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Sub-federal units in federal systems increasingly participate in international trade policy-making, a domain that historically represents an exclusive jurisdiction of the federal level. A first strand of research emphasised exogenous factors, most notably the changing scope and depth of trade agreements and social contestation, to explain this trend. This study, by contrast, contributes to more recent efforts that focus on endogenous factors to elucidate variation in terms of how and with what implications sub-federal units have entrenched themselves in trade policy governance. The paper makes two contributions. First, it introduces a new theoretical argument suggesting that ideational and institutional feedback effects can explain variation in sub-federal trade policy-making. Second, the paper tests this framework by using two contrasting cases of federalism: Canada and Germany. The study shows that in Canada intergovernmental institutions facilitating sub-federal participation in trade policy-making had to be created through layering, while in Germany existing institutions were activated through conversion. Although both patterns of institutional change have empowered sub-federal units, they differ in terms of their robustness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the National Hydrogen Strategy, the German government defined an initial framework for the integration of hydrogen into the energy system. At the subnational level, most Länder have also adopted individual hydrogen strategies. This article examines the coherence between the different strategies. We find a fragmentation of the different strategic goals and approaches towards the market ramp-up of hydrogen technologies, which results from a deficient multilateral coordination within the federal system. Hydrogen coordination in Germany is constrained by party-political and territorial conflicts, but also by the interaction between intra- and intergovernmental dynamics. Thus, to prevent fragmentation of complex energy transition issues, such as hydrogen, regular coordination is required at both the intra- and intergovernmental levels. Given the exemplary nature of the German case, this analysis offers insights for the study of similar coordination challenges encountered in various federal and multi-level systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on documentary and oral evidence presented in Module 2 of the UK Covid‐19 Inquiry, this article asks what the inquiry tells us about the nature and dynamics of intergovernmental relations (IGR) from the UK and devolved governments' interactions over the course of the pandemic. In so doing, the article focusses on formal IGR structures (since reformed), the actions of political leaders within these formal and informal structures and entrenched institutional cultures, with a particular focus on the ways in which decision‐making processes and devolved dynamics were understood by the principal actors over the course of the pandemic. The article concludes with reflections on how IGR might be reset or reformed by the newly elected UK government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given that most environmental regulation is performed on the international and national scale and that municipal powers are often limited, what are the necessary conditions for local government to take on leadership and policy innovation in this space? The transportation-for-hire industry provides an interesting case study as municipalities around the world recently updated their local regulatory frameworks because of the disruption caused by the advent of ridehailing. Over time, policy learning resulted in policy convergence of major components, including license requirements, vehicle standards, and rate standardization, across the industry. However, overlooked from these initial regulations, but now gaining traction is the regulation of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions of ridehailing vehicles and the transportation-for-hire industry more generally. Because of how many transportation-for-hire vehicles are in use, activists argue that environmental fleet standards ought to be tougher than that for personal-use vehicles. This paper investigates the emerging regulatory frameworks for GHG emissions by examining four case studies of the first-mover cities (London, Amsterdam, Mexico City, and New York City) in this emerging policy space, untangling the complex web of multi-level regulatory governance to tease our policy learning outcomes. Through the innovative lens of examining multi-level governance for policy learning, we conclude that GHG emissions in the transportation industry at the local level only occurred after international and national frameworks were set, giving "permission" to local leaders to demonstrate innovation and leadership on how to achieve targets set by higher-order governments. Cities, assisted with policy-learning transfer through international not-for-profit organizations, acted via local government powers to fill in the gaps of international and national frameworks with policies implemented at higher orders of government in other places. These local environmental transportation-for-hire bylaws took a three-pronged form: (a) vehicle permit standards; (b) regulations of public space and infrastructure; and (c) public–private partnerships to assist in the transition to electric vehicles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an effective means of sea development and utilization, high-intensity coastal reclamation activities lead to increasingly prominent ecological problems. The accurate implementation of policies is paramount in managing and controlling coastal reclamation. We reviewed China's coastal reclamation management and control policies from 1978 to 2022. Utilizing content analysis and social network analysis, we constructed a policy network to explore the evolution of intergovernmental relations and the habitual combination of policy tools in coastal reclamation management and control. The study shows that (1) The intergovernmental relations of reclamation management and control agencies have evolved from simple to complex, with key departments becoming increasingly prominent; (2) Environmental considerations form the mainstay of policy tools for reclamation control, highlighting an imbalance between supplyside and demand-side approaches; (3) Since 1999, the interactive network between intergovernmental relations and policy tools has begun to exhibit a distinct core-periphery structure, and the social circle has gradually expanded to form a social circle consisting of 23 administrative departments and most departmental policy tools, while there are also some independent working factions at different stages; (4) Policy sustainability is currently inadequate, and in the later stages of management and control, there is a noticeable conflict within the policy texts. The study shows that, China's coastal reclamation management and controlstill faces challenges, It is necessary to continue to explore the policy visualization methods used in coastal reclamation to help balance policy tools and build efficient intergovernmental relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) struck Spain, it caused a multidimensional crisis that sparked countless debates on its health, social and political implications. Drawing on the literature on multilevel crisis management and federalism, this paper focuses on the impact of the pandemic on the Spanish intergovernmental relations between 2020 and 2022. This research demonstrates that several intergovernmental coordination and cooperation mechanisms were activated or reactivated at the political and technical levels. This change improved joint decision-making and strengthened the system’s own capacity to cope with future crises. In particular, this article shows how and to what extent the health crisis broke down the existing logic of discretionary collaboration and increased coherence among regional governments by strengthening the role of central ministries. Three movements have been observed and measured consisting in a growing institutionalisation, coordination and cross-sectoral logic of action. Consequently, we conclude that intergovernmental relations in Spain have been strengthened by the pandemic under the leadership of central ministries. The Spanish intergovernmental system has demonstrated its capacity to adapt to external shocks and its learning ability.

