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ÖZ: Bu çalışmada II. Abdülhamid döneminden II. Meşrutiyet dönemine miras kalan Osmanlı Devlet’in göç politikası, Kürt muhacir ve mülteciler özelinde karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde değerlendirilmektedir. Buna göre II. Abdülhamid döneminde, yoğun bir Müslüman muhacir topluluğunun Osmanlı topraklarına gelmesine, Müslüman nüfusun artmasına yol açacağı için olumsuz bir nazarla bakılmadığı görülmektedir. Zira çoğunluğunu Kafkasya’dan gelenlerin oluşturduğu bu muhacirler; savaş, kıtlık, Kürt aşiretlerinin saldırıları veya ekonomik sıkıntılardan ötürü çareyi göç etmekte bulan Ermenilerin bıraktıkları topraklara iskân edilecekleri için doğuda daha güvenli bir bölge oluşturulabilecektir. Bu yaklaşım Meşrutiyet’in ilanından bir süre sonra devam etse de zaman içerisinde bazı değişiklikler yaşanmış, özellikle Türkçülük düşüncesinin bürokraside hâkim olması nedeniyle Müslüman muhacirlerin iskânında İslamî bakış açısının yerini daha çok milliyet eksenli bir anlayış almıştır. Öyle ki Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda savaş mıntıkalarından kaçmak zorunda kalan çok sayıda Kürt mülteci, milliyet ekseninde iskân edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Böyle bir politika izlenmesindeki temel amaç ise göçebe-yarı göçebe bir yaşam sürdüren Kürtlerin, Türklerin çoğunlukta olduğu Anadolu içlerine iskân edilerek yerleşik hayata geçişlerinin sağlanmasıdır. Bu sayede, vergi ve askerlik gibi birtakım mükellefiyetleri yerine getirecekleri planlanmış; kimliklerini, yaşam tarzlarını değiştirmeleriyle birlikte ise faydalı bir unsur olmaları hedeflenmiştir. ABSTRACT: The present study comparatively analyzed the migration policy of the Ottoman Empire inherited from the reign of Abdülhamid II to the Second Constitutional Period, with a special focus on Kurdish muhajirs (migrants, coined from the Arabic word meaning “one who migrated from Mecca to Medina”) and refugees. In this regard, it was observed that the arrival of a significantly large Muslim muhajir group to the Ottoman lands was not viewed negatively during the reign of Abdülhamid II, as it would lead to an increase in the Muslim population. The reason behind this was that these muhajirs, the majority of whom came from the Caucasus, would be settled in the lands left by Armenians who had migrated due to war, famine, attacks by Kurdish tribes, or economic difficulties, and thus a safer region could be created in the east. Although this approach was maintained for an extended period of time after the proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy, certain changes occurred over time, and the Islamic perspective was replaced by a more nationalist-oriented understanding in the resettlement of Muslim muhajirs, especially as the Turkist idea became dominant in the bureaucracy. Thus, attempts were made to settle many Kurdish refugees fleeing from the war zones during the First World War on the axis of nationality. The main purpose of such a policy was to ensure that the Kurds, who led a nomadic or semi-nomadic life, were settled in Anatolia, where Turks were the majority. In this way, it was envisioned that they would fulfill certain obligations, such as taxation and military service, and that by changing their identities and lifestyles, could become a useful element.

