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The most important identity component of Shia is the Imamah and Wilayah of Ahl al-Bayt (pbut), which is the distinguishing factor of this religion from other Islamic religions. These concepts have a high frequency in the words of the first Shia imam to the extent that its numerous reflection is obvious in Nahj al-Balagha. In the meantime, it’s noteworthy that Imam Ali (pbuh) extensively employs conceptual metaphors to utilize the cognitive abilities of their audiences and making it easier for them to understand the position of Imamah by using sensible and tangible concepts. In this article, based on cognitive linguistics and using Likoff and Johnson's approach in metaphors, the most important conceptual metaphors of the structural type have been examined in explaining the concept of Imamah and the position of Ahl al-Bayt (pbut). At the end, 6 source domain are identified and mapped to the corresponding concepts in the target domain. The most frequent conceptual domains are "light", "travel and movement" and "life and death". Paying attention to these mappings will have a major impact upon the understanding and explanation of Nahj al-Balagha. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Siyaset İslam kelamının incelediği konular arasında yer alır. İlk itikadi fırkaların oluşumunda önemli etkisi olan bu mesele, toplumsal sonuçları bakımından önemi yadsınamaz. Bu problem kelam kaynaklarında “imamet” başlığıyla ele alınmış olup, klasik dönemden günümüze önemini korumuştur. Çalışmamızda konuya ilişkin klasik dönem âlimlerinden Ebû Mansûr el-Mâtürîdî’nin görüşleri sistematik biçimde takdim edilmiştir. Mâtürîdî’nin siyasete ilişkin görüşleri yönetim felsefesi, yönetim ilkeleri, imamın özellikleri, hilafetin Kureyşli oluşunun hikmetleri ve konunun tarihsel bağlamı, din ve siyaset ilişkisi, masum imam görüşünün reddi, devlet yöneticisine itaatin çerçevesi ve siyasi otoritenin kanun yapma hakkı (içtihat) bağlamında incelenmiştir. Mâtürîdî’nin siyaset felsefesi mülkün Allah’a ait olduğu ilkesine dayanır. Siyasi yönetici devletin, hazinenin veya halkın sahibi değildir. O sadece bir emanetçidir. Bu nedenle emaneti en iyi şekilde korumak zorundadır. Yönetimini mutlak egemenlik zannıyla yapmamalıdır. İktidar ve halk ilişkisi efendi-köle ilişkisi değil, yöneten ve yönetilen ilişkisidir. Siyasi yönetimin dayandığı temel ilkeler günümüz terminolojisiyle adalet, ehliyet ve liyâkat, katılımcılık ve ortak akıl gibi unsurlardır. Buna bağlı olarak devlet yönetimi mutlak anlamda bir ailenin sultasına teslim edilmez. Devlet işleri danışma meclisiyle istişâre ile yönetilir. Devlet yöneticisini dinî kutsallığı yoktur. Nitekim tarihte halkı hidayete davet eden peygamberlerin olduğu toplumlarda o toplumları yöneten ayrı hükümdarlar vardı. Bu da din ve devlet yönetiminin farklı erkler tarafından yürütülmesinin örneği ve dayanağı niteliğindedir. Klasik kelam kaynaklarında “imam” olarak zikredilen devlet yöneticisinin özellikleri yönetim ilkleriyle ilişkilidir. Siyasi yönetici adil olmalıdır. Halkı yönetme emanetini yürütebilme ehliyetine sahip olmalıdır. Liyakatin özü emin olmaktır. Ayrıca o ilim ve basiret sahibi olmalı, bilgi sahibi olmadığı meselelerde ise danışma meclisine başvurmalıdır. Şia inanç geleneğinde olduğu gibi imamın masumiyeti yoktur. O kutsal bir makam değildir. Nitekim Hz. Peygamber’e istişâre emredilmişti. Masum imamın işlerinde hata etmeyeceğine ilişkin mutlak inanç doğru kabul edilmez. Diğer taraftan devlet yöneticisi halkın dinî işlerini de sevk ve idare edeceğinden ya dinî uygulamalarda bilgi sahibi olmalı (fakih), ya da bilgi sahibi olanlara müracaat etmelidir. Son olarak imam takvâ sahibi olmalıdır. Zira o yönetim emanetini en yüksek duyarlılıkla sürdürmek için gerekli olan bir sıfattır. Mâtürîdî’de devlet yöneticisinin dinî konularda sorumluluğu vardır. Halkın dinde ihtiyaç duyduğu muameleler devlet tarafından sevk ve idare edilmelidir. Ancak ona göre din ve siyaset ilişkisi Şiî gelenekte kabul edildiği gibi kutsal