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Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Academic evaluations of the relationship between religion, secularization, and far-right collective actors have grown increasingly complicated. New religious immigrants, seen as invaders importing contradictory values imposed on the populous by EU elites, may threaten Christian and irreligious Europeans. Europe has been secularizing for decades, concurrent with a resurgence in far-right collective action, but this far-right resurgence has also accompanied an increase in religious discourse in politics. In this study, I investigate the relationship between religion, secularization, and far-right collective action utilizing three case studies. I find, with some caveats, that in Hungary, Fidesz motivates Christian voters with religious nationalist appeals, while assertive secularization motivates irreligious voters in the Netherlands. Italy is more complex, where far-right collective actors are less able to monopolize social issues. These findings speak to the critical role religious values and institutions play in shaping voter preferences and present competing options for secularist politics moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Resumo Este artigo tem como objetivo compreender a recepção do fascismo entre os intelectuais ligados à direita católica nos anos 1930, com ênfase nos debates travados na revista A Ordem. Procuramos mostrar como – em uma análise contextual do pensamento político que parte da necessidade de entender como as ideias circulam e são apropriadas e contra que problemas históricos elas são mobilizadas – as fronteiras ideacionais entre conservadorismo, reacionarismo, tradicionalismo católico e fascismo são muito tênues. A ênfase aqui, portanto, é no repertório semântico mobilizado pelos atores. Ao fim, o artigo pretende compreender as afinidades entre essas linguagens políticas para produzir uma teorização do pensamento reacionário de modo mais amplo, que não leve em conta apenas as suas manifestações paradigmáticas do Norte, mas que seja capaz de pensar a crítica das direitas à democracia a partir da experiência de recepção e circulação dessas linguagens políticas no Sul global.

This paper argues that to understand the impact of former U.S. President Donald Trump on the U.S.-Mexico border, his presidential agenda needs to be compared with other presidential administrations from the 1990s to the present. It looks at presidential policy agendas, as seen in executive orders, legislative policies, binational initiatives, deployment of the National Guard and military, presidential visits, and use of the bully pulpit with visits to the border region. These are compared to border operations indicators, highlighting formal and informal crossings of people and movement of goods. Though Mr. Trump has been specifically negative and aggressive toward the border, the securitization of the region has been part of presidential agendas since the 1990s. A key takeaway is to think about and discuss these results to ensure the border is livable, manageable and ready for the challenges of the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking a long-term historical perspective, this article delves into the history of sifting political orders and far-right rebellions in the United States, examining their profound impact on US-Mexico relations. Far-right rebellions are complex political phenomena, deeply rooted in three distinct American political traditions and movements: populism, illiberalism, and isolationism. All three have periodically reshaped the landscape of American politics, notably during transitions such as the current crisis facing the Washington Consensus and the liberal international order. In the past, US-Mexico relations appeared insulated from those far-right rebellions that periodically emerge from political transitions. However, this is no longer the case. The rise of Trumpism today has established the foundational framework for a new era of strained US-Mexico relations amid escalating geopolitical instability on a global scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo analiza los patrones que han presentado los regímenes políticos en América Latina en este siglo, con especial atención en México. Documenta casos de decadencia democrática (México, entre otros), un gran número de casos de estancamiento democrático y ausencia de profundización democrática. Tres factores dan cuenta del estancamiento democrático: actores poderosos que impiden la profundización democrática, malos resultados de gobierno que alimentan la insatisfacción y allanan el camino para la emergencia de líderes populistas autoritarios, y “Estados híbridos” que violan los derechos de los ciudadanos, no brindan seguridad y servicios públicos de calidad y son capturados por intereses poderosos.

Este artigo discute o surgimento do atual regime autoritário da Hungria como resultado de um processo que se iniciou com a transformação do regime socialista de Estado e passou pelo regime pós-socialista neoliberal. Essa transformação afetou as relações entre o Estado e a classes sociais, o controle político do Estado e a configuração das relações geopolíticas da Hungria com a União Europeia, a Rússia e a China. O ensaio examina como as tensões de classe, que se formaram sob formas anteriores da política parlamentar democrática neoliberal, foram utilizadas para construir a nova hegemonia iliberal e como o regime atual suprime essas tensões para sustentar uma burguesia nacional reconstituída por meio da centralização institucional do poder político.