ÖZ:Bu çalışma, Mısır’daki muhalif hareketin öncülerinden Ya‘kûb Sannû‘nun (1839-1912) Avrupa’da yürüttüğü II. Abdülhamid sözcülüğüne odaklanıyor. Amaç Yahudi bir aktivistin Sultan ile bağını, bürokrasideki hizipleşmeler, Osmanlı hariciye politikaları ve diplomatik süreçler üzerinden anlamaya çalışmaktır. Sannû‘nun Padişah ile görüşmeye başladığı 1891’den II. Meşrutiyet’in ilanına (1908) kadar geçen süre, çalışmanın sınırlılığında belirleyici olmuştur. Ya‘kûb Sannû‘ Mısır’ın İtalyan kökenli Yahudi bir ailesine mensuptur. 1878’de Hidiv İsmail’e yönelttiği eleştiriler, Mısır’dan kovulup Paris’e yerleşmesi ile sonuçlanır. Avrupalı aydın ve siyasiler ile kurduğu temaslar sayesinde Osmanlı Padişah’ı nazarında itibar görür ve uzun yıllar Hazine-i Hassa’dan ödeme alır. Huzura çıktığı 1891 Haziran’ından itibaren Avrupa kamuoyunda Padişah’ın hasarlı imajını düzeltmeye çalışır. Yazı ve söylemleri her ne kadar “Sultan methiyesi” üzerine kurgulanmış olsa da esasında Mısır’ı işgal eden İngilizlere karşı pan-İslamizm siyasetini kullanışlı görmektedir. Kuzey Afrika Müslümanlarına Fransa’yı yüceltir, Sultan huzurunda ise Osmanlı kimliğine bürünür. İngilizlere karşı Osmanlı-Fransız yakınlaşması için çabalasa da bu politikası başarıya ulaşmaz. İttihat ve Terakki yönetimine yanaşmaya çalışır ancak itibar göremeyince aktif siyasetten çekilir. Sannû‘üzerine literatürün pek çoğu onun edebi birikimine eğilirken, politik tutumları üzerine çalışmalar sayıca daha azdır. Sultan ile görüşmeleri tamamıyla Sannû‘nun Fransa dönüşü demeçlerine dayandırılırken, İstanbul nazarındaki yerine ilişkin pek anlatı sunulmaz. Oysa Cumhurbaşkanlığı Osmanlı Arşivlerindeki Paris Sefareti yazışmaları, gezi ve seyahatlerinin betimlendiği gazete ve kitapçıklar onun İstanbul ile olan rabıtasını detaylandırmaktadır. ABSTRACT:This study focuses on Ya‘kûb Sannû‘ (1839-1912), one of the pioneers of the opposition in Egypt, who acted as Abdulhamid II’s Spokesman in Europe. The study aims to understand the bond of a Jewish activist with the Sultan through schisms in the bureaucracy, Ottoman foreign policies, and diplomatic processes. The study is limited with a time span form 1891, when Sannû‘ started meeting the Sultan to 1908, the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy. Ya‘kûb Sannû‘ belonged to an Egyptian Jewish family of Italian origin. His criticisms for Khedive Ismail in 1878 resulted in his being expelled from Egypt and settling in Paris. Thanks to his contacts with European intellectuals and politicians, he was respected by the Ottoman sultan and received payments from the Treasury for many years. He had tried to repair the damaged image of the sultan in Europe since June 1891, when he first appeared in the court. Although his writings and discourses praise the Sultan, he actually used Pan-Islamism politics against the British who occupied Egypt. He spoke to the Sultan as if he had been a real Ottoman. Although he strived for Ottoman-French rapprochement against the British, he did not succeed. He sought to approach the CUP, but could not gain respect, so he withdrew from active politics. Most of the literature on Sannû focuses on his literary knowledge, studies on his political attitudes are fewer. His meetings with the Sultan are based entirely on Sannû‘s statements after his return from France. Not much is presented about his place in the eyes of Istanbul. However, Paris Embassy correspondences in the Presidential Ottoman Archives, newspapers and booklets describing his trips and travels detail his connection with Istanbul.