bir alan değildir. Bilakis siyaset beşerî alana ait bir olgudur. Yöneticinin sıfatları, görev ve yetkileri, göreve geliş yolları ve yönetimin adeta kutsanmış bir ailenin saltanatına bırakılmaması yönündeki görüşleri onda din siyaset ayırımına referans niteliğindedir. Onun bu yaklaşımı siyasetin dinin esasları arasına sokularak, ortaya çıkması muhtemel zulüm ve adaletsizlikleri sorgulanmaz kılma alışkanlıklarına karşı çıkış niteliğinde okunabilir. Hükümdar dinî nasslarda mevcut hükümlere uygun hareket eder. Ancak bunların dışında kalan konularda yorum yapma hakkını kullanır ve içtihat yapar. Siyasi yöneticinin bu noktada başvuracağı merci alimler heyetidir. Âlimler tıpkı peygamberler gibi Allah’a teslimiyet ile hareket ettiklerinde hak üzeredirler ve onların hükümlerine uyulur. Onlar dinde açık hüküm olmayan meselelerde kıyas yapmak suretiyle hüküm verirler. Mâtürîdî’nin siyaset felsefesi tüm bu yönleriyle hak ve hukuk arayışının zirveye çıktığı günümüzde dikkatle okunması gerekir. Bireyselleşme, sekülerleşme, hakikat tekelciliği ve ötekileştirme gibi modern sorunlara hikmet, adalet, liyâkat, ahlak ve iman motifli bir Mâtürîdî siyaset görüşü çözüm olabilir.

Politics is considered one of the subjects studied by Islamic theology. This issue, which had a significant impact on the formation of the first sects, cannot be denied in terms of its social consequences. This problem has been dealt with under the title of "imamah" in the sources of Speech. In our study, Abū Mansūr al-Māturīdī's view of politics is presented systematically. Māturīdī's views on politics are examined in the context of his philosophy of administration, principles of administration, the characteristics of the caliph, the wisdom of the Quraysh being the caliphate and the historical context of the issue, the relationship between religion and politics, the rejection of the view of the innocent imam, the framework of obedience to the state administrator and the right of political authority to make laws (ijtihād). al-Māturīdī's political philosophy is based on the principle that sovereignty belongs to Allah. The political ruler is not the owner of the state, the treasury or the people. He's just a custodian. For this reason, it has to protect the trust in the best way. He should not rule with the presumption of absolute sovereignty. The relationship between power and people is not a master-slave relationship, but a relationship between the ruler and the ruled. The basic principles on which the political administration is based are, in today's terminology, elements such as justice, competence and merit, participation and common sense. Accordingly, the state administration cannot be handed over to the dominion of a family in absolute terms. State affairs are administered in consultation with the advisory council. The ruler of the state has no religious sanctity. As a matter of fact, in societies in which there were prophets who invited the people to guidance, there were separate rulers who ruled those societies. This is an example and a basis for the administration of religion and state by different powers. The characteristics of the state administrator, who is mentioned as "imam" in classical speech sources, are related to the principles of administration. The political ruler must be just. He must have the capacity to carry out the entrustment of governing the people. The essence of merit is to be sure. In addition, he should have knowledge and foresight, and should apply to the advisory council in matters of which he has no knowledge. As in the Shia belief tradition, the imam does not have innocence. It is not a holy office. As a matter of fact, The Prophet was ordered to consult. Absolute belief that an innocent imam will not make mistakes in his works is not considered as true. On the other hand, since the state administrator will also manage the religious affairs of the people, he should either have knowledge in religious practices (faqīh) or apply to those who have knowledge. Finally, the imam must have