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In this article, I reconceptualise the League of Nations as an Imperial Assemblage that embeds and is embedded by coloniality. Relying on the return to the League's historisisation by Third World Approaches to International Law, I argue that we can understand the League as a governance body that works across scales of international, transnational and local actors, processes and structures to reiterate coloniality within the mandated territories. I utilise Deleuzian notions of assemblage alongside the concept of 'coloniality' within the literature of decolonial theory within International Relations and Sociology to show how the work of the League's various actors, processes and structures across different scales made, actualised and evolved the laws on Forced Labour and Slavery from 1925 to 1932 in the inter-war era with a particular focus on Mandate Territories B and C. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the ways in which Kosovo strategically uses multilateral diplomacy to navigate challenges and improve its international standing, despite the significant geopolitical constraints facing it. Regardless of opposition from influential states such as Serbia and Russia, Kosovo has been able to make incremental progress in gaining international recognition and legitimacy through its proactive participation in multilateral forums. Kosovo participates in different International and Regional Organisations, Treaties, and Conventions where it has a member/observer/participant/beneficiary and contracting party status. Using these platforms, Kosovo has effectively constructed a narrative of responsible statehood, positioning itself as a credible and constructive participant in global diplomacy. This approach yielded immediate diplomatic gains and has also contributed to a sustained trajectory towards broader acceptance and recognition. The study concludes that Kosovo's strategic use of multilateral diplomacy has led to both short-term diplomatic successes and long-term progress towards achieving broader international integration and acceptance. This illustrates the continued relevance of multilateralism for small states seeking to assert their sovereignty in the international arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how the World Bank formulates healthcare financing recommendations by examining the cases of Argentina and Croatia, two representative cases of socio-political transformations in Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe during the Washington (1987–1997) and post-Washington Consensus (1997–2007) periods. It argues that when formulating recommendations, the World Bank is involved in the process of policy bricolage, defined as a process in which policy actors draw on multiple sources of knowledge and information to piece together contextualised policy solutions instead of relying on textbook blueprints or predefined solutions. By conducting a document analysis of World Bank publications, our findings suggest that, in formulating healthcare financing recommendations, the organisation does not dogmatically follow a particular policy paradigm. Instead, it contextualises and recombines existing ideas to tailor recommendations to country-specific conditions, namely economic and political circumstances, as well as healthcare system performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars tend to study international organisations as selective clubs. Theorising organisations as clubs, however, obscures an important aspect of their evolution that is connected to the goods they produce. Some organisations produce goods that are increasingly attractive and accessible to non-members. Those organisations face pressures to enlarge beyond the optimal size suggested by club theory, changing the experience of membership fundamentally. Over time, lower exclusivity, increased rivalry, and tighter governance structures shift the organisation from producing club-goods to managing common resource pools. The case of the European Union illustrates this transformation. By theorising the EU as a collection of common resources pools rather than a club, this study underscores how the EU accompanied the pressure for greater inclusiveness and competition for resources with reforms to strengthen member states' self-discipline and multilateral surveillance. Such institutional reforms were and remain necessary for any international organisation to avoid the tragedy of the commons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ovaj rad istražuje faktore koji su doprineli uspehu Međunarodne komisije za nestala lica koja je osnovana 1996. godine kako bi se rešilo pitanje nestalih osoba iz sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Misija Međunarodne komisije se kasnije proširila i na podsticanje saradnje među državama i pružanje stručne pomoći u pronalaženju nestalih osoba usled sukoba, kršenja ljudskih prava i katastrofa. Ovo istraživanje se zasniva na hipotezi da uspeh Međunarodne komisije proizilazi iz sadejstva egzogenih faktora, kao što su promene u međunarodnom pravu i humanitarnim paradigmama, i endogenih faktora, uključujući fleksibilan institucionalni dizajn Komisije i pristup radu koji je zasnovan na stručnosti. Putem analize strukture i funkcija Međunarodne komisije ovo istraživanje naglašava značaj prilagodljivosti i stručnosti u efikasnom radu međunarodnih organizacija. Delovanje Međunarodne komisije za nestala lica u Republici Srbiji i na teritoriji Kosova pruža uvid u to kako nestandardni institucionalni okviri mogu zaobići političke složenosti kako bi se postigli značajni humanitarni rezultati, ostvarujući neophodnu ravnotežu između nacionalnih interesa i međunarodnih obaveza humanitarne prirode.