The present study comparatively analyzed the migration policy of the Ottoman Empire inherited from the reign of Ab dülhamid II to the Second Constitutional Period, with a special focus on Kurdish muhajirs (migrants, coined from the Arabic word meaning "one who migrated from Mecca to Medina") and refugees. In this regard, it was observed that the arrival of a significantly large Muslim muhajir group to the Ottoman lands was not viewed negatively during the reign of Abdülhamid II, as it would lead to an increase in the Muslim population. The reason behind this was that these muhajirs, the majority of whom came from the Caucasus, would be settled in the lands left by Armenians who had migrated due to war, famine, attacks by Kurdish tribes, or economic difficulties, and thus a safer region could be created in the east. Although this approach was maintained for an extended period of time after the proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy, certain changes occurred over time, and the Islamic perspective was replaced by a more nationalist-oriented understanding in the resettlement of Muslim muhajirs, especially as the Turkist idea became dominant in the bureaucracy. Thus, attempts were made to settle many Kurdish refugees fleeing from the war zones during the First World War on the axis of nationality. The main purpose of such a policy was to ensure that the Kurds, who led a nomadic or semi-nomadic life, were settled in Anatolia, where Turks were the majority. In this way, it was envisioned that they wouldfulfill certain obligations, such as taxation and military service, and that by changing their identities and lifestyles, could become a useful element. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies (OMAD) / Osmanlı Mirası Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Istanbul is an important city that carries the traces of numerous civilizations throughout history, having a strategic location and a rich cultural heritage. It has served as the capital of great civilizations, a crossroads of trade routes, and a melting point of diverse cultures. It has been a destination for many travelers over the centuries. Travelers and visitors to Istanbul have aimed to explore the unique atmosphere. Additionally, the city has captured the interest of significant statesmen, writers, artists, and scholars. The recurring visits by Hungarians to Istanbul during the late 19th century are a manifestation of this interest. These visits often transcended mere tourism, acquiring a distinct dimension with the personal receptions by state dignitaries and their accompanying of the visitors. Moreover, owing to the evolving relations between the Ottoman Empire and Hungary, Hungarian visitors enjoyed a privileged position compared to visitors from other countries. Thus, they had the opportunity to thoroughly explore Istanbul’s history and cultural fabric. They have experienced a distinctive Istanbul journey by visiting significant offices of the Ottoman Empire. Towards the end of the century, Hungarian interest in Istanbul became evident through organized journeys. They conveyed their experiences and impressions during trips to the Hungarian press. The impressions conveyed to the Hungarian media, coupled with thoughts about the Turks and Istanbul, fostered a deeper sense of intimacy between the two nations. Additionally, the accounts of these travelers offer diverse perspectives on Istanbul’s political, social, and cultural life. This study focuses on the visits of Hungarians to Istanbul during the period of II. Abdulhamid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Bulletin of Palestine Studies / Filistin Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Bulletin of Palestine Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study focuses on Ya'kûb Sannû' (1839-1912), one of the pioneers of the opposition in Egypt, who acted as Abdulhamid II's Spokesman in Europe. The study aims to understand the bond of a Jewish activist with the Sultan through schisms in the bureaucracy, Ottoman foreign policies, and diplomatic processes. The study is limited with a time span form 1891, when Sannû' started meeting the Sultan to 1908, the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy. Ya'kûb Sannû' belonged to an Egyptian Jewish family of Italian origin. His criticisms for Khedive Ismail in 1878 resulted in his being expelled from Egypt and settling in Paris. Thanks to his contacts with European intellectuals and politicians, he was respected by the Ottoman sultan and received payments from the Treasury for many years. He had tried to repair the damaged image of the sultan in Europe since June 1891, when he first appeared in the court. Although his writings and discourses praise the Sultan, he actually used Pan-Islamism politics against the British who occupied Egypt. He spoke to the Sultan as if he had been a real Ottoman. Although he strived for Ottoman-French rapprochement against the British, he did not succeed. He sought to approach the CUP, but could not gain respect, so he withdrew from active politics. Most of the literature on Sannû focuses on his literary knowledge, studies on his political attitudes are fewer. His meetings with the Sultan are based entirely on Sannû's statements after his return from France. Not much is presented about his place in the eyes of Istanbul. However, Paris Embassy correspondences in the Presidential Ottoman Archives, newspapers and booklets describing his trips and travels detail his connection with Istanbul. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cappadocia Journal of History & Social Sciences is the property of CAHIJ and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kadim is the property of Kadim and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Shiite presence in Iraq is linked to a series of important events throughout history. Periods such as the Umayyads, Abbasids, the Buwayhids, the Seljuks, the Mongols and the Safavids shaped the religious and political structure of the region. In particular, the Safavids’ adoption of Shi’ism as the official sect and their efforts to spread this sect were influential in the transformation of the sectarian structure in the region. During the Ottoman period, the policies of Abd al-Hamīd II aimed to consolidate Islamic unity and the authority of the Ottoman caliphate. However, the presence and influence of the Shiite population caused some difficulties in the implementation of these policies in Iraq. The reasons for the spread of Shi’ism in Iraq include demographic changes, the influence of the Safavids, Qajars and regional religious dynamics. In addition, the lack of education in the region and some policies of the Ottoman administration also paved the way for the spread of Shi’ism. In this context, the attempts to prevent the spread of Shi’ism in Iraq during the reign of Abd al-Hamīd II have an important place in understanding the Ottoman Empire’s efforts to direct the religious and sectarian structure in the region, and a detailed examination of this situation constitutes the main purpose of our research. The scope of the research covers the period of Abd al-Hamīd II’s reign (1876-1909) and focuses specifically on the demographic, social and religious changes in Iraq. The research utilizes primary sources from the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives and contemporary literature on Shi’ism. The methodology is based on document analysis and historical interpretation. Overall, the study reveals Ottoman efforts to manage religious diversity in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bektashism, with its unique philosophy, has been a sect that has been viewed with suspicion by other Islamic groups, especially the Sunni Ulema, and accused of activities contrary to Islamic tradition. The Ottoman rulers, on the other hand, were confronted with the complex role of Bektashis in the empire. While they used Bektashism as a means of strengthening state authority in the early periods, they restricted it to a narrow field "military" in the later periods as the Sunni understanding gained strength in the bureaucracy. With the prohibition of Bektashism, the institutional structure dependent on the state authority was dismantled and Bektashism was persecuted in every field. With the Islamism policy of the Abdülhamid II period, the pressure and measures increased even more. In the atmosphere of the period, the negative view of Bektashis evolved into different debates. One of these debates was the accusation that Bektashis were engaged in Christianisation and Christianising the population. In addition, Western researchers looking for traces of Christianity in the Balkans also approached the Bektashis from this perspective and endeavoured to base their claims on various grounds, considering them to be secret Christians. In our study, the historical background from the Bektashi image, which was gradually shaken in the Ottoman Empire, to the allegations of Christianisation against them will be given and these debates will be analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mevzu is the property of Ali Sever and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ÖZ: Osmanlı-Türk modernleşmesinin en tartışmalı konularından biri başlık meselesidir. II. Mahmud döneminde ilk kez başlara giydirildiğinde ciddi tepkilere neden olan fes, zamanla dini bir hüviyet kazanmış ve Osmanlılık simgesi haline gelmiştir. Kültürel saiklerden dolayı, Osmanlıların zihin dünyasında, fes ile 19. yüzyılda İmparatorluğun birçok yerinde görülen Avrupalıların şapkası arasında bir karşıtlık ilişkisi kurulmuştur. Bu çalışmada, 1876-1914 yılları arasındaki şapka yasağı uygulamalarını içeren arşiv belgeleri etrafında Osmanlı’da başlık sorunu ele alınmaktadır. Ayrıca şapka giyilmemesi için tedbirlerin alındığı bölgelerin özellikleri, şapka giyenlerin meslekleri ve mensup oldukları sosyo-ekonomik çevreler, fes ve şapkaya dair algıyı net bir şekilde ortaya koyan ifadeler ve şapka yasaklarında etkili olan nedenler ortaya konulmaktadır. Bu çalışma, bu kültürel ve tarihsel arka planı göz ardı etmemekle birlikte, II. Abdülhamid ve II. Meşrutiyet dönemlerindeki şapka yasağı uygulamalarında, asıl