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Based on the data of public opinion polls, the article assesses the degree of politicization and involvement in the practice of civic participation of a social group of “professionals”, by which we mean the Russian people with higher education and, as a rule, earning a living through mental labour. It is believed that this very part of society is one of the main pillars of democratic regimes in most of the developed countries. In the Russian realities, as the authors of the article note, the representatives of this group for a long time were focused on individual self-realization and avoided participation in the social and political life of the country, that led to the lack of adequate representation of their interests in public policy. In the past few years, as demonstrated by the FCTAS RAS studies, a demand for democratic participation began to form against the backdrop of the awareness of “professionals”, as well as of many other representatives of the middle class, of the importance of a favorable social environment (security, including environmental security, the presence of a developed social infrastructure, non-interference in the citizens private life, etc.). The authors believe that this is a request not only for adequate representation of the interests of these groups in the state, but also for changing the very nature of relations between the society and the state. The authors emphasize that the direct involvement of “professionals” in the practice of political and social participation is of “pulsating” nature yet, representing their reaction to certain political events that seem important. Despite the fact that the level of this involvement is not very high, nevertheless, it noticeably (and sometimes multiple) exceeds similar indicators of other socio-professional groups. In the event of a further deterioration in the quality of the socio-political environment and a decrease in the standard of living in the country, the “background” interest of the majority of Russian “professionals” in politics might be transformed into systematic and more active practices of political participation.

Resumen Se realiza un análisis empírico de las teorías del Materialismo-Postmaterialismo a partir de la elaboración de un índice, con los 12 items recogidos en la literatura y se aplica a una estructura de 4 generaciones, para observar el grado de Materialismo o Post-materialismo de una sociedad. Se observa una relativa similitud generacional entre países diversos, económica y geográficamente, lo cual refuerza la tesis generacional frente a tesis clásicas como la de la socialización o la de la escasez. Las variables relevantes para explicar el Postmaterialismo son el nivel de vida, el interés por la política y la formación principalmente. Los valores generacionales oscilan entre el Postmaterialismo elevado entre los Millennials y el Materialismo de los Mayores. Los resultados tienen diversas consecuencias para la economía, la sociología y la política, especialmente en las sociedades que tienden al envejecimiento. Resumo O artigo realiza uma análise empírica das teorias do Materialismo-Pós-materialismo por meio da elaboração de um índice, com os 12 itens tomados à literatura. A análise é aplicada a uma estrutura de quatro gerações, para observar o grau de Materialismo ou Pós-materialismo de uma sociedade. Observa-se uma similitude geracional relativa entre diversos países, econômica e geograficamente, o que reforça a tese geracional e contraria as teses clássicas, como a da socialização e a da escassez. As variáveis relevantes para explicar o Pós-materialismo são os níveis de vida, o interesse pela política e a formação. Os valores geracionais oscilam entre o Pós-materialismo elevado entre os Millennials e o Materialismo dos mais velhos. Os resultados têm várias consequências para a economia, a sociologia e a política, especialmente em sociedades que tendem ao envelhecimento. Abstract An empirical analysis of the theories of Materialism-postmaterialism is carried out from the elaboration of an Index, with the 12 items collected in the literature and applied to a 4-generation structure, to observe the degree of Materialism or Post-materialism of society. A relative generational similarity is observed between economically and geographically different countries, which reinforces the generational thesis against classical theses such as socialization or scarcity. The standard of living, interest in politics and education are the relevant variables to explain Post-materialism. Generational values range from high Post-materialism among Millennials to Materialism of the Elderly. The results have various consequences for economics, sociology, and politics, especially in societies prone to aging.