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the constitutional and legal foundations of the right to peace, consideration of the practice of its application, and also to the identification of problems in legal regulation and implementation mechanisms. The article notes that the right to peace should include the following components: the right to advocate peace; peaceful coexistence and peaceful cooperation; prohibition of the threat and use of force; the right to development, which is an exclusive condition for peace; the right to human rights education; mechanisms for maintaining peace and security; remedies for violations of the right to peace; and the right to resist colonial foreign occupation and dictato rship. Despite the fact that the right to peace is enshrined in international standards, its implementation is constantly subject to negative impact. International instruments are usually declarative and do not have effective mechanisms to enforce their provisions by signatories. Of course, this is primarily due to the peculiarity of the subject composition of international law, as its main participants are states. They cannot be subject to the same methods of coercion as individual s or legal entities. Another, and currently the most obvious problem, is the imperfection of international institutions such as the United Nations (UN). Despite its broad powers, the UN faces difficulties in taking collective action due to political differences between member states. Thus, the veto of the permanent members of the Security Council often paralyses decision-making in crisis situations, making it difficult to respond to conflicts and ensure peace. The main problems that hinder the realisation of the right to peace include: insufficient effectiveness of international law; the political will of individual states to create a threat to global security through their own domestic national interests; the weak role of international organisations in maintaining global order; the inability to apply sanctions to a state that violates international law that will ensure respect for rights in the future; failure of states to comply with international court decisions aimed at restoring violated rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The way in which international actors formulate proposals for reforming or establishing public social policies not only varies between different organisations but is also dependent on the policy field in question. This article compares the positions of two international organisations (IOs), the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), on the two related social policy fields of health and long-term care in Latin America. We apply qualitative document analysis to reports and strategy articles published by ECLAC and PAHO between 2000 and 2015. The analysis finds that despite some similar proposals by both organisations, there are also clear differences between their positions depending on the policy areas. While both organisations see the need to establish healthcare and long-term care as a human right, they have different ideas on targeted and universal approaches. Moreover, with long-term care as a new and emerging policy field, there is still much more variation in how the IOs address the topic, while proposals on healthcare are shaped by previous debates at international and regional levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Artificial Intelligence (AI) is already impacting society significantly, and is likely to profoundly affect virtually every aspect of human life in the future. It thus presents a critical governance concern. This article discusses the nature of that challenge, and considers whether a new international institution should be established to help govern and regulate AI. It is argued that an AI focused international organisation is needed. It is required to produce authoritative information on the state of AI, provide technical assistance to disadvantaged states on developing robust AI regulatory frameworks, and help create and enforce global norms that address AI's threats. To achieve consensus on establishing such an organisation, initially, it could engage in the former two tasks as they are narrow in nature. But the organisation should have an ability to scale up its work to perform the latter function, as and when needed. Moreover, any AI focused international institution must allow for well thought-out private sector participation. Without such participation, the chances of its success are negligible. The paper concludes that it takes considerable effort and time to build new institutions. With the pace of AI advancements, if the international community does not start now, it may be too late to develop a robust institution with the care and caution that is warranted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the institutional mechanism for ensuring the right to development at the international universal level. The functions and mandate of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Working Group on the Right to Development, the High-level Task Force on the Implementation of the Right to Development, the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Development, the Expert Mechanism on the Right to Development, etc. are described. It is noted that the right to development is the only human right specifically mentioned in resolution 48/141 of the UN General Assembly, by which it established the position of High Commissioner and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. It is highlighted the functions of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in ensuring the right to development. It is described the mandate of the Working Group on the Right to Development, which includes: monitoring and analysis of progress made in the promotion and implementation of the right to development at the national and international levels, making recommendations and further analysis of obstacles to its full implementation; review of reports and any other information submitted by States, UN agencies, other relevant international organisations and nongovernmental organisations on the relationship between their activities and the right to development, etc. It is noted that the High-level Task Force on the Implementation of the Right to Development was established