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This paper engages with the routine normalisation of mass violations of human rights at the EU–Belarusian border. The direct and indirect victimisation of the racialised 'other' on the Eastern border of the Union is a direct extension of the EU-sponsored war on the racialised passport-poor in the Mediterranean. Together, the two form one clear and coherent picture of flagrant mass rights abuse. This EU law approach has claimed more than 27,000 lives over the last eight years and left more than 120,000 innocent people captured and imprisoned, or enslaved and sold for ransom by the criminal proxies enlisted by the EU and its Member States. This dramatic situation has not arisen by chance. An array of legal techniques is deployed by the EU, specifically by FRONTEX, the European Commission and, albeit incidentally and to a lesser extent, the European Court of Justice—to make sure that the full brunt of the denial of the right to life and other vital rights of non-citizens is never presented as a violation of EU law. We call these legal techniques 'EU lawlessness law'. Focusing on the situation at the EU–Belarusian border allows us to zoom in on the bespoke lawlessness solutions crafted and deployed there by the EU and its Member States. The gross violations of the law are rhetorically justified by the alleged instrumentalisation of migrants by the dictatorial Belarusian regime. Paradoxically, the latter emerges as a de facto partner of the EU and its Member States, in torturing numerous people in complete disregard of any of the legal guarantees that the Union professes to provide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2020 EU Pact on Migration and Asylum introduced a series of legal texts aimed at reforming the existing EU asylum policy. Following years of challenging negotiations, an agreement on the Pact was reached in December 2023 with all the texts published in the Official Journal of the EU in May 2024. This article critically discusses some provisions of three key texts within the Pact: the Asylum Procedures Regulation (APR), the Crisis Regulation, and the Asylum and Migration Management Regulation (AMMR). The aim is to uncover the strategic employment of derogations and exceptions to compensate external border states for their heightened responsibilities, particularly in situations of migratory pressure. The article also explores the impact of newly introduced concepts and measures, such as the 'non-entry' fiction and the concept of 'adequate capacity' in border procedures, as well as derogatory provisions in 'crisis' and 'instrumentalisation' situations. It highlights how the agreed instruments, under the guise of presenting derogations as a form of 'solidarity', compromise the rights of asylum seekers and fail to effectively address the increased responsibility of states at the external borders. It further argues that these measures deviate from the goal of harmonisation within the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). The paper concludes by emphasising that the promise of achieving a fair and balanced asylum system in the EU remains unfulfilled, with an overreliance on derogations overshadowing genuine progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The pervasiveness of the understanding of religion and its amenability to persons and circumstances see it in every area of life. Politics is one of such areas. Their relationship with each other, given their seemingly divergent contents and orientations, has been contentious through times. They are sometimes pitched against each other, or one is seen to be exploited by the other. Religion is accused as being instrumentalised by politicians to access power through religion-induced violence. This theoretical paper seeks to examine whether religion is as guilty as she is charged in the issues of conflicts associated with it in politics and political settings. The study establishes through phenomenological prism, that the true understanding of religion, despite the inherent potentials for peace and violence, exonerates and acquits it from those charges. It invites to a rethink about the abuses of religion, to the upholding of the true understanding of religion, and urges its non-instrumentalisation in politics.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(2), 561-578 | European Forum Insight of 27 september 2023 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. Pushbacks and their human rights implications. - III. Instrumentalisation as justification for pushbacks in national rhetoric and law. - IV. Instrumentalisation arguments infiltrating the EU. - V. EU regulatory responses to “hybrid threats”. - VI. The worst of a series of bad legislative proposals. - VII. Fundamentally different situation on the ground? - VIII. Conclusion and discussion. | (Abstract) This Insight examines the discourse surrounding the instrumentalisation of migration and its impact on monitoring the EU’s external borders. It analyses the regulatory response, focusing on the Instrumentalisation Regulation, to determine if an exceptional emergency response is justified. The article explores recent arguments regarding changes in factual circumstances, such as pushbacks and their human rights implications. It also investigates the invocation of hybrid threats and instrumentalisation of migrants in national legal contexts (Greece, Spain, Poland, Lithuania and Latvia) to justify systematic pushback practices. The Insight discusses EU institutions’ adoption of these arguments and their inclusion in legislative proposals. The article critically examines the regulatory proposals from a fundamental rights perspective, questioning the extent to which the existing protection framework can be derogated. The Insight assesses whether a fundamental shift has occurred and if it warrants an exceptional response to safeguard the Area of Freedom Security and Justice, Schengen, and the Common European Asylum System. It offers an “insight” contributing to the ongoing scholarly conversation by providing a timely analysis of the legal implications of the instrumentalisation of migration, considering it as a continuation of the securitisation paradigm rather than a paradigm shift requiring an exceptional emergency response, as exemplified by the proposed Instrumentalisation Regulation.