belirleyici unsurun siyasal konjonktür olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. İslamcılık politikası güden ve hilafeti öne çıkaran II. Abdülhamid fes gibi sembolik unsurlara önem vermiştir. Bu dönemde, İmparatorluğun kritik vilayetlerinin kopmasından duyulan endişe nedeniyle, fese, bu bölgelerde devletin varlığını gösteren bir “egemenlik” simgesi önemi atfedilmiştir. II. Meşrutiyet dönemindeki uygulamalar ise asayiş sorunu ve henüz tahkim edilmemiş bir rejimin güvenliğine yönelik kaygılardan etkilenmiştir. İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası, halkın galeyana getirilerek Meşrutiyet karşıtı bir harekete sevk edilebileceğinden endişe etmiştir. ABSTRACT: One of the most controversial issues of Ottoman-Turkish modernization is the headgear issue. The fez, which caused serious reactions when it was worn on the heads for the first time during the reign of Mahmud II, gained a religious identity over time and became a symbol of Ottomanism. Because of cultural motivations, in the mental world of the Ottomans, a contrasting relationship was established between the fez and the hat of the Europeans, which was seen in many parts of the Empire in the 19th century. In this study, the headdress problem in the Ottoman Empire is discussed around the archive documents containing the hat ban practices between 1876-1914. In this study, the headgear problem in the Ottoman Empire is discussed around the archive documents containing the hat ban practices between 1876-1914. In addition, the characteristics of the regions where measures are taken not to wear hats, the occupations of hat wearers and the socio-economic environment they belong to, expressions that clearly reveal the perception of the fez and hat, and the motives that are effective in hat bans are revealed. This study, though, does not ignore this cultural and historical background, it reveals that the main determining factor in the hat ban practices during the periods of Abdulhamid II and The Second Contitutional was the political conjuncture. Abdulhamid II, who pursued an Islamist policy and emphasized the caliphate, gave importance to symbolic elements such as the fez. In this period, due to the concern about the rupture of the critical provinces of the Empire, the importance of a "sovereignty" symbol indicating the presence of the state in these regions was attributed to the fez. The Practices during the Second Constitutional period were affected by the public order problem and concerns about the security of a regime that had not yet been consolidated. İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası (The Union and Progress Party) was concerned that the people might be agitated and led to an antiConstitutional movement.

Opponents, who found the government inadequate and oppressive during the reign of Abdülhamid II, secretly organized to modernize the state. The organization of the Committee of Union and Progress, founded in 1889, was turned into a society in 1895. Since it operated against the Sultan, it had to be organized secretly. While some of its members, identified by the sultanate administration, were arrested, some fled abroad. He tried to apply the actioners, fed by the political and cultural climate of the West, in the Ottoman Empire by imitating the ideas and practices of the West. Their upbringing and ideals paved the way for them to follow a pragmatist and Machiavellian method. This situation caused the members of the society to sometimes revolt, commit gangs and violence, and cooperate with the Masonic lodges, in addition to the usual methods. The methods used negatively affected the achievement of the Society's goals and its adoption by the majority of the Ottoman society. In this study which is based on the literature review of the Committee of Union and Progress, the establishment and organization process of the society, the methods of struggle, the alliances formed, the ideas and theorists tried to be implemented, the general personality traits of the society managers and their effects on the management were tried to be revealed. In addition, it was aimed to give together the reasons why the society, which had profound effects on the political and daily life of Turks in the long term, could not save the Ottoman Empire from collapse in the short term and could not be effective on a part of the society. In this way, it was aimed to understand that the general failure of the claims and ideals of the society in its own period the conditions of the period as well as was due to the basic dynamics of the society that were contrary to the social and political order of the Ottoman Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Art History / Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı is the property of Journal of Art History / Sanat Tahiri Tilligi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Prince Alexander of Battenberg was deposed by a coup d’état on 9/21 August 1886. Although he was restored to the throne by a counter-coup led by Stefan Stambolov, the Russian Emperor Alexander III’s disapproval of this return caused