within the framework of the Working Group on the Right to Development to assist it in fulfilling its mandate. It is stated that the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Development contributes to the realisation of the right to development by developing practical guidance to implement the right and to integrate it within development policies and programmes at local, national, regional and international levels. The functions and mandate of the Special Rapporteur are highlighted. It is described the activities of the Expert Mechanism on the Right to Development, which provides the Human Rights Council with thematic expertise on the right to development in searching for, identifying and sharing best practices with Member States and promotes the implementation of the right to development worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Armed conflicts, pandemics or natural disasters often necessitate rapid, coordinated responses by international organisations (IOs) to avoid escalation or loss of life. However, effective analytical tools to assess and compare the speed of these responses are lacking. This paper introduces a framework for evaluating IO crisis response speed, with the aim of better understanding which IOs are best equipped to offer rapid crisis responses and which are not. I propose a three-stage model that measures the time for IOs to (a) recognise a crisis, (b) decide on measures and (c) implement these measures, while also accounting for variations in levels of precision and obligation. Using empirical insights from the 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa, I demonstrate how this model can generate data that can improve our understanding of the performance of IOs as crisis managers and foster discussions on enhancing the speed and efficiency of multilateral responses during crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International organisations (IOs) have never been more authoritative and potentially agential while simultaneously faced more intense threats to their continued existence. Amid these dialectic conditions, this article identifies a novel type of behaviour: IO Survival Politics. IO Survival Politics occurs when senior institutional actors perceive the organisation to face an existential threat and, in response, employ extraordinary strategies to ensure the organisation's continued existence. Survival Politics thus differs both in degree and kind from the ways in which secretariats exercise influence during conditions of normal policymaking. Two case studies illustrate the concept: (1) the European Commission's response to Brexit and (2) NATO's response to President Trump's withdrawal threats. Drawing on 87 interviews with senior officials, the article shows that IO Survival Politics occurs across a range of diverse IOs in face of diverse threats and can be a crucial factor in determining the fate of IOs in crisis. By conceptualising IO Survival Politics, the article intends to open new avenues for research and advance scholarly understanding of IOs and the crisis of multilateralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digitalisation emerged as a central problem in global social governance in the past decade. 'Digital transformation' was expected to bring new social risks, requiring a redesign of the welfare state. This study examines the social policy responses of international actors on the digitalisation agenda in the 2010s and early 2020s. Inspired by sociological institutionalism, it shows different trajectories followed by UN agencies, the OECD and the World Bank in terms of addressing the social implications of this transformation. Despite these divergent organisational agendas, the article reveals the emergence of a new transnational policy paradigm, the 'Schumpeterian consensus', overcoming the antagonism between 'economic' and 'social' institutions from previous decades. In this paradigm, the 'Schumpeterian investment state' is seen as a mediator between the creative and destructive potential of technological change. Its social model encourages governments to invest in skills, universal social protection and flexicurity for the digital era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International organisations and their local allies continue to press for the further expansion of social protection across Africa, often in the face of resistance. The future politics of social protection in Africa will be shaped by endogenous and exogenous changes. Endogenous changes involve feedback effects from the past and continuing expansion of social protection; these can be either positive or negative in terms of further expansion. Exogenous effects result from the changing structural context, including especially population growth, urbanisation, and climate change. As the Covid-19 pandemic and related lockdowns showed, even those exogenous shocks which reveal gaps in current provision need not prompt enduring expansions of social protection. Neither endogenous nor exogenous changes are likely to shift African countries off their current varied pathways; considerable political obstacles to the further expansion of social protection will persist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While inequality within and between states has attracted the attention of international lawyers, international law research on inequality between individuals globally remains a rarity. This article examines inequality between individuals by targeting 'finance and inequality'—the linkage between international finance and the rising inequality between individuals at the global level. The article builds on the legal theory of finance and its contention that financial market operations are legally constructed, and from there, it highlights the essential role of states and state-backing in international finance. Furthermore, operations in the global financial market often take place through legal fields that are familiar to international lawyers but not often thought of as having to do with finance. The article, therefore, makes the case that international finance should be a new frontier in international lawyers' fight against inequality. The article invites international lawyers to approach international finance by learning the vocabulary and grammar of finance and bringing in the toolbox and aesthetics of international lawyers in studying finance, inequality, and international law. As a performance of such practice, the article conducts a case study on credit rating agencies and highlights the linkage between states, international law and standards, and the distributive implications of these agencies through financial market mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos.info is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Facultad de Comunicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