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(1), 323-330 | Dialogue | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. Post-Charter situation at first glance. – III. Post Charter situation: Second thoughts. – III.1 Autonomy (first) – III.2 Legitimacy (when needed). – IV. Conclusion: What about the standard of protection? | (Abstract) Whilst the ECtHR’s case-law has occupied a central position in the CJEU’s fundamental rights case-law since the latter’s beginning, the entry into force of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights seems to have opened a new and more chaotic period. Relying on this new fundamental rights instrument, the CJEU tends to cite ECtHR case-law in a far less systematic way, raising questions about the function of this case-law in the CJEU’s new and ever-growing fundamental rights jurisprudential corpus. But, beyond this apparent inconsistency, nothing has really changed: ECtHR case-law still helps the CJEU to legitimate its own jurisprudence, being summoned whenever the EU Court needs it, and the ECHR human rights standard is still the CJEU’s first (but not only) compass.

The article seeks to analyse the phenomenon of Slovenian regionalisation (province) and the names of individual regions, which are still part of the heritage and identity of individuals living in the areas of each region (province). What are the reasons for the formation of the names? Common sense is that province expansion refers to all measures to improve and standardise a specific area's legal and economic structure. Economic and legal reasons dictated the name; the name was only an address for the recipient of economic and legal privileges (rights). In other words, the expansion of the province (region) concerned the "constitution" of a country in the double sense of "being legally ordered" (legal culture) and "actually being composed" (administrative culture). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2022 7(2), 615-626 | European Forum Insight of 3 October 2022 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. The hotspot approach: from emergency measure to standard migration management. - III. The New Pact on Migration and Asylum: the institutionalisation of the hotspot approach. - IV. The Belarus migration crisis: instrumentalising the instrumentalisation narrative. - IV.1. Instrumentalisation of migrants. - IV.2. Instrumentalisation of migration crises. - IV.3. Instrumentalisation of derogatory regimes. - V. Conclusion. | (Abstract) The global reform of the EU migration policy envisaged in the New Pact on Migration and Asylum is stalling. The increased number of arrivals from Belarus gave the European Commission the opportunity to change its approach in attempting to reform the European migration management. The Belarus crisis, influenced by the active involvement of the Belarus regime in facilitating third country nationals' passage towards the EU external border, has been labelled an "instrumentalisation situation" posing a threat to the security of the Union. This Insight claims that the Commission is exploit-ing the instrumentalisation narrative to push forward its agenda on migration policy, normalising the use of detention and border procedures as standard migration management tools. Such policy objectives, already introduced in 2015 with the hotspot approach, already play a key role in the overall structure of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. The Insight argues that the Commission's fight against the instrumentalisation of migrants is in itself an instrumentalisation exercise: migrants are instrumentalised to strengthen the securitarian approach to migration; migration crises are instrumentalised to push forward sectorial elements of the New Pact; EU law is instrumentalised to intro-duce derogatory regimes as permanent components of the EU migration policy.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2022 7(2), 545-560 | European Forum Insight of 28 July 2022 | (Table of Contents) I. Premessa. - II. La possibilità di deroga all'applicazione della direttiva 2008/115/CE nel nuovo Patto su migrazione e asilo. - III. La possibilità di deroga all'applicazione della direttiva 2008/115/CE nelle proposte di risposta alla strumentalizzazione dei migranti. - IV. La possibilità di deroga alla direttiva 2008/115/CE a fronte della modifica del regolamento sul meccanismo di valutazione e monitoraggio di Schengen (SEMM). - V. Considerazioni critiche e conclusioni. | (Abstract) Art. 2(2)(a) of the Directive 2008/115/EC (Return Directive) provides the conditions whereby the Member States can derogate from some provisions of the directive itself. An amendment to remove this clause is under discussion before the European Parliament, as part of the negotiations on the directive's recast. Derogations from