RESUMO Introdução: O artigo explora os efeitos potenciais de características sociodemográficas no comparecimento eleitoral em um cenário em que o voto não fosse compulsório no Brasil. Em que pese algumas diferenças sociodemográficas, o principal fator associado à propensão a comparecer às eleições é atitudinal: o interesse por política. Materiais e Métodos: Utilizei dados do Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro (ondas de 2014 e 2018) e mostro, por intermédio de regressão logística, os efeitos das variáveis sexo, cor, idade, escolaridade, interesse por política e atitude em relação à democracia sobre a disposição de votar. Resultados: Nos dois modelos de regressão testados, apenas um segmento demográfico aparece com propensão nitidamente maior a comparecer: pessoas com mais de 70 anos. Duas variáveis atitudinais estão fortemente associadas à probabilidade de comparecer às eleições: nível de apoio à democracia e, mais expressivamente, grau de interesse por política. Discussão: A pesquisa mostra que fatores atitudinais são mais relevantes do que fatores sociológicos clássicos (sempre destacados pela literatura sobre a desigualdade eleitoral) na predisposição de os eleitores comparecerem para votar. ABSTRACT Introduction: The article explores the potential effects of sociodemographic characteristics on voter turnout in a scenario where voting was not compulsory in Brazil. Despite some sociodemographic differences, the main factor associated with the propensity to attend elections is attitudinal: interest in politics. Materials and Methods: I used data from the Brazilian Electoral Study (waves from 2014 and 2018) and show, though logistic regression, the effects of the variables gender, race, age, education, interest in politics, attitude towards democracy over willingness to vote. Results: In the two models tested, only one demographic segment presents a markedly greater propensity to attend voting: people over 70 years old. Two attitudinal variables are strongly related to probability in attending elections: level of democracy support, and more significantly, degree of interest in politics. Discussion: The research shows that attitudinal factors are more relevant than classic sociological ones (always highlighted by literature about electoral inequality) on elector’s willingness to attend voting.

Introduction: Several studies regarding the values and attitudes of Economics students have noticed a greater leaning towards the free riding phenomena and the market economy. Are these traits always valid? Do they coexist with other sociological relevant aspects? Materials and Methods: A survey was conducted in Lisbon (Portugal) in 2016 with Economics students. In addition to the economic view, it was studied their self-perception at the left-right spectrum and their interest in politics. The results of this survey were compared with previous research on three social groups (young citizens, elder citizens, and other students). The data were statistically analyzed through correlation and factorial analysis tests. Results: The research revealed a tendency towards a right-wing self-perception and an increased concern about politics by these Portuguese students. However, these traits were attenuated, because those Economics students converge with other group’s values, specially the “young citizens” and the “old citizens”. Generally, groups with greater leaning towards free riding are also more inclined to pro-market ideas, right-wing, and interested in politics. Results indicate the existence of other substantially different behavioral components, being one of them correspondent to the variables used to measure “free riding” and an opposite component which we can label “open-mindedness”. Discussion: As a whole, the results suggest a considerable influence of Economics in the mental framework of these students. Evidence seems to signal a diffuse cultural influence, corresponding to a simplified and impoverished version of the academic field. RESUMO Introdução: Vários estudos sobre os valores e atitudes dos estudantes de Economia têm notado sua maior inclinação para o parasitismo (free riding) e para a regulação pelo mercado. Estes traços são sempre válidos? Eles coexistem com outros aspectos sociologicamente relevantes? Materiais e Métodos: Foi realizado um survey em Lisboa (Portugal) em 2016 com estudantes de Economia. Foram pesquisadas, além da visão econômica, a autopercepção desses indivíduos no espectro esquerda-direita e o interesse pela política. Os resultados desse inquérito foram comparados com pesquisas anteriores sobre outros três grupos sociais (cidadãos jovens, cidadãos idosos e outros estudantes). Os dados foram analisados estatisticamente por testes de correlação e análise fatorial. Resultados: A pesquisa revelou uma tendência para uma autopercepção de direita e um interesse acrescido pela política por parte desses estudantes portugueses. Entretanto, essas características foram atenuadas, pois os estudantes de economia convergem com os valores dos outros grupos, em especial os “jovens adultos” e os “adultos idosos”. Genericamente, grupos mais inclinados ao parasitismo são também mais pró-mercado e de direita e mais interessados na política. Os resultados indicam a existência de outros componentes atitudinais consideravelmente diferentes, um deles correspondendo às variáveis utilizadas com o propósito de mensurar o “free riding” e um componente oposto que podemos chamar genericamente de “open-mindedness”. Discussão: No conjunto, os resultados sugerem uma influência considerável da Economia no enquadramento mental desses estudantes. As evidências parecem sinalizar uma influência cultural difusa, correspondente a uma versão simplificada e conceitualmente empobrecida da disciplina.

