that the accession to the throne of Nikolai Pavlovich was carried out in accordance with the order established in the previous century and was distinguished by deliberate legal accuracy and consistency.

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