the scope of the directive challenge the monitoring of compli-ance with human rights obligations and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. Meanwhile, the proposal on the reform of the Schengen Evaluation and Monitoring Mechanism (SEMM) aims for an effective monitoring of the respect of rights at external borders. This implies greater attention to the correct implementation of the Return Directive. However, in the new Pact for migration and asylum, the derogation clause is applicable to both the proposal for a Regulation on screening at external borders and the proposal for a common procedure for international protection. Derogations from the Return Directive are also contained in the proposals aimed at addressing situations of instrumentalisation of migration and asylum. The analysis of these provisions gives a picture of an incoherent normative system, whose antinomies may foster or further complicate the already troubled advancement of negotiations on the Return Directive and on the Pact.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2022 7(1), 287-304 | European Forum Insight of 6 June 2022 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduzione. - II. La Lituania di fronte alla pressione migratoria proveniente dalla Bielorussia. - II.1. Il trattenimento dei richiedenti asilo durante la procedura in frontiera e la finzione di non ingresso. - II.2. Limitazioni al diritto di accesso alla procedura di riconoscimento della protezione internazionale. - II.3. Il mancato accesso ad una tutela effettiva. - III. La risposta dell'Unione europea alla strumentalizzazione delle persone migranti da parte della Bielorussia. - IV. La proposta di decisione ex art. 78(3) TFUE a confronto con la normativa nazionale lituana. - V. Il supporto operativo da parte dell'UE: l'intervento di EASO in Lituania e relative criticità. - VI. Riflessioni conclusive. | (Abstract) This Insight aims to illustrate common elements between the Lithuanian and European Union reaction following the "instrumentalisation of migrants" by Belarus. The most critical aspects with re-spect to national reforms and the Proposal presented by the Commission in December 2021 - ex art. 78(3) TFEU - shed light on specific issues that the EUAA presence in Lithuania raises - namely, the risk of fundamental rights' violations and its accountability.

In democratic societies, the political process ultimately is about making value judgements. Comparative cultural policy research indicates different value orientations may be behind cultural policies of different nations. It has also indicated developments that are common, such as democratisation of culture, neoliberalisation of politics and globalisation. As of yet, such value changes have not been studied at the level of cultural policy documents analysed as text. This article proposes a methodology to study value changes behind cultural policies over time and across nations. Based in the "pragmatic sociology" of Boltanski, Thévenot, and Chiapello, the article presents a big data methodology to uncover value changes of policy documents over time, between different policy agents, and across nations using material from the UK and the Netherlands. The paper explains the methodology, discusses the implications of the preliminary outcomes and provides suggestions for further comparative policy analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article examines Jürgen Habermas's text: The Future of Human Nature, focused on the implications of the development of biotechnological practices such as preimplantation genetic diagnostics and the possibilities of embryo modeling. Habermas' thesis that the uncontrolled use of the mentioned practices creates a danger of possible instrumentalisation of man and the creation of relations of dependence between different groups of people is analyzed. In such a perspective, the report centers around Nobel Laureate Kazuo Ishiguro's novel Never Let Me Go as an illustration of a possible future in which technology will allow the creation of human clones used as a source of spare parts. Various examples of such instrumentalisation of the human body in the last two decades are also given - surrogate motherhood, the egg market and even the case in which parents created a child to save the life of his/ sister through a bone marrow transplant. These already available instances of instrumentalisation of the human are pointed out in order to question the anthropological consequences of the advancement of biotechnology and its almost unchallenged imposition as a form of scientific progress that will lead to the improvement of the humankind but perhaps it will rather mark its end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to refine two central concepts in scholarly accounts of national policy responses to international data: 'selectivity' and 'instrumentalisation'. It does so by broadening, firstly, the empirical focus of research to include forms of international data other than the performance data of global learning metrics and international large-scale assessments, and secondly, its case-studies focus to embrace the Republic of Cyprus as an understudied and uniquely situated case within international power structures, but mostly, by reimagining the national policymaker as a postmodern subjectivity rather than a sovereign, fully cogitative and conscious individual. From this theoretical point of view, selectivity is conceptualised as an unintended consequence of the ambivalent attitudes of policymakers towards comparison and numbers, while instrumentalisation as a frequently