International organisations have become increasingly contested resulting in worries about their decline and termination. While international organisation termination is indeed a regular event in international relations, this article shows that other institutions carry the legacy of terminated international organisations. We develop the novel concept of international organisation afterlife and suggest indicators to systematically assess it. Our analysis of 26 major terminated international organisations reveals legal-institutional and asset continuity in 21 cases. To further illustrate this point, the article zooms in on the afterlife of the International Institute of Agriculture in the Food and Agriculture Organization, the International Refugee Organization in the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and the Western European Union in the European Union. In these three cases, international organisation afterlife inspired and structured the design of their successor institutions. While specific international organisations might be terminated, international cooperation therefore often lives on in other institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article – and the special issue it introduces – contributes to the expanding scholarly literature on the global governance of education, with a particular focus on its future-oriented and 'promissory' dimension. Inspired by Beckert's (2020) concept of 'promissory' legitimacy, a key contribution of this special issue is to critically analyse past and contemporary promissory narratives of the major international organisations and other global actors concerning the future of education. We focus on three overarching themes that emerge from the contributions to this special issue: Problems of legitimacy in the global governance of education; a shift towards multistakeholderism, which we explore through the lens of 'the neuro-affective turn'; the use of crisis narratives as an instrument of global governance, and geopolitical shifts and the decline of the liberal world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the possibilities and limitations of VET-related research by international organisations and compares the European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training (CEDEFOP) and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in this context. Theoretically, the article refers to the concept of evidence-based research and its role in policy design. A catalogue of dimensions is developed for the comparison, which serves for the discussion to what extent and for what purpose evidence is generated that is intended to contribute to political decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the use of the so-called "international argument" in vocational education and training (VET) for the transfer of VET elements. Using policy documents of two political actors of the European Union at the interface between politics and research (CEDEFOP and ETF), exemplary ways of using the "international argument" are examined and systematised. Finally, desiderata for practice and research for a systematic investigation of the "international argument" are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vocational education and training (VET) is not only organisedwithin, but also increasingly beyond, the state. In this article, we analyse the growing international dimension of VETand propose to understand cross-border attempts to shape VET in the framework of "international VET governance". We present a typology comprising six types of international VET governance (bilateral, multilateral, intergovernmental, supranational, interregional and transnational) and illustrate these types using current examples from research and practice. We show that these types differ not only in their constellation of actors, but also in their institutional arrangements, the governance instruments used and the role of the state. The aim of our contribution is to bring together previous work on VET policy from international VET research in order to identify possible cross-connections and overlaps and to analyse them under the concept of international VET governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this concluding reflection, we value the special issue's focus on how power asymmetries among civil society organisations (CSOs) affect their relations with international organisations (IOs) and micro-level dynamics of in – and exclusion. Yet we propose to pay further attention to the crisis of liberal institutions and the shrinking spaces provided to some CSOs. We also encourage revisiting the liberal assumption that CSOs seek to democratise IOs and the proposition that the majority of CSOs are keen to cooperate with IOs. The pressing question for us is not how CSOs push in- or exclusion in IOs but how dynamics of in- and exclusion are generated in the web of practices performed by diverse actors. In our perspective, the question is best addressed in reflexive research that is aware of power relations, the methodological difficulties of researching CSOs and often inaccessible IOs, and the dangers of silencing non-academic voices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The contribution