This article explores whether the current populist zeitgeist has changed the social representation of the political labels ‘left’ and ‘right’ in terms of their relevance, understanding and meaning. We merged two post-electoral quota samples of the Italian adult population. The first (N = 1,377) was collected in 2006 by the ITANES research group, the second in 2019 (N = 1,504) for this study. We analysed the relevance of left and right in politics as the frequency with which participants placed themselves on the left–right axis; its understanding as the frequency with which participants answered at least one of two open-ended questions about the meaning of such categories, and the meaning participants gave to left and right in politics through content analysis of their responses to the open-ended questions above. From 2006 to 2019, the relevance and understanding of left and right declined. In terms of meanings, references to the traditional elements of left and right became less common, while references to specific leaders, and the notion of ‘left’ and ‘right’ in politics no longer making sense, became more widespread; moreover, none of the other populist categories significantly changed their frequency. This study expands the scope of the previous research on this topic also by identifying the critical role that political interest plays in the changes on which we have focused. Strengths, limitations and implications of the study are discussed.

O artigo realiza uma análise empírica das teorias do Materialismo-Pós-materialismo por meio da elaboração de um índice, com os 12 itens tomados à literatura. A análise é aplicada a uma estrutura de quatro gerações, para observar o grau de Materialismo ou Pós-materialismo de uma sociedade. Observa-se uma similitude geracional relativa entre diversos países, econômica e geograficamente, o que reforça a tese geracional e contraria as teses clássicas, como a da socialização e a da escassez. As variáveis relevantes para explicar o Pós-materialismo são os níveis de vida, o interesse pela política e a formação. Os valores geracionais oscilam entre o Pós-materialismo elevado entre os Millennials e o Materialismo dos mais velhos. Os resultados têm várias consequências para a economia, a sociologia e a política, especialmente em sociedades que tendem ao envelhecimento. An empirical analysis of the theories of Materialism-Postmaterialism is carried out from the elaboration of an Index, with the 12 items collected in the literature and applied to a 4-generation structure, to observe the degree of Materialism or Post-materialism of society. A relative generational similarity is observed between economically and geographically different countries, which reinforces the generational thesis against classical theses such as socialization or scarcity. The standard of living, interest in politics and education are the relevant variables to explain Post-materialism. Generational values range from high Post-materialism among Millennials to Materialism of the Elderly. The results have various consequences for economics, sociology, and politics, especially in societies prone to aging. Se realiza un análisis empírico de las teorías del Materialismo-Postmaterialismo a partir de la elaboración de un índice, con los 12 items recogidos en la literatura y se aplica a una estructura de 4 generaciones, para observar el grado de Materialismo o Post-materialismo de una sociedad. Se observa una relativa similitud generacional entre países diversos, económica y geográficamente, lo cual refuerza la tesis generacional frente a tesis clásicas como la de la socialización o la de la escasez. Las variables relevantes para explicar el Postmaterialismo son el nivel de vida, el interés por la política y la formación principalmente. Los valores generacionales oscilan entre el Postmaterialismo elevado entre los Millennials y el Materialismo de los Mayores. Los resultados tienen diversas consecuencias para la economía, la sociología y la política, especialmente en las sociedades que tienden al envejecimiento.

The master´s thesis deals with the topic of political participation of young people. It mainly focuses on young people who are politically involved in the South Bohemian Region. The thesis is divided into two parts. The theoretical part first introduces some of the selected definitions of political participation. I deal with possible forms of political participation: conventional and unconventional.The work also introduces the activities that young people, according to various researches, spend their free time. Subsequently, the relationship of young people, aged 18 to 35 years, to politics is described. Possible causes of young people's lack of interest in public events are also presented.In this part, attention is paid to active and passive voting. Subsequently, the theoretical part deals with selected determinants of political participation. The practical part presents the conclusions of the research of political participation of young people in the South Bohemian region. The aim of the research was to use interviews to find out what the experiences of young political candidates are. Discover, what motivates young people to take an interest in public affairs and what possible obstacles they have had to face.

The topic of the thesis is young people's relationship with politics in the Czech Republic. The first part deals with interest in politics and participation in elections among young people and compares them with general public. Furthermore, it focuses on involvement of youth in various organisations and their participation in public life. Besides, the thesis tries to find reasons for lack of interest in politics and characterise some causes related to theirs attitudes towards politics. Finally, it deals with political preferences of young people and their engagement in political organisations. The last part of the thesis summarises results of the research findings which took place among social studies students at The Faculty of Education. The research focused on attitudes and participation of youth in politics.