problematic and ambiguous praxis. To test these two arguments, the article analyses why and how and to what extent statistical averages of teaching time allocations to curriculum subjects from EU and OECD countries are valued and integrated into the 2015 school timetables reform initiative of the Ministry of Education and Culture in Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The instrumentalisation of law for the purposes of creating a 'hostile environment' and deterring 'unwanted migration' is particularly visible in the UK. The new Nationality and Borders Act 2022 contains proposals on asylum which show a rejection of international law norms and conventions, without having had the political courage to put that rejection squarely to the public. That is not new. Right from the emergence of asylum as a political issue in the 1980's, the lukewarm official 'welcome' never quite hid the stance of disbelief which underlay the UK's legal and procedural responses. A parallel process, beginning even earlier but accelerating from 2010 onwards, has taken place in UK domestic immigration law. New legislation, Immigration Rules, policies, application procedures and litigation practices show diminishing respect for rule of law principles. This article uses simple and hopefully uncontroversial definitions of international law norms and accepted common law rule of law principles against which to analyse and critique key aspects of UK immigration control. It concludes that UK policies and practice have over time displayed an increasing hostility to those norms and principles, resorting to ignorant and even brazen indifference to facts, evidence, and analysis, and widening the gap between domestic and international law in important respects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question on the role of the law, particularly tort law, in combating legal but potentially lethal products and services is inseparable from the broader issue of the ongoing instrumentalisation of the law. Increasingly used to pursue goals other than its primary aim of compensation, tort law is no exception to the general trend of instrumentalisation of private law. This instrumentalisation is a dual phenomenon that has developed both out of top-down and bottom-up impulses. Although specific questions may arise for each of these two movements, they encounter a common limit. Tort law’s primary compensatory function fundamentally restricts instrumentalisation. Other functions, such as enforcement or prevention, which come to the fore in the battle against legal but potentially lethal products and services, are grafted onto this primary function and can only be pursued insofar as they are compatible with it. This relates to the tension created by pursuing public goals through tort law as an essentially private law instrument. Attention is needed not to overstretch tort law’s prerequisites, which are coherent with its private law embedding, which would turn tort law into a dangerous passe-partout.

Recent political science literature has identified the emergence of a new form of authoritarian regime, in which formal democratic institutions continue to exist but the playing field becomes seriously tilted towards the incumbents. This article offers an interpretation of the recent turn in Hungarian cultural policy in such a competitive authoritarian context. It focuses on state interventions that seek to limit the autonomy of the cultural sphere. They have the following features: 1) the growing significance of nationalist ideology ('culture wars'), 2) an increasing instrumentalisation of cultural policy, and 3) no clear separation between cultural policy and politics (the emergence of political patronage and the replacement of the former cultural elite). The article explores the means, actors and institutions through which these interventions have occurred and the extent of their success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Luego de un tortuoso proceso de paz que terminó con una confrontación armada con la guerrilla Farc-EP-, una vez firmado el acuerdo en septiembre de 2016, se desencadenaron posturas álgidas que derivaron en tensiones de diversa índole (las que hasta hoy persisten) sin que se vislumbren escenarios de paz; al contrario, Colombia atraviesa por uno de los momentos más complejos y violentos de su historia, atrapada en una polarización política que roza el fundamentalismo, el cual permea a sus instituciones judiciales, policiales, medios de comunicación y a la sociedad en general, lo que hace prácticamente imposible el diálogo reflexivo entre las diferentes posiciones ideológicas, que han hecho aún más notorios los clivajes sociales que han caracterizado a la nación colombiana como una de las más fragmentadas del hemisferio. En virtud de lo anterior, en este artículo se propone, mediante un enfoque constructivista y con el apoyo de una metodología cualitativa como la entrevista semi-estructurada y el análisis de columnistas que abordan el tema, examinar así la ecuación Justicia-Medios-Polarización, para identificar los riesgos de instrumentalización de los medios -y/o periodistas-, y de cómo, una especie de entramado de componentes los aparta de su deber ontológico. Esto confluye en un avivamiento de la polarización, hecho desgastante para la democracia y amenaza al Estado de derecho cuando al acudir a la descalificación, desvirtuando así cualquier escenario de debate equilibrado y provocando un alto grado de afectación al sistema judicial, en especial la búsqueda de desprestigio de más alto ente: La Corte Suprema de Justicia.