piety. Because it is an attribute that is necessary to maintain the management trust with the highest sensitivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the urgency that the Bāṭinī’s Tafsir (interpretation) it self is classified by some scholars as the Sufistic model of Isyārī's interpretation which puts forward metaphorical exegesis, thus, its position is controversial and needs to be explained. In fact, Bāṭinī’s interpretation is widely used by the Shi'ah school. The methodology of Bāṭinī’s interpretation in Syī'ah is identical to their aqīdah. This study, using the literature research model, involved an object in the form of Syī'ah literature simply referred to as an authoritative source; especially from the Islamic scholars who are mu'tabar. The data were analyzed descriptively and in a comparative analysis following a critical analysis of the empirical literature; namely the narrative model. Thus, the narrative of Bāṭinī Shī'ah's interpretation model was revealed, to be juxtaposed with several Tafsīr works having been rooted in the Sunni tradition as a relevant source to explain the position of Bāṭinī's interpretation and the ideological influence surrounding and underlying its emergence. This study found that the Bāṭinī’s interpretation was identical to the transition of the meaning of the verse al-Qur'ān from its zāāir to its bāṭin; by highlighting several specific patterns oriented towards strengthening one of the pillars of the Shī'ah teachings itself, namely the Imāmah.

Indonesia is a multiethnic and religious state anchored in the five state principles, Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. However, its stability has recently been disrupted by the emergence of khilāfah propagated by the banned Islamic organization, the Hizb al-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). The concept of khilāfah proposed by the organization violates against the state's ideology of Pancasila. Such a phenomenon is of paramount importance to examine. Hence, this qualitative study aimed to explore the concept of khilāfah from the perspectives of Islamic ulema from the three prominent Islamic mass organizations, the biggest mass organination, Nahdhatul Ulama (NU), Muhammadiyah, and Nahdhatul Wathan (NW) on the island of Lombok. Drawing on the data garnered from the observation, interviews, and documentation that analyzed suitable with its' substation of the writing. Finally, the findings of this writing showed that the three Islamic mass organizations generally denied khilāfah as a state system. NU firmly rejected the khilāfah system because it more likely pertained to extremism. For the same token, Muhammadiyah denied the concept, but welcomed it as a culture, while NW opposed it as being contradictory to the republic in that khilāfah belongs to the empire system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hasan Onat worked on Shiism, focused on the historical and social characteristics of this sect, tried to enlighten the conditions under which it was formed and the processes after which its basic ideas were formed. In terms of the basic ideas of this sect, he argued that the earliest Hijri period was formed in the last quarter of the first century, and that it transformed into a sect over time. In his studies on the formation period of the sect, he effectively used methods such as ideaevent connection, source criticism, avoidance of generalization, deepening on ideas, persons and events, and reasonableness in narrations. He argued that Shia could overcome the current problems experienced in the imamiyya by returning to the Quran, which is the founding text of Islam. He pointed out that the understanding of Mahdi, which is common in both Shiite and Sunni circles, is not a religious but a cultural problem, and pointed out that the sects should be examined with scientific methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Imāmī Shī'ite, which is considered to be among one of the largest denominations after Ahl al-Sunnah, consists