aims to look at the European School System from a transnational perspective in order to trace the interactions and connections that characterised these Schools in the 1960s and 1970s. A close reading of two speeches given by Albert Van Houtte, a member of the Board of Governors, and of a preparatory study on curriculum reform drawn up in 1971 reveals connections with international organisations such as Pax Christi and UNESCO, as well as pedagogical influences stemming from the individual member states and traceable to different experiences of active pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interactions between International Organisations (IOs) within a regime complex often manifest themselves through competition and cooperation. Current research has examined the factors that promote inter-organisational competition and cooperation, yet the precise timing of when such competition or cooperation commences remains unclear. This paper focuses on two pivotal IOs in global health governance, the World Health Organization (WHO) and the World Bank, to explore the timing and onset of competition and cooperation within a regime complex, as well as the driving factors in the evolution of their inter-organisational relationships. By looking into the interactions between the WHO and the World Bank in norm-setting and resource mobilising, the paper sheds light on how their relationships have transitioned from competitors to cooperators. It systematically presents the mechanisms and processes of policy transformation in inter-organisational interactions. As a new agenda arises, IOs within a regime complex often compete for dominance, with ideational differences driving them to propose and implement distinct governance strategies. They will compete for resources and mainstream of their strategy. The negative spillover effects of competitive policies consequently undermine the effectiveness of IOs’ policy, thereby undercut their legitimacy. To surmount these challenges, the international community should promote inter-institutional coordination in global governance.

Research Question (RQ): Public international law is intended to, among other things, introduce an element of stability in international relations. Public international law is created by the subjects of this law which are the holders of rights and obligations under this law. However, we can distinguish several entities which, despite a lack of international legal personality, influence international relations. The question arises as to whether the existence of these other entities does not weaken the actions of the classic subjects of public international law, namely states and international organisations. Purpose: The purpose of this research was to define a catalogue of entities that, despite the lack of international legal personality, influence international relations. Method: This study was based on scientific and popular scientific literature. The research method used in this study was a descriptive analysis and critical interpretation of recent trends in the area of international relations. Results: The research results show that, in addition to the classic catalogue of entities such as states and international organisations, we can distinguish several other entities that influence international relations, such as international corporations, non-governmental organisations, or non-institutionalised forums for cooperation. Organisation: The research results, by distinguishing other (than classic ones) entities operating in international relations, may contribute to greater stability in international relations. Society: The stability of international relations affects the security of nations and individuals. Originality: The originality of this research is a critical approach to the existing catalogue of the subjects of public international law. Limitations / further research: The research results may contribute to the debate on existing entities in international relations that influence international relations. Further research may even expand the traditional catalogue of subjects of public international law.

This paper examines how monumental preservation at the Taj Mahal leveraged the broader goals of national and international agencies including UNESCO and other UN bodies, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, to address the wicked problems of pollution, pro-poor tourism, and sustainable development. I suggest that the Taj, and more specifically its future preservation, is bound up in a set of conflictual connectivities and centrifugal forces that far exceed normative heritage and conservation practice. Thus the Mughal tomb became 'the critical receptor' and nodal site for an onslaught of international technical, economic, developmental and conservation schemes attempting to link cultural conservation with environmental concerns, in concert with social and economic uplift, well-being and urban resilience. What remains after decades of foreign studies, consultancies, technical reports, preservation monitoring and novel technologies? And how might we disentangle those wicked problems encircling monumental preservation in an era of environmental and political toxicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sovereignty becomes an essential concept when populist participation in international politics is examined. The research questions of this article are as follows: Which topics do right-wing populist leaders (Jair Bolsonaro and Viktor Orbán) connect to state sovereignty in International Organisations (IOs)? How do they act in IOs to defend the sovereignty of their countries if they perceive it – or their domestic power base – to be threatened? The article examines the behaviour of Brazil and Hungary in the United Nations, the European Union (Hungary) and the Organisation of American States (Brazil). The results illustrate that instead of quitting IOs, the populist leaders examined prefer to find like-minded allies among member states, while they also use harsh rhetoric and/or abstention/the