This article introduces the special issue on the evolution of European Union development policy, against the background of fundamental challenges that have emerged since the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. The special issue’s objective is to highlight the complex dynamics of a policy area that is called on to address the massive challenges of poverty, inequality, healthcare capacity, climate change, insecurity and weak governance in countries of the global south, and at the same time support European foreign policy objectives including political stability, migration management, access to resources and markets. In this introductory article, we attempt to sketch the broad outlines of the conceptual and practical dilemmas faced by a policy area that is supposed to be able to fix almost any problem. We observe that European development policy’s evolution is driven by the tension between its raison d’être as a concrete expression of global solidarity and international cooperation, and its increasing instrumentalisation in the service of European economic and security interests. We highlight some of the key challenges that have emerged in the last decade, including rising populist nationalism and Brexit within Europe, the changing nature of relationships between Europe and countries who receive EU aid, and the changing nature of development cooperation itself, exemplified by the 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals. We outline the specific contributions the articles in this special issue make to research and policy debates on the themes we raise in this introduction. We conclude that the battle between the forces of solidarity and instrumentality has evolved EU development policy into an impossibly complex arena of competing norms, practices and institutions, which raises many open questions for future research.

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This article introduces the special issue on the evolution of European Union development policy, against the background of fundamental challenges that have emerged since the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. The special issue's objective is to highlight the complex dynamics of a policy area that is called on to address the massive challenges of poverty, inequality, healthcare capacity, climate change, insecurity and weak governance in countries of the global south, and at the same time support European foreign policy objectives including political stability, migration management, access to resources and markets. In this introductory article, we attempt to sketch the broad outlines of the conceptual and practical dilemmas faced by a policy area that is supposed to be able to fix almost any problem. We observe that European development policy's evolution is driven by the tension between its raison d'être as a concrete expression of global solidarity and international cooperation, and its increasing instrumentalisation in the service of European economic and security interests. We highlight some of the key challenges that have emerged in the last decade, including rising populist nationalism and Brexit within Europe, the changing nature of relationships between Europe and countries who receive EU aid, and the changing nature of development cooperation itself, exemplified by the 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals. We outline the specific contributions the articles in this special issue make to research and policy debates on the themes we raise in this introduction. We conclude that the battle between the forces of solidarity and instrumentality has evolved EU development policy into an impossibly complex arena of competing norms, practices and institutions, which raises many open questions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers Kant’s deliberations on the essence and varieties of human love, based on the Lectures on Ethics. Kant distinguished between the love of benevolence (ethical love) — a commitment to the other’s wellbeing (discussed in Kant’s other ethical writings) — and a love of delight (aesthetical love), further divided into the sensual and intellectual love. The sensual love of delight is identified with sexual love. The intellectual love of delight eludes definition, since such delight is difficult to perceive. The collision between vital and moral love results in a need to examine under what conditions relations between the sexes are compatible with morality. Such an examination is taking the form of an ethical and legal deduction of matrimony. Kant’s proof of the moral unacceptability of concubinage given in the Lectures is based on the ethical (‘its purpose is merely that one party allows their person to the other for enjoyment’) rather than formal considerations (an allegedly unequal contract). The moral contradiction of mutual objectification and instrumentalisation of free persons in matrimony is on the surface of Kant’s deduction. The moral prohibition of instrumentalisation rules out family ethics and family law. However, the root of all evil is not solely this circumstance. A morally illegitimate union of concubinage is formed to attain the subjective ends of a hedonistic individual and it does not contradict the ends of the human race. Therefore, such a deduction (unlike that presented in the Metaphysics of Morals) has to make a transition from strategies to maxims. In effect, the deduction rests on the question as to which form of delight should lie at the foundation of a matrimony. The ethical problem is solved beyond the realm of ethics — a morally acceptable union of the sexes can be based only on aesthetic delight within the element of beauty.