of the second major group in the Islamic world. The Imāmī Shī'ite, has put forward different approaches in a number of matters including the qirā'ah, depending largely on their theory of Imāmah. The main characteristic feature that distinguishes the Imāmī Shī'ite from the other denominations is their particular approach to and understanding of the qirā'ah depending on the doctrine of Imāme. This distinctive characteristic and differentiation in the qirā'ah mainly comes about in the issues of mutawātirāt and the seven letters (al-ahrufu es-sab'a) to a larger extent. However, the interpretation of either the common qirā'ahs or the qirā'ahs which are attributed to the Companions (ashab) and Ahl al-Bayt, in accordance with the opinions of Imāmī Shī'ite can be seen as a significant component and of worth examining. The approaches of Sunnī mufassirs within the context of the relation of qirā'ah-tafsir have been covered in a large corpus of books as well as articles. Nevertheless, the approaches of the Imāmī Shī'ite scholars have historically seem to be neglected. In this article it was attempted to examine and determine whether the two significant mufassirs of Imāmī Shī'ite, namely Abū Ca'far at-Tūsī (d. 460/1067) and Abū Alī Hasan at-Tabarsī (d. 548/1153), the former in his at-Tibyān fī Tafsīr al-Qur'ān and the latter in his Majma'u'l-Bayān fī Tafsīr al-Qur'ān, have interpreted the subjects in accordance with the major opinions of Imāmī Shī'ite regarding sahih (authentic recitation) and shādh (uncommon recitation) qirā'ahs depending on the specific method of their own sect (mazhab), or not [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Imamate is the main Shi'ite doctrine. They use the term Imam as a substitute for a degree of prophet office after his death. Shi'ites in particular Imami Itsna Asy'ari and Isma'ilism found an eligible priest to be after Prophet Muhammad’s death is Ali bin Abi Talib. While the Prophet never specify who should be a priest, he only mentions the qualities of a priest and accidental properties that are owned by Ali bin Abi Talib, so Ali should be chosen become a priest. Thinking about the Imamate, Shiites refer to events that occurred in Ghadir Khum, where the prophet has returned from the Farewell Pilgrimage stopped in Ghadir area Arafah. Then, he appointed and inaugurated Ali bin Abi Thaib to be his successor as priest. This event is believed by a group of Imami Itsna Asy'ari and Isma'ilism as the basis for the appointment of Ali as priests. In addition they also use Qur’anic verses that are understood and interpreted according to their version, as a proposition or argument in strengthening the doctrine of the Imamate. While the group did not seem to wear Zaidiyyah the arguments and the Ghadir event.

Abstract: Islamic political thought emerged after Islam, through Prophet Muhammad, succeeded in forming a new community to transfer the royal power to the Prophethood power and then to the people power. The Prophet Muhammad was considered successful in arranging his new community that was controlled by his teachings in all aspects of life. The problems arose after his death, which ultimately led to the idea of succession. This article tried to discuss why the succession arose after Prophet Muhammad died, how the thinking of the Islamic political figures of the pre-modern about the succession was, and what the contribution of this succession to political Islam in Indonesia was. By using a historical approach, it was found that the Prophet Muhammad never specified who would replace him: however, when he died (632 AD), the Sahabats chose a leader (imam/chaliphate). In the reign of era of Abu Bakr, Umar and Usman, many disputes were initially linked to the religion’s interests but later they evolved into a political interests. When Ali bin Abi Talib was appointed as caliph, the prolonged political conflicts linked to the killing of Usman had made caliphate into Jamal war between Aishah and Ali. At this time the different interests of aqidah