Studies in Croatia confirm that political engagement of the youth is changing. Although the youth’s interest in politics and political affairs in Croatia saw an increase between 1999 and 2004, it was still weaker than it was in the period of socialism (Ilišin, 2011), while at the same time their political engagement is on decline. Research has found that young people are more skeptical of the forms of traditional politics and are more open to expressing their political engagement through new media. This research addresses the very foundation of the opposing diagnoses as well as the thesis on the pluralization of the youth’s political engagement, based on a study conducted among the students enrolled in eight components of the University of Rijeka in 2015 (N = 635). The paper analyzes traditional forms (political party membership, elections,) and new political forms (forms of political engagement on social networks) of the students. The results are compared with the political engagement of the youth/students in European and Croatian research. The results point to the existence of hybrid politics, which includes a high readiness to vote in elections, signing paper petitions, and “liking” political initiatives on the Internet, but at the same time reveals the students’ very modest engagement in either traditional or new forms of political action., Istraživanja u Hrvatskoj potvrđuju da se političnost mladih mijenja. Iako interes mladih za politiku i politička zbivanja u Hrvatskoj između 1999. i 2004. godine raste, još je uvijek manji nego što je bio u razdoblju socijalizma (Ilišin, 2011), dok istodobno, politička participacija mladih opada. Istraživanja nalaze da su mladi sve skeptičniji prema oblicima tradicionalne političnosti, a otvoreniji prema iskazivanju političnosti kroz nove medije. Rad problematizira utemeljenost oprečnih dijagnoza, kao i teze o pluralizaciji političnost mladih, na temelju istraživanja provedenog među studentima osam sastavnica Sveučilišta u Rijeci 2015. godine (N=635). U radu se analiziraju oblici tradicionalne (članstvo u političkim strankama; izlazak na izbore) i nove političnosti (oblici političkog angažmana na društvenim mrežama) studenata. Rezultati se uspoređuju s političnošću mladih/studenata u europskim i hrvatskim istraživanjima. Rezultati govore o postojanju hibridne političnosti koja uključuje visoku spremnost glasovanja na izborima, potpisivanje peticija na štandu i lajkanje političkih inicijativa na internetu, ali, istovremeno, ukazuju i na vrlo skromni angažman studenta u ostalim, bilo tradicionalnim bilo novim, oblicima političke akcije.

Interest in politics is an important ingredient in the formation of civil society, which in turn provides the basis for good governance. Existing research has not clarified drivers of political interest with respect to females in the Arabian Peninsula. This article investigates the gender gap in political interest in the context of the State of Qatar, incorporating factors such as education, income, and marital status as well as age and generational effects. It also incorporates religiosity, beliefs about traditional gender roles, and the impact of social media and Twitter usage as predictors of political interest. Nationally representative survey data from the Social and Economic Survey Research Institute from 2011 to 2014 are used to examine attitudes of political interest. Analysis indicates that gender gaps are persistent in spite of significant progress made by women in this area. Education and age are consistent predictors of political interest, followed by weaker positive effects for social media activity.

Das Ideal einer lebendigen Demokratie mit engagierten Bürger/innen lässt nach Wegen suchen, um die Partizipationsbereitschaft nachkommender Generationen zu fördern. Ausgehend von der Prämisse, dass das Wohlbefinden einen zentralen Motivator darstellt, der sich auch bei jungen Menschen mithilfe der Konzepte der Positiven Psychologie gezielt fördern lässt (Brohm & Endres, 2015), nähert sich der vorliegende Beitrag den beiden folgenden Forschungsfragen: Erstens, lässt sich ein Zusammenhang zwischen dem Wohlbefinden Jugendlicher und ihrer politischen Partizipationsbereitschaft respektive ihrem politischen Interesse empirisch nachweisen? Zweitens, in welchen Kontexten und in welchem Maße erleben Jugendliche Wohlbefinden in der Auseinandersetzung mit politischen Themen, Akteur/innen und Prozessen? Da bisherige bundesweite und regionale Studien zu den Themen Jugend, Politik und politisch-gesellschaftlicher Teilhabe nur in bedingtem Maße Rückschlüsse auf die fünf Elemente des Wohlbefindens nach Seligman (2012) zuließen, wurde im Vorfeld des vorliegenden Beitrags eine schriftliche Befragung von 100 Jugendlichen aus dem saarländischen Landkreis Saarlouis durchgeführt. Die Befragten charakterisieren sich mehrheitlich als allgemein aufgeschlossen und interessiert, doch es gelingt der Politik und ihren Mittler/innen nur eingeschränkt, dieses Potenzial in aktive politische Teilhabe zu übersetzen. Unter anderem persönliche Kontakte zu politisch Engagierten und eigene Erfahrungen in politischen Verbänden erweisen sich indes als positiv und korrelieren mit dem politischen Interesse und der Offenheit der Jugendlichen gegenüber politischer Partizipation.