À l’occasion de l’Indépendance du Pérou, les champions de la nation d’origine créole ont érigé l’Indien étatique inca en ancêtre présentable, éliminant ainsi l’historicité amérindienne de la population. Les restes archéologiques viennent appuyer alors une idéologie indigéniste qui ignore l’Indien sociologique, considéré comme ontologiquement inférieur. Aujourd’hui ces vestiges incas contribuent à construire le roman national : le culte solaire inca est ainsi réinventé sur le site de Sacsayhuaman. Dans quelle mesure les travaux des archéologues peuvent-ils servir d’argument à des idéologies partisanes? Les présidents des Républiques péruvienne et bolivienne ont été intronisés comme souverains préhispaniques, le premier sur le site inca de Machu Picchu, le second à la porte du Soleil de Tiwanaku. Dans quelle mesure les vestiges d’une civilisation peuvent-ils être instrumentalisés par la politique? Désormais les sites incas sont investis par des mystiques venus des États-Unis et d’Europe sous la conduite de néo-chamanes locaux. Ils sont en effet réputés contenir de l’ « énergie » positive. Celle-ci est exploitée par des agences de tourisme mystique. Dans quelle mesure le patrimoine de la nation, entretenu par les services publics, peut-il faire l’objet de profits privés, d’idéologies parfois sectaires et de dommages irréparables? Dans la culture des communautés andines traditionnelles, les ruines préhispaniques avaient une fonction classificatoire et symbolique. Celle-ci disparaît quand le lieu du mythe est remplacé par des sites historiques. Comment respecter la perception indigène des vestiges archéologiques? Tels sont les questions éthiques que cet article entend poser à partir de cas précis et concrets de sites archéologiques sur lesquels l’auteur a mené des enquêtes.

The question on the role of the law, particularly tort law, in combating legal but potentially lethal products and services is inseparable from the broader issue of the ongoing instrumentalisation of the law. Increasingly used to pursue goals other than its primary aim of compensation, tort law is no exception to the general trend of instrumentalisation of private law. This instrumentalisation is a dual phenomenon that has developed both out of top-down and bottom-up impulses. Although specific questions may arise for each of these two movements, they encounter a common limit. Tort law's primary compensatory function fundamentally restricts instrumentalisation. Other functions, such as enforcement or prevention, which come to the fore in the battle against legal but potentially lethal products and services, are grafted onto this primary function and can only be pursued insofar as they are compatible with it. This relates to the tension created by pursuing public goals through tort law as an essentially private law instrument. Attention is needed not to overstretch tort law's prerequisites, which are coherent with its private law embedding, which would turn tort law into a dangerous passe-partout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The role of faith and religion in international development cooperation is hotly debated today. The legitimacy of this role remains, however, often confided to instrumental reasons. Yet, thinking about faith and religion only in instrumental terms leaves unquestioned the possibility of a religious background of development cooperation as a practice itself and the potential role of faith through individual practitioners that operate within secular NGOs, and research and policy institutes. The aim of the present paper is therefore to consider the structural role of faith and worldview in relation to agricultural development, moving beyond the discourse of instrumentality. We do this by focusing on Giller and Andersson's political agronomy analysis of the promotion of Conservation Agriculture in Zimbabwe by the faith-based organisation 'Foundations for Farming'. We argue that a distinction should be made between religion as a practice of believers and faith functioning as a worldview in every practice. In addition, we argue that it is helpful to distinguish between different kinds of practices involved in agricultural development in sub-Saharan Africa, namely farming practice, agronomic scientific practice, and faith practice. The value of this philosophical analysis is that it challenges a dichotomous model of 'science-based versus faith-based' approaches to agricultural development. Furthermore, specific kinds of normativity are identified as always already functioning inside practices, rather than practices being neutral spaces that are (subjectively) infused with normativity by applying external ethical