were politicized further into a political interest. This dynamics of political situation caused the birth of classical Islamic political schools which were divided into three major schools such as Sunni, Shiite and Khawarij, from which emerged the terms caliphate, imamate, ahlul halli wal aqdi, bay'ah, Walayah and others. Of the three political sects, then the idea of Islamic political thought which was very complex came from Islamic political leaders of pre-modern heavily influenced by Greek philosophers. In Indonesia, the succession (khilafah) of Islamic political thought at pre-modern times was once under consideration. However, that idea has not been realized because Indonesia is not an Islamic State. الملخص: نشأت الفكرة السياسية الإسلامية منذ نجاح النبي صلى الله عليه وسلّم في تغيير أمة من الرئاسة القبيلية إلى أمة جديدة. هو ناجح في سياسة الأمة على أساس التعاليم الدينية. ظهرت المشكلة بعد وفاة النبيّ صلى الله عليه وسلّم، فبها نشأت الفكرة عن الخلافة. حاولت هذه المقالة إجابة الأسئلة : لما وقعت الخلافة بعد وفاة النبي صلى الله عليه وسلّم ؟، ما أفكار مفكّري السياسة الإسلامية في العصر قبل العصر الحديث عن الخلافة ومدى آثار هذه الأفكار في السياسة الإسلامية في إندونيسيا؟. حصل الباحث – بالمدخل التاريخي – على النتائج، منها أن النبيّ صلى الله عليه وسلّم لا يعيّن من يكون خليفة بعد وفاته. وحين توفّي النبيّ صلى الله عليه وسلّم اختار الصحابة الخليفة. وفي خلافة أبى بكر الصدّيق وعمر وعثمان رضي الله عنهم وقعت خلافات عقائدية ثم تغيّرت إلى نزاعات سياسية. وفي خلافة عليّ بن أبي طالب حدثت خلافات سياسية طويلة عن مقتل عثمان فتؤدّى إلى وقوع معركة الجمل بين عائشة وعليّ بن أبي طالب. في هذا الحين ظهرت المذاهب السياسية الإسلامية القديمة (أهل السنة والجماعة، والشيعة، والخوارج) ومنها نشأت مصطلحات : الخلافة، والإمامة، وأهل الحلّ والعقد، والبيعة، والولاية وغيرها). ومن هذه المذاهب ظهرت الفكرة السياسية الإسلامية المعقّدة من رجال السياسة الإسلامية قبل العصر الحديث المتأثرة بأفكار فلاسفة اليونان. وقد نوقشت في إندونيسيا الفكرة عن الخلافة في منظور السياسة الإسلامية في العصر قبل العصر الحديث. ولكن لم تطبّق هذه الأفكار في مجال اختيار رئيس الدولة، لأن إندونيسيا ليست من الدول الإسلامية. Abstrak: Pemikiran politik Islam muncul setelah Islam melalui Nabi Muhammad SAW berhasil membentuk sebuah ummat baru, dari peralihan kekuasaan kerajaan/kesukuan kepada Nabi yang kemudian kepada umat. Nabi Muhammad dinilai berhasil dalam mengatur komunitas barunya yang dikendalikan oleh ajarannya dalam seluruh lini kehidupan. Persoalan muncul kemudian setelah beliau wafat, yang akhirnya memunculkan pemikiran tentang suksesi. Artikel ini akan membahas tentang mengapa terjadi suksesi setelah Nabi Muhammad SAW wafat, bagaimana pemikiran para tokoh politik Islam masa pra modern terkait dengan suksesi, dan apa kontribusi pemikiran suksesi ini terhadap politik Islam di Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah, ditemukan bahwa Nabi Muhammad tidak menetapkan siapa yang akan menggantikannya, dan ketika beliau wafat (632 M), para sahabat memilih seorang pemimpin (imam/khalifah). Masa pemerintahan Abu Bakar, Umar dan Usman banyak terjadi perselisihan yang awalnya terkait kepentingan agama namun berkembang menjadi kepentingan politik. Ketika Ali bin Abi Talib diangkat sebagai khalifah, konflik politik berkepanjangan berkaitan dengan pembunuhan Usman, menjadikan timbulnya perang jamal antara Aisyah dan Ali. Pada masa ini perbedaan kepentingan aqidah dipolitisir lebih jauh menjadi sebuah kepentingan politik. Dinamika politik ini kemudian melahirkan mazhab politik Islam klasik yang terbagi dalam tiga mazhab besar yaitu Sunni, Syi'ah dan Khawarij, yang darinya muncul istilah-istilah khilafah, imamah, ahlul halli wal aqdi, bay’ah, walayah dan lain-lain. Dari ketiga mazhab politik ini, kemudian muncul ide pemikiran politik Islam yang sangat kompleks dan berkepanjangan dari para tokoh politik Islam pra modern yang banyak dipengaruhi oleh filosof Yunani. Di Indonesia, pemikiran suksesi dalam politik Islam masa pra modern ini pernah diwacanakan. Namun untuk pemilihan kepala Negara belum terealisasi mengingat Indonesia bukan Negara Islam.