This article analyses the institutional design variants of local crisis governance responses to the COVID-19 pandemic and their entanglement with other locally impactful crises from a cross-country comparative perspective (France, Germany, Poland, Sweden, and the UK/England). The pandemic offers an excellent empirical lens for scrutinizing the phenomenon of polycrises governance because it occurred while European countries were struggling with the impacts of several prior, ongoing, or newly arrived crises. Our major focus is on institutional design variants of crisis governance (dependent variable) and the influence of different administrative cultures on it (independent variable). Furthermore, we analyze the entanglement and interaction of institutional responses to other (previous or parallel) crises (polycrisis dynamics). Our findings reveal a huge variance of institutional designs, largely evoked by country-specific administrative cultures and profiles. The degree of de-/centralization and the intensity of coordination or decoupling across levels of government differs significantly by country. Simultaneously, all countries were affected by interrelated and entangled crises, resulting in various patterns of polycrisis dynamics. While policy failures and “fatal remedies” from previous crises have partially impaired the resilience and crisis preparedness of local governments, we have also found some learning effects from previous crises.

This research explores how the one-size-fits-all government-led counter-cyclical policy response to societal disruptions, in this case COVID-19, produces distributed fiscal autonomy outcomes across local governments. The Wilcoxon matched-pairs signed-ranks test reveals statistically significant results in a before-after research design. The overall median local authority transfer dependence during the post-intervention year was lower than in the pre-intervention year by 14.2% for Romanian local governments. However, the lower horizontal fiscal gap indicates that counter-cyclical measures were less effective in addressing the adverse effects of disruption on local governments’ revenues in larger local economies compared to those in smaller ones.

Cooperation in the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Macao Greater Bay Area under the "one country, two systems" framework is different from regional cooperation in other areas. Its unique cross-border cooperation within one country has attracted much attention from the academic community. Since the 1980s, the cooperation between Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macao has gone through different stages with China's development. Examining the process of change can contribute to understanding the logic and driving mechanisms of cooperation in the Greater Bay Area. This study shows that regional cooperation has been driven from the market to the combined influence of the market and government since the 1980s. During this transition, the central government has become increasingly involved in the cooperation through political embedding, eventually becoming the main driver of this regional cooperation. However, regardless of whether the driving force was the market or the government, significant internal tensions remained throughout the transition process. The research suggests that the top-level design for institutionalising regional cooperation can effectively balance market and administrative forces, leveraging the strengths of each. It is valuable to elucidate the uniqueness and complexity of Guangdong–Hong Kong–Macao cooperation under "one country, two systems", which will contribute to further promoting deep cooperation in the Greater Bay Area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explores how the one-size-fits-all government-led counter-cyclical policy response to societal disruptions, in this case COVID-19, produces distributed fiscal autonomy outcomes across local governments. The Wilcoxon matched-pairs signed-ranks test reveals statistically significant results in a before-after research design. The overall median local authority transfer dependence during the post-intervention year was lower than in the pre-intervention year by 14.2% for Romanian local governments. However, the lower horizontal fiscal gap indicates that counter-cyclical measures were less effective in addressing the adverse effects of disruption on local governments' revenues in larger local economies compared to those in smaller ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to assess intergovernmental relations in the implementation of social housing policy in Gauteng Province, South Africa. Despite all mechanisms, efforts and resources, the pace of social housing delivery is not at a point where it is measurably satisfactory across all spheres of government. The performance of government shows a lack of institutionalised arrangements, coordination, and alignment in implementing social housing policy. A mixed-methods research approach was implemented. Interviews were conducted with senior managers and research questionnaires were administered with operational staff within the national, provincial government and the three metropolitan municipalities in Gauteng Province which included City of Tshwane, City of Johannesburg and Ekurhuleni, state agencies involved in the delivery of social housing units and municipal social housing institutions, private and non-governmental social housing entities. The data were complemented by documentary content analysis pertaining to the provision of human settlements and social housing. The paper acknowledges the role played by government in implementing social housing policy, however, it proposes a model to fast track social housing delivery in Gauteng Province. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 2010s local government debt has boomed in China because the government relies on debt financing for infrastructure investment. The debt mainly consists of the issuance of Chengtou bonds and later local government bonds. Using data from more than 300 cities from 2009 to 2020, this article maps its spatial dynamics to further the understanding of intergovernmental relations in the studies on local government debt. We find that, from 2009 to 2014, most cities had large bond-issuing amounts. The dynamics were affected by the economic stimulus target set by the central government and the interjurisdictional competition in borrowing among local governments. After 2015 the cities with better economies issued more bonds because the central government tried to match local government debt with local fiscal capacity to maintain financial security. The spatial dynamics show the increasing intervention by the central government in local fiscal income and expenditure, reflecting fiscal centralization. Fiscal centralization did not effectively contain the financial risk in the less-developed cities. Motivated by the competition, the less-developed cities did not use bonds efficiently and had higher ratios of bond issuance to fiscal income, experiencing higher financial risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The article analyses intergovernmental relations (IGR) at the subnational level in climate policies in the Spanish case. More specifically, it aims to describe the basic aspects of IGR and identify the IGR instruments used by the actors involved in the policy, pointing out the differences that may exist between the different territories. Methodology: The methodology used is qualitative in nature and resorts to the analysis of a variety of documentary sources (regulations drawn up by the Autonomous Regions on climate and energy, regional plans and strategies, government agreements and other relevant data contained in different institutional websites. Results: In most of the Autonomous Communities (ACs) a variety of IGRs involving regional and local governments can be identified. In these interactions the representatives of the ACs tend to play a leading role, although there are differences between territories. IGRs are developed through a variety of instruments, including coordination and cooperation bodies, intergovernmental funding, and trainings, technical assistance, and information exchange initiatives. Conclusions: The leading role acquired by the ACs in this field, as well as the basic structural factors limiting the capabilities of most local governments, make it unlikely that significant changes will occur in the short term. However, the impact of the European Union, which is clearly felt in the overall IGR system, must also be considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Iuridica Lublinensia is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Intergovernmental relations play an important role in policy innovation diffusion, yet few studies have analyzed its impact on open government data (OGD) adoption. We used event history analysis to analyze the diffusion of OGD in China. The diffusion of OGD among municipal governments is primarily influenced by vertical pressure from superior governments and horizontal pressure from neighboring governments, with the latter having a greater impact. The provincial government plays an intermediary role between the central government and the municipal government. A comprehensive analysis of the interplay between policy signals and policy pilots demonstrates that provincial signals have a substantial influence on municipal pilots, whereas the impact of provincial pilots on municipal signals is insignificant. These findings contribute to OGD adoption research and practices and promote the development of policy diffusion theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Práxis Educativa is the property of Revista Praxis Educativa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Does a public administrator's political orientation color how they perceive the actions and activities of the federal government? Using a long-running national survey, I measure the impact of state administrators' party identification and ideology on several measures of federal encroachment. I find that self-identified Democratic and liberal administrators are less likely to believe that the federal government is encroaching on state actions and hold more positive evaluations of encroachment when it occurs. Additionally, I find that these beliefs are conditioned on the composition of the federal government, with the largest differences occurring under a Democratic-controlled White House and Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wallonia’s refusal to ratify CETA in October 2016 suggests that multilevel trade politics may increasingly be subject to the pitfalls of joint decision-making, or even a joint-decision trap. This article, however, presents a more nuanced perspective that builds on a comparative analysis of intergovernmental configurations that underpinned constituent units’ participation in CETA in the four formal federations Canada, Belgium, Germany, and Austria. It shows, firstly, that joint decision-making is only one mode of intergovernmental trade policy coordination that needs to be distinguished from others. Second, joint decision-making rarely leads to a joint decision trap as actors seek to bypass the institutional constraints entailed in this mode of intergovernmental coordination. The study has implications beyond the field of trade policy as it contributes to the comparative analysis of intergovernmental relations in Canada and Europe.

Background: In the search for a panacea to local government dysfunction, the structure of local government is an important area of focus. Largely, district and local municipalities which were carved out of the need for post-apartheid transformational spatial development, struggle to achieve the delivery of planning goals. In 2019, the South African government introduced the District Development Model (DDM), an innovative platform that will tackle poor coordination of service delivery in the local sphere. The model has been piloted in the O.R. Tambo District in the Eastern Cape province. Aim: This research critically explores the potential of the DDM to improve Integrated Development Planning (IDP) in O.R. Tambo District Municipality. Methods: In search for meaningful exploration of this latest intervention, the study anchors itself on the interpretivist research paradigm. Semi-structured interview with in-depth preset open-ended questions was conducted with five senior managers. Results: The results show that although there seems to be a general awareness of the DDM among principal actors, there are some grey areas on how it is to function and how the expected results are to be achieved. Internal and external grey areas include coordination and communication dynamics within the model, and the whole change management process needed to effectively put this initiative in place. Conclusion: The article recommends an open systems approach to the DDM which makes the DDM hub an agile team. Contribution: This study adds to the knowledge on alternative service delivery models; it provides as a source to the introduction of the DDM, and it represents initial exploratory research into DDM.