power of veto in an attempt to reshape the direction of IOs when they see their countries' sovereignty and/or their domestic power as threatened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of the chosen topic is determined by the aggravation of interstate conflicts at the regional and interregional levels. In these conditions, the issue of the effectiveness of decision-making mechanisms and procedures in the activities of the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) becomes relevant. The aim of the article is to carry out a comparative analysis of the decision-making process in the activities of international security organisations, such as the UN, NATO, and the OSCE, and determine their effectiveness in the context of aggravation of interstate conflicts at the regional and interregional level. Using the methodology of content analysis, descriptive, comparative methods and analysis of legal acts. The procedure for the development and adoption was analysed, and the effectiveness of the adoption and implementation of UN, NATO, and OSCE decisions was considered. Further research prospects may be the study of the mechanisms of such limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Eurasian Journal of International Law is the property of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Public Law / Zeitschrift für Öffentliches Recht is the property of Verlag Oesterreich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) played a key role in handling the Hungarian refugee crisis of 1956. It was this body, established in 1951, that organised the registration and transport of some 200,000 Hungarian refugees in Austria and Yugoslavia. This paper examines this international migration organisation in the 1950s based on the archives of the ICEM and the UN Secretariat, as well as on US, British and French foreign policy documents. It focuses on the workings of the ICEM concerning the Hungarian refugee crisis and its influence upon the subsequent history of the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates persist on the effectiveness of externally driven Public Finance Management (PFM) reforms in developing countries, with limited empirical research and field investigations in the Central Asian region. This study collected evidence through Solution and Leader Driven Change (SLDC) and Problem Driven Iterative Adaptation (PDIA) theoretical framework explanations, policy documents review, interview and survey results and Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability (PEFA) framework assessments to find that not all of the World Bank's advice on PFM improvement was adopted in the first phase of reforms in Tajikistan. Blending SLDC and PDIA arguments, the study investigates both positive deviants and reform failures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This literary study argues that South Africa's three government tiers have failed the majority of the country's citizens in their efforts to provide adequate security and combat xenophobia. This article is based on the study of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and some international organisations (IOs) collaborating with governments to address xenophobia, particularly in South Africa. The study aimed to critically analyse and discuss the role of the government, IOs, and NGOs in combating xenophobia in South Africa. The study utilised a qualitative approach with a historical design. Data were collected from secondary sources, which included books, journals and the Internet and were discussed in themes after performing textual analysis. The available published, reviewed articles were utilised to debate, argue and discuss governments', IOs' and NGOs' role in xenophobia in some African countries. The results revealed that governments, NGOs, IOs and other stakeholders have provided support to ensure economic and social stability, but xenophobia persists in South Africa and several other African countries. One of the government's roles in preventing xenophobia is the provision of adequate security where xenophobic violence occurs. The study explained the governments', IOs' and NGOs' role in addressing xenophobia in South Africa and other African countries, focusing on issues relevant to addressing xenophobia in South Africa. The study was anticipated to inform government programmes and IOs' and NGOs' efforts to alleviate poverty among local citizens in South Africa and prevent hostility towards foreign nationals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interactions between International Organisations (IOs) within a regime complex often manifest themselves through competition and cooperation. Current research has examined the factors that promote inter-organisational competition and cooperation, yet the precise timing of when such competition or cooperation commences remains unclear. This paper focuses on two pivotal IOs in global health governance, the World Health Organization (WHO) and the World Bank, to explore the timing and onset of competition and cooperation within a regime complex, as well as the driving factors in the evolution of their inter-organisational relationships. By looking into the interactions between the WHO and the World Bank in norm-setting and resource mobilising, the paper sheds light on how their relationships have transitioned from competitors to cooperators. It systematically presents the mechanisms and processes of policy transformation in inter-organisational interactions. As a new agenda arises, IOs within a regime complex often compete for dominance, with ideational differences driving them to propose and implement distinct governance strategies. They will compete for resources and mainstream of their strategy. The negative spillover effects of competitive policies consequently undermine the effectiveness of IOs' policy, thereby undercut their legitimacy. To surmount these challenges, the international community should promote inter-institutional coordination in global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]