the prince to abdicate. This led to a political crisis that would last for many years. This study has two main aims. The first one shows the decisions taken, the concessions it made, and the initiatives taken by the Government of Konstantin Stoilov (1894-1899) in order to put an end to this political crisis in the Principality of Bulgaria, which was affiliated with the Ottoman Empire with the Treaty of Berlin. The other is to convey the dynamics created by the status quo and to give information about Ferdinand’s visit to the Ottoman state after the legitimation of his principality before all the Great Powers. In the study, Ottoman and Bulgarian archive documents were used. In addition, some research works in Turkish and Bulgarian and the memories of witnesses of the period were used. Some issues of the newspapers of the period related to the subject were examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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One of the most controversial issues of Ottoman-Turkish modernization is the headgear issue. The fez, which caused serious reactions when it was worn on the heads for the first time during the reign of Mahmud II, gained a religious identity over time and became a symbol of Ottomanism. Because of cultural motivations, in the mental world of the Ottomans, a contrasting relationship was established between the fez and the hat of the Europeans, which was seen in many parts of the Empire in the 19th century. In this study, the headdress problem in the Ottoman Empire is discussed around the archive documents containing the hat ban practices between 1876-1914. In this study, the headgear problem in the Ottoman Empire is discussed around the archive documents containing the hat ban practices between 1876-1914. In addition, the characteristics of the regions where measures are taken not to wear hats, the occupations of hat wearers and the socio-economic environment they belong to, expressions that clearly reveal the perception of the fez and hat, and the motives that are effective in hat bans are revealed. This study, though, does not ignore this cultural and historical background, it reveals that the main determining factor in the hat ban practices during the periods of Abdulhamid II and The Second Contitutional was the political conjuncture. Abdulhamid II, who pursued an Islamist policy and emphasized the caliphate, gave importance to symbolic elements such as the fez. In this period, due to the concern about the rupture of the critical provinces of the Empire, the importance of a "sovereignty" symbol indicating the presence of the state in these regions was attributed to the fez. The Practices during the Second Constitutional period were affected by the public order problem and concerns about the security of a regime that had not yet been consolidated. İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası (The Union and Progress Party) was concerned that the people might be agitated and led to an anti-Constitutional movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Near Architecture is the property of Journal of Near East Architecture and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ABSTRACT: This study analyzes the Tribal Schools established by Abdulhamid II. The main purpose of it was providing "Loyalty to the Empire." It examined what criteria were considered when choosing students, whether the tribal children realized Abdulhamid's policy, and the reasons for the closure of the school being questioned. During his reign, he aimed to ensure students' loyalty to the state as harmless. Education was given in Istanbul and their loyalty was tried to be ensured. In line with the education policy, students of Shiite origin were also brought to İstanbul, and the Sunni creed was taught. In the article, the implications of the efforts to create the idea of loyalty through the education policy of the Empire will be discussed. In our study, which examines the Tribal Schools in line with loyalty to the state and the Sultan, the political aim of the Empire to provide loyalty through education policy is the subject. ÖZ: Bu çalışma, II. Abdülhamid tarafından kurulan Aşiret Mektepleri’ni incelemektedir. Mektebin asıl amacı "İmparatorluğa Sadakati" sağlamaktır. Çalışmada, öğrenci seçiminde hangi kriterlerin dikkate alındığı, aşiret çocuklarının II. Abdülhamid'in politikasını gerçekleştirip gerçekleştirmediği ve okulun kapanma nedenleri incelenmektedir. II. Abdülhamit’in saltanatı sırasında öğrencilerin devlete bağlılığının zararsız olarak sağlanması hedeflenmiştir. Birçoğuna İstanbul'da eğitim verilerek İmparatorluğa bağlılıkları sağlanmaya çalışılmıştır. Eğitim politikası doğrultusunda İstanbul'a Şiî kökenli öğrenciler de getirilerek onlara da Sünnî akide öğretilmiştir. Makalede, İmparatorluğun eğitim politikası üzerinden sadakat fikri oluşturma çabalarına ilişkin çıkarımlar tartışılacaktır. Devlete ve Sultana sadakat doğrultusunda Aşiret Mekteplerini inceleyen çalışmamızda İmparatorluğun eğitim politikası üzerinden gerçekleştirdiği sadakat sağlama eksenli siyasi amacı konu edinilmektedir.