Bu çalışmada ilk önce Şii düşüncenin şekillenmeye başlaması daha sonra Şii hareketler ve bunların Abbasi Devleti’nin oluşum sürecindeki etkileri ele alınmıştır. Abbasî oğullarından Muhammed b. Ali’nin, Emevi iktidarına son vermek “ Muhammed ailesini” iktidara getirmek amacıyla başlatılan bir devrim organizasyonu neticesinde 32 yıl kadar süren bir mücadele sonunda başarıya ulaşılmış ve “Abbasi Devleti” kurulmuştur. İlk Şii hareketlerinin bu organizasyonla direk bir ilişkisi bulunmamasına ragmen dolaylı da olsa Muhammed b. Ali’nin başarılı olmasında oldukça etkili oldukları da bir gerçektir.

Bu makalede Mu’tezile'nin imamiyet nazariyesi teorik ve pratik düzeyde incelenmiştir. İmametin ne anlama geldiği ve çeşitli gruplar tarafından nasıl algılandığı ortaya konulmaktadır. Bu bağlamda fadılın imameti ve imamette fazilet şartının değişkenliği ayrıntıları ile ele alınmaktadır. İmamet nazariyesinin siyasi yansımaları Vasıl b. Ata ve Amr b. Ubeyd'in siyasi duruşları ve Abbasiler döneminde Mutezile'nin siyasi etkinliğinden yola çıkılarak ortaya konulmaktadır. Mutezile'nin siyasi tavrını doğru anlamlandırabilmek için imamet nazariyelerinin iyi kavranması gerekir. Bu çerçevede Mutezile, fadıl imam ve mefdul imam kavramlarını geliştirmiştir. İlk Mu’tezile’nin sosyal ve siyasal adalet konusunda hassas oldukları, Harun Reşit zamanında ise bu tavrın adil olan her yönetimi meşru kabul etme kanaatine doğru evrildiği görülmüştür.

Background and objective The growing cultural and religious diversity in healthcare settings necessitates clinicians to integrate cultural competence and sensitivity into their practice. Despite significant research focusing on the hijab worn by Muslim women, there is a gap in understanding the dermatological implications of the taqiyah and imamah, worn by Muslim men. In light of this, this study aimed to offer insights into delivering culturally conscious dermatological care for Muslim men wearing these garments, thereby bridging a crucial knowledge gap. Materials and methods The study employed a comprehensive research strategy that encompassed both medical literature and foundational Islamic texts. PubMed, Web of Science, and Scopus were used for medical literature searches, while al-Maktabah al-Shamela and Sunnah.com, along with Quranic and Hadith translations were consulted for religious insights. A thematic analysis was employed to identify patterns, challenges, and unique points, ensuring a holistic understanding of the subject. Results Our findings revealed that wearing a taqiyah or imamah has both beneficial and detrimental dermatological effects, depending on factors such as climate, fabric, and hygiene practices. While the garments are rooted in Islamic tradition, their use varies based on cultural context rather than strict religious guidelines. Moreover, gender dynamics and the concept of privacy ('awrah) within Islamic teachings have implications for healthcare interactions. The study offers practical guidelines for dermatological care tailored to Muslim men wearing a taqiyah or imamah. It emphasizes the importance of material choice, hygiene practices, and the willingness of many Muslim men to be accommodating in medical settings, albeit with some reservations. The paper also discusses the role of telemedicine in culturally sensitive healthcare delivery, recommending measures such as secure communication channels and self-imaging options. Conclusion The paper provides comprehensive recommendations aimed at delivering culturally and religiously sensitive dermatological care to Muslim men wearing a taqiyah or imamah. By integrating both medical best practices and a nuanced understanding of Islamic customs, healthcare providers can foster a more trusting and effective care relationship, thereby improving patient satisfaction and dermatological outcomes., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist., (Copyright © 2023, Irfan et al.)