Sub-Saharan African post-independence political systems were never handicap replicas of main and dominant international political models. Even in extreme cases of international conditioning, as the ones here analysed - Angola and Mozambique -, under the influence of socialist models during the Cold War (and only "liberal" afterwards), their post-independence neo-patrimonial matrix proved their capacity to self-restructure in their own terms, in different historical periods, capable to reinvent and accommodate the external influences through domestic agency. Their currently active interaction with the new international illiberal currents of thought is merely the most recent example of a long path of selective use of international tendencies in favour of dominant domestic dynamics and logics of governance. Such inner dynamics have been settling and progressing towards a post-modern patrimonialism, as here argued. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the possible impact of the most recent international authoritarian populist tendencies on sub-Saharan African political systems. Contrary to the main currents of interpretation, this paper argues that we are not in face of a new international influence or role model being locally followed, but in face of the most recent example of a long political historical path of selective assimilation of international trends to local political systems as structured after independence. We are not witnessing to poor local replicas of the most recent international wave of authoritarian populism of 2010s, but to another selective assimilation of political features to serve the existing and locally dominant systems. Th rough the analysis of the specific cases of Mozambique and Angola, this paper theoretically and historically discusses the nature of regimes and political systems through a critical approach on the most recent historical/political science discussions of so-called hybrid regimes, combining liberal and illiberal features, that resort to concepts such as illiberal democracies, façade democracies, electoral autocracies, semi-authoritarian states, competitive authoritarian regimes, post-neo-liberal States, or new competitive authoritarian regimes, among others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informe sobre les actuacions relatives a la COVID-19 a Polònia.

Over the past twenty years, political conflict in Venezuela has led to the implementation of at least five alternative mechanisms for dialogue and negotiation with international participation. Their results have been limited and none have achieved any positive, sustainable transformation of the conflict. This article argues that the asymmetry between the opposing coalitions has been a determining, and generally underestimated, factor in the implementation of such mechanisms.

En este artículo analizaremos la respuesta a la crisis provocada por el COVID-19 por parte de Polonia, un Estado caracterizado por haber tomado la senda del iliberalismo desde la llegada al poder del partido político Ley y Justicia (PiS). Los principales elementos del análisis serán el contexto político-constitucional del país antes y después del triunfo electoral de PiS en 2015, la regulación constitucional de los poderes de emergencia y la respuesta que realmente ha dado el Gobierno a la crisis del COVID-19. Para ello, utilizaremos como base los estudios realizados sobre el Estado de Derecho en Polonia, así como un estudio de caso: las elecciones presidenciales que estaban fijadas el 10 de mayo de 2020. Teniendo en cuenta todos estos elementos de forma conjunta, comprobaremos que se trata de la continuación de una misma estrategia, cuyo objetivo es la erosión del Estado de Derecho y del principio de separación de poderes.

This article presents and empirically substantiates a theoretical account explaining the making and stabilisation of illiberal hegemony in Hungary. It combines a Polanyian institutionalist framework with a neo-Gramscian analysis of right-wing hegemonic strategy and a relational class analysis inspired by the political economy tradition in anthropology. The article identifies the social actors behind the illiberal transformation, showing how 'neoliberal disembedding' fuelled the rightward shift of constituencies who had erstwhile been brought into the fold of liberal hegemony: blue-collar workers, post-peasants and sections of domestic capital. Finally, the article describes the emergence of a new regime of accumulation and Fidesz's strategy of 'authoritarian re-embedding', which relies on 'institutional authoritarianism' and 'authoritarian populism'. This two-pronged approach has so far allowed the ruling party to stabilise illiberal hegemony, even in the face of reforms that have generated discontents and exacerbated social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of América Latina Hoy is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What is that we have learned after ten years of the territorial democratic disparity phenomena? This article seeks to contribute upon the sub-national democratization debates in two aspects: using a conceptual proposal to understand the territorial democratic variation and through a development of an analytic framework identifying three paths toward subnational democratization. This article introduces the non-liberal sub-national structural practices concept, and makes it different to the anti-democratic practices. It also provides examples upon the territorial democratic disparity to illustrate theory arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]