In the study, the work entitled Dersaadet Numûnehâne-i Osmânî written by Şefik Memiş will be introduced. In the book, Dersaadet Numûnehâne-i Osmânî, also known as the Ottoman Commercial Museum, has been discussed since its establishment, and the adventure of the development of museology in the Ottoman lands has been brought together with the reader. the width of the book consisting of 331 pages is 16 cm and the length is 23.5 cm. It is seen that the work was written by using a large number of books, articles, newspapers and magazines, the majority of which are archival documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of METU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture / Mimarlık Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of METU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies (OMAD) / Osmanlı Mirası Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study focuses on the period of Abdülhamid II, one of the most controversial periods of Turkish history. However, the entire period is not the subject of the study. The study is limited to the first years of Abdülhamid II's rule in terms of duration and British policy in terms of field. Although many sources have tried to explain the period in question with the policy of Islamic unity, the thesis of this study is that the explanatory concept for the foreign policy of the period in question is neoclassical realism, not Pan-Islamism. The fact that it is not a system theory but a foreign policy theory makes neoclassical realism a very appropriate theory for understanding the foreign policy of the period. By evaluating the four main points of contact between Britain, one of the great powers of the period, and the Ottoman Empire, which had lost its past glory and was now a regional power -the Balkans, Cyprus, Armenian issue, Egypt-, it was concluded that the foreign policy implemented was the result of the transformation of systemic effects with intermediate variables, especially the image of the leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, military education reforms that took place in the modernization process of the Ottoman Empire were discussed. It is focused on about new modern military schools and improvement of existing schools with the spread of education in the provinces especially in Abdülhamid II period. Education reform firstly began in higher education institutions in Ottoman Empire, after that modernization process of the lower-level educational institutions that train students for higher institutions was actualized. Thus, military middle schools, high schools and military academies that located in Dersaadet and provinces were investigated. Furthermore, subjects of the place of establishment, number of the average students of per year, syllabus and lesson schedules, modernization studies and efforts, education time, qualities sought in students to be admitted to schools, ways of passing class, assignment of students graduating from their schools of the related military schools that opened in this period are discussed. This study has been put forward by examining the Ottoman archive documents, primary sources and research works, articles and theses on the subject. Aim of this study is revealing the military schools were opened in capital city and provinces, and uncover scientifically the purposes, processes and policies of these schools. As a result of this research, it has been seen that in Abdülhamid II era, reform scriptures were prepared in the field of education, curriculum and course contents were arranged in this direction, and schools were modernized in a western style. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nineteenth century and more specifically the period of II. Abdülhamid is an important time in terms of renewed Turkish literature and literature-politics relations. While western influenced literature is rapidly gaining acceptance in society, writers who write in the classical style continue their literary life in different venues. Süleyman Celaleddin (d. 1890) who wrote poetic works under the pseudonym Celâl, wrote poems in this period and developed good relations with the sultan of the period, both with himself and with his family. His works which have mystical content and are named Devirnâme, Sâkînâme, Mevlîd-i Cenâb-ı Ali were published before the foundation of the republic and these texts were published by today's researchers. His work, named Şükriyye which was presented to Abdulhamid in verse and in manuscript, is not known and has not been the subject of any scientific study. In this respect, brief information about the life and works of Süleyman Celaleddin will be given in the introduction. In the analysis section, a general examination of the work has been made about the work in the form of ode written by Celal. Some investigations were made