RESUMEN: Este estudio tiene como propósito determi nar el papel de los medios en la atención a noticias como desencadenantes de la parti cipación política de los jóvenes, factor indis pensable para el desarrollo de la democracia en el Estado de Nuevo León. Con un enfo que longitudinal, aplica una metodología de corte cuantitativo mediante dos encues tas de opinión en diferentes momentos. Sus resultados más relevantes muestran que la atención a noticias y programas de política sí genera en los jóvenes un interés positivo en ese ámbito, interés que se ve expresado en la participación política convencional de los jóvenes, pero no en la no convencional. ABSTRACT: This study aims to determine the role of the media in the attention to news as a trigger for the political participation of young people, an essential factor for the development of democracy in the State of Nuevo León. With a longitudinal approach, it applies a quantitative cutoff methodology through two opinion surveys at different times. The most relevant results show that attention to news and policy programs does generate a positive interest in youth in this area, an interest that is expressed in the conventional political participation of young people, but not in the unconventional. RESUMO: Este estudo visa determinar o papel da atenção da mídia para a notícia como gatilhos de participação política dos jovens, indispensáveis para o desenvolvi mento da democracia no estado do fator de Nuevo Leon. A abordagem longitudi nal aplica uma metodologia quantitativa cortado por duas pesquisas de opinião em momentos diferentes. Seus resultados mais relevantes mostram que a atenção às notícias e programas políticos sobre a juventude gera um interesse positivo nesta área, você vê interesse manifestado na participação política convencional de jovens, mas não em na participação polí tica não convencional.

Задля порівняльного аналізу громадсько-політичної активності жителів європейських країн застосовано методологічний підхід Європейського соціального дослідження (ЄСД, 2010–2012–2014). Зокрема, аналізуючи політичний складник основного поняття, ми виявили, що висока зацікавленість політикою передбачає більш активну участь у національних виборах, роботу в організаціях політичного та неполітичного спрямування, практику звернень до політичних діячів. Найбільше цікавиться політикою населення країн із високим рівнем життя (Німеччини (21,1 %), Данії (20,5 %), Ізраїлю (16,6 %), Швеції (18,0 %), Швейцарії (16,4 %), Великобританії (16,0 %)). Згідно з Індексами громадсько-політичної активності (О. Боровський), до групи країн-лідерів входять Швеція (0,33), Фінляндія (0,28), Німеччина (0,27), Франція (0,26), Данія (0,24), Норвегія (0,24). Усі держави Східної Європи займають найнижчі сходинки рейтингу. Результати методики верифікують попередні висновки про те, що населення країн із високим рівнем життя є активним учасником політичного життя держави. Жителі тих країн, які більше довіряють парламенту своєї держави, частіше звертаються до представників влади різного рівня (трійка лідерів – Норвегія, Данія, Швеція), і навпаки. Вплив довіри до інституцій на громадсько-політичну активність потребує додаткового вивчення. Participation of the community in political processes is not only an important feature of the society «democraticity», but also a necessary condition for maintaining its stability and development. For the comparative analysis of the socio-political activity of the inhabitants of European countries, the authors used the methodological approach of the European Social Survey (ESS, 2010–2012–2014), taking into account the fact that political ones dominate among the varieties of socio-political activity. In particular, analyzing the political component of the basic concept, it was found that high interest in politics involves more active participation in national elections, work in organizations of political and non-political orientation, and practice of appeals to politicians. Among the countries whose populations are most interested in politics, countries with a high standard of living were Germany (21,1 %), Denmark (20,5 %), Israel (16,6 %), Sweden (18,0 %), Switzerland (16,4 %), Great Britain (16,0 %). According to the indexes of public-political activity (O. Borovsky's methodology), a group of countries with higher rates in comparison with other countries is clearly distinguished. Thus, the group of leading countries includes Sweden (0,33), Finland (0,28), Germany (0,27), France (0,26), Denmark (0,24), Norway (0,24). All countries of Eastern Europe, along with countries such as Estonia, Lithuania and Portugal, rank lowest in the ranking. Thus, the results of the methodology verifies the findings obtained through a one-dimensional analysis of the indicators of the political component of public-political activity of the population, that the population of countries with a high standard of living is an active participant in the political life of the country. There is also the following dependency: residents of those countries that more trust in the parliament of their country, more often turn to authorities of different levels (the three leaders here - Norway, Denmark, Sweden) and vice versa. Given this result, as well as the fact that normative trust as a determinant of relations in society forms an institutional, the influence of the level of trust on the institutions on the level of public-political activity requires statistical confirmation.