standards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In its first instance as art practice among the historical avant-garde, photomontage was considered indispensable for its claim to intervene in perceptual processes, stimulating a critical mode of apprehension that would redirect the viewer away from conventions of aesthetic experience and towards a lived reception of art with pronounced relevance to the sociopolitical landscape. The effect was understood as structural, that is, activated not so much by direct political content, but by the stark and shocking effects of juxtaposition. By this measure, one challenge to contemporary photomontage is clear: in a postindustrial and postdigital visual landscape dominated by the structural fragmentation of the attention economy, the 'simultaneity of the radically disparate' (as Peter Bürger put it) might no longer present as heterodoxy but rather threaten to sink into invisibility. Yet with the migration off-screen of the effects of electronic media, a new urgency around moving photomontage structures into physical, public space is rising in contemporary practices. Shannon Ebner's multi-part project A Hudson Yard (2014–15) is emblematic of the new ways in which artists are manipulating photomontage as a form of fully sensory experience that gives the medium room to play critically in both virtual and material space. By constructing subtle interruptions of naturalised commercial space, A Hudson Yard activates a détournement of instrumentalised language, using structures of juxtaposition to divert the discursive surfaces of public space away from consumption and towards what could be called a public poesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of higher education institutions on society has become the focus of significant policy attention in recent years, most prominently as part of research evaluation. This paper presents a theoretical exploration of the notion, identifying the key dimensions as source, form, trajectory, intensity, timescale and destination. While acknowledging the importance of porosity between universities and society, and the need to address critical contemporary challenges, five dangers of the impact agenda are highlighted: the normative dimension; the linear relationship; unpredictability; measurement; and instrumentalization. As a response to dominant conceptualizations, the paper proposes the notion of the generative intrinsic as a more robust basis on which to base the work of universities.

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This article considers the impact of a range of contemporary political factors on the future role and status of English art schools, with a focus on questions of diversity, international student recruitment, globalisation and curriculum development. These factors primarily comprise: the Brexit vote in 2016, the UK government's related hostility to international student recruitment (based on the erroneous idea that these students are surreptitious migrants), the election of Trump and the ambiguous rise of populisms on the left and right. Given the turmoil already present in the UK university system - related to the raising of fees and the creation of an apparently consumerist 'Office for Students' replacing the Higher Education Funding Council for England - how have art schools responded to this crisis in the purpose of education, the role of contemporary art and its place in and as part of globalised a world? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La mise en scène médiatique des grades universitaires dans les sociétés africaines est un site d'analyse privilégié de la tension permanente entre les intérêts corporatistes et les nécessités du service public de l'enseignement supérieur. Si dans certains cas, les intérêts de la profession universitaire coïncident avec ceux de l'université, dans d'autres, ils sont incompatibles avec les nécessités du service public de l'enseignement supérieur. Le référentiel de la discipline qui organise la gestion des carrières universitaires ne s'accorde pas toujours avec celui de l'établissement, du marché ou du développement. Dans un contexte où l'université fut longtemps le pourvoyeur privilégié des fonctionnaires, la quête des titres universitaires reste encore un enjeu des luttes pour la reconnaissance. En ce sens, leur mobilisation participe d'une stratégie corporatiste de positionnement symbolique et politique qui alimente les querelles entre d'une part les agrégés CAMES et les agrégés « français » et d'autre part entre les maîtres de conférences de la voie courte et les maîtres de conférences de la voie longue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]