about the genre of the work and the genre was identified by comparing it with other poems under the names Şükriyye and Şükrnâme. In the last part, the text of the work is composed from the only known copy of the work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Institute / Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Bingol University / Rectorate and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Young Turks are the group that continued the political opposition movement against Abdulhamid II under the umbrella of the Ottoman Union and Progress Committee. On the one hand, the Young Turks wrote Turkish publications aimed at influencing the Ottoman society against Abdulhamid II, on the other hand, they published publications in foreign languages to introduce their intellectual structures to the European public and to explain the framework of their opposition. England, whence they expected political support for the dethronement of Abdulhamid II, was one of the countries that the Young Turks gave importance to. The Young Turks felt the need to publish a publication in English in order to effectively explain to the British politicians and society that the reign of Abdulhamid II should be ended and that they should support them. In this study, the periodical called English Supplement to "the Osmanli", which was published as a single issue by the Young Turks, will be examined and the importance of this publication for the Young Turk opposition will be pointed out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the Tribal Schools established by Abdulhamid II. The main purpose of it was providing "Loyalty to the Empire." It examined what criteria were considered when choosing students, whether the tribal children realized Abdulhamid's policy, and the reasons for the closure of the school being questioned. During his reign, he aimed to ensure students' loyalty to the state as harmless. Education was given in Istanbul and their loyalty was tried to be ensured. In line with the education policy, students of Shiite origin were also brought to İstanbul, and the Sunni creed was taught. In the article, the implications of the efforts to create the idea of loyalty through the education policy of the Empire will be discussed. In our study, which examines the Tribal Schools in line with loyalty to the state and the Sultan, the political aim of the Empire to provide loyalty through education policy is the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Art History / Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı is the property of Journal of Art History / Sanat Tahiri Tilligi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abdulhamid II, one of the longest reigning sultans of the Ottoman Empire, was dethroned in 1909 after his reign that lasted for about thirty-three years. During his reign, he was exposed to negative accusations and ascriptions in the western public opinion because of the measures taken by him firstly in the Balkan Crisis in the mid-1870's, and then, especially in the Armenian Rebellions of 1890's. For Abdulhamid II, being constantly alienated as the Ottoman Sultan, it was used improper expressions like "Red Sultan", "Great Assassin" and "Abdul the Damned". Newspapers became the main element highlighting this negative image in the western public opinion. The similarity can be observed in the newspapers published by the members of the Young Turk movement. As the opponents of the Sultan, negative publications were made against the Ottoman Sultan in newspapers and magazines firstly published in the Ottoman geography and then in many places abroad, causing the image of Abdulhamid II to develop in a negative way. Abdulhamid II, who was called as "exsultan" after his dethronement both in the Ottoman and western newspapers, lived for nine years in exile at first in Thessaloniki and then at Beylerbeyi Palace. After his death in February 1918, he was reported in the Ottoman newspapers as "hakan-i mağfur/forgiven Sultan" and in the foreign newspapers as "death sultan". In this paper, it is aimed to examine the reflections of the death of Abdulhamid II in the national and foreign newspapers. Ottoman newspapers such as Ati, İkdam, Sabah, Tanin, Tasvir-i Efkar, Tercüman-ı Hakikat, Servet-i Fünun and Vakit and the leading newspapers of British, French and American presses constitute the sources of study. In this frame, it is aimed to describe firstly how Abdulhamid's death and funeral ceremony were portrayed, and secondly to determine whether there is any negative/positive change in their perception of the Sultan image in Turkish and foreign newspapers. Thus, it could be possible to compare Turkish and foreign newspapers' approach towards Abdulhamid after nine years of his dethronement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soft power is a new