Ehl-i beyt, Hz. Muhammed’in (s.a.v.) aile fertlerini ifade için kullanılmakla birlikte onun hanımlarının Ehl-i beyt’e dahil olup olmadığı konusunda Ehl-i sünnet ile İmamiyye Şîası arasında görüş ayrılığı meydana gelmiştir. İmamiyye, Hz. Muhammed (s.a.v.), Hz. Fatıma, Hz. Ali, Hz. Hasan ve Hz. Hüseyin’i (r.a.) Ehl-i beyt kavramına dahil ettiği halde Ezvâc-ı mutahharât’ı (r.a.) onlar arasında saymamıştır. Ehl-i sünnet ise bu beş zatın yanı sıra Hz. Peygamberin hanımlarını da Ehl-i beyt’e dahil etmiştir. Ehl-i sünnet, ashab-i kirama ve Ehl-i beyt’e sevgi ve hürmet gösterilmesi gerektiğini ifade etmekle birlikte onlara insanüstü vasıflar vermemiştir. İmamiyye ise ashabın rivayet ettiği hadislerin sahih olması için Ehl-i beyt’in rivayetine uygunluğunu şart gördüğü gibi, onların farklı bazı hususiyetlere sahip olduklarını iddia etmiş ve özellikle de imamların günahsız olduğuna inanmıştır.

Surveying western studies on Shi’ism, this paper seeks to investigate the western scholar’s knowledge about the logical and rational principles of Twelver Shī’a (Adl and Imama). so first I will review, in some aspects, the works of Madelung, Bar-Asher, Kohlberg, Wansbrung, Buckley, Watt, Halm and Newman, and in the end of the article, respect to positive and negative aspects of the works, I will propose some shi’a’s elements by which scholars revise the twelver shi’a theoretical and practical presentations

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The Historical Interaction of Hinduism and Islam since the seventh century has witnessed periods of cooperation and syncretism. In this sense the Khojas, who were the main representatives of Nizārī Ismaili thought in India, are a unique model as they were influenced by Hindu customs and beliefs, particularly Vaishnava terminologies. For instance, the Hindu concept of Kalki avatara, the messianic tenth incarnation of Vishnu, renamed in this tradition as Nakalanki, 'the stainless one', was identified with ʿAlī, the first Shiite Imam. Therefore, an attempt is made in this article to disclose the influence of Hindu terms and doctrines on the Nizārī Khojas by focusing on their religious texts, Ginans, which were composed by dāʿīs, the so-called propagators of this sect. This paper also deals with the historical development of Khoja community in India where the second-largest Shi'a population in the world is located. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Shia-Sunni conflict in Sampang Madura recently, and that happens greased with political strife in Syria to date, suggests that the dynamics of the Shia-Sunni relations is still turbulent. This paper will elaborate aspects of conflict in two major streams in Islam, while also exposing the sides of the similarities between them. There are five issues targeted in this study, namely: the imāmah, the authenticity of the Qur'an, the khilāfah of Abū Bakr, the right to the khilāfah of ‘Ali ibn Abi ╡ālib, and the meaning of ahl al-bayt. The authors conclude that the differences in the two streams in the issues range from highly-diametric, put forward by the extreme sects, to the subtle differences and almost in tune, put forward by a moderate sectsAbstrak: Terjadinya konflik Syiah-Sunni di Sampang Madura belum lama ini, dan yang terjadi dengan dilumuri pertikaian politik di Suriah hingga saat ini, menunjukkan bahwa dinamika hubungan Syiah-Sunni masih terus bergolak. Tulisan ini akan mendedah aspek-aspek pertentangan dalam dua aliran besar dalam Islam itu, disamping juga memapar sisi-sisi kesamaan di antara keduanya. Ada lima masalah yang disasar dalam kajian ini, yaitu: imāmah, keotentikan al-Qur’an, khilāfah Abū Bakr, hak khilāfah atas ‘Alī ibn Abī ╡ālib, dan pemaknaan terhadap ahl al-bayt. Penulis menyimpulkan bahwa perbedaan dua aliran itu dalam lima hal tersebut merentang mulai dari sangat bersifat diametral, yang dikemukakan oleh sekte-sekte yang ekstrem, hingga perbedaan yang halus dan hampir seirama, yang dikemukakan oleh sekte-sekte yang moderat.