Current research on the Kazakhstani youth's political participation has usually been informed by a rather traditional understanding of the concept of political participation, without considering the impact of social media and other non-traditional forms of political engagement. This article advocates for a more nuanced understanding of political participation in the country, and particularly among the younger generation, who - it will be shown, display a wide interest in the political developments of the country and are possibly encouraged by a wider access to information and social media through the internet. By pushing the boundaries of political participation, we suggest that young Kazakhs are more active in political debates than usually considered by a number of previous studies.

This paper shows the results of a study carried out with young people inCaldas State, Colombia. According to the DANE (2005), the youth populationestimated for 2007 was of 237,130, that is, 97,789 between 14 and 18 years;74,413 between 19 and 22 years and 64,928 between 23 and 26 years. In thisstudy, the probabilistic sample was of 4,479 young people and the surveyedpopulation was of 4,559 young people. They belonged to the 27 municipalitiesof Caldas and were determined proportionally based on the populationof each municipality. This study allows to evidence the thinking of young people, their interests, motivations, and viewpoints related to politics, their perception of the country, and political parties and movements. It also analyzes the level of information about laws and institutions related to these people and the opportunities young people can get from them. The development of each subtopic is distributed based on: 1) age and gender, 2) subregions, and 3) occupations or professions and geographical location. This information allows a first description and, from which, some conceptual approaches to the topics are proposed. Finally, general conclusions derived from the information given by young people are drawn., Este documento es el resultado de una parte del estudio que se realizó con jóvenes en el Departamento de Caldas (Colombia). La investigación general, buscaba caracterizar la realidad juvenil en esta región del país con base en las áreas que definió la gobernación del Departamento de Caldas en el Decreto No. 0654 en 2007, mediante el cual adoptó la política pública de juventud.Estas áreas son: trabajo, salud, comunicación, educación, economía, deporte, recreación, cultura, familia, medio ambiente, la participación y política. Esta última área, es la que convoca las siguientes reflexiones. Según el Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadísticas de Colombia (DANE, 2005) la población de jóvenes, estimada a 2007 para este departamento era de 237.130, (97.789 de 14 a 18 años, 74.413 de 19 a 22 años y 64.928 de 23 a 26 años). Por ello, para efectos del presente estudio, la muestra probabilística que se definió fue de 4.479, y las personas consultadas 4.559, discriminadas porcentualmente de los 27 municipios del departamento y ubicadas proporcionalmente con base en la población de cada municipio. Esto nos permite afirmar que las conclusiones son válidas para todos estos jóvenes, es decir, las personas comprendidas entre los 14 y los 26 años de edad, tomando como base lo indicado por la Ley 375 de 1997 o Ley de la Juventud en Colombia. Los resultados se obtienen a partir de la base de datos que deriva de aplicar el programa de estadísticas SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences). Con base en los datos producidos, se identifica y caracteriza lo que piensan estos jóvenes, sus intereses, motivaciones, puntos de vista en relación con la política y la percepción del país, de los partidos y movimientos políticos, el nivel de información que tienen acerca de las normas e instituciones relacionadas con ellos, y de las oportunidades que ellas les brindan.

The paper presents results of the experimental study on the government's remembrance policy, attitudes towards it, and the influence of remembrance narratives. It discusses individual differences of participants on three different grounds: (1) interest in history or politics, and level of historical knowledge, (2) features of cognitive motivation measured by the need for closure questionnaire: preference of order, desire for predictability, discomfort with ambiguity, closed-mindedness and decisiveness, and (3) response to the presented narrative, including inspired emotions and an assessment of a story. Collected data and research observations offer an interesting and valuable insight into relationships between various factors and citizen's support for the remembrance policy. They also lead the team to formulate three conclusions which may be used to develop theoretical understandings of this aspect of politics within political science and related disciplines.