The history of emergence of sects of Islamic theology can not be separated from political issues as shown in the history of Shiite, Khawarij, Murjiah, Jabariyah, Qadariyah, Mu'tazilite, and Ash'arite. This paper tries to assess such linkage, particularly in the case of Shiite and Khawarij. The emergence of both sects was backed by sharp tribal political competition among the supporters of Ali ibn Abi Talib; both sects then showed their characteristics more as political stream (religio-political) rather than sects of theology. Although both, especially Khawarij, have important contributions in the debate concerning major sins commit which then lead to debate about broader and in-depth issues of divinity, but their political activities are more dominant than their theological thoughts. While the Shiite was preoccupied by searching for the ideal figure of priest (imam), Khawarij flow into a political insubordination movement to the government that they consider infidels.

This article elaborates the conflict among the three fractions began from big dispute between Anshar and Abu Bakar and his associates (after Rasulullah’s death on 8 June 632). Abu Bakar solved the dispute through diplomacy and the jargon saying that al-a’immah min quraisy. However, the inter conflict in Muhajirin group, between Abu Bakar and Ali who had the same Quraisy root, was difficult to solve.The dispute between the two powers affected Muslim ummah seriously and greatly. Later on, each of them had faithful followers with their contradictory political thoughts based on naqly and aqly knowledge. In fact, their controversial political thoughts have rooted strongly and spread over the world. Therefore, it is relevant to reflect Rasulullah’s saying, related by Muslim, in Ijabah Mosque in Medina. In that hadist it is said that only two of three Rasulullah’s appeals for his ummah are accepted, the rest is rejected.

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Husniyya is still a reading source among the Alawi-Bektashi communities in some regions although not much, such as Buyruk, Vilâyat-nâme, Kumru and Futuwwatnâme. There is serious role of Safawid propaganda in Anatolia in occurence of Husniyya such as some other Alawi-Bektashi classics. Husniyya had been written by aim to spread Shiism rather than Qizilbashism from Safavid supporters. Husniyya defends some creeds of Shia against her adversaries from tongue a concubine who is called Husniyya and who grew up near İmam Ca'fer es- Sâdık and contents the debates of her with Sunnite and Mu'tazilite scholars in the period of Harun Rashid Abbasid Caliph ??d. 193/809??. It is a defense and polemics work in this sense. Although it has been related to Abû'l-Futûh ar- Razî ??d. 552/1157?? who one of Shii/Imamî scholars, its author hasn't been known. It dealt with mostly subjects such as belief-unbelief, prophet, innocence of the imams, ahl al-bayt, Imam Ali, the superiority of Ali to other caliphs in every sides, Gadir-i Hum and Kırtas events and injustices to ahl al-bayt in Islamic history. In this article, Husniyya has been evaluated in the context of the sectarian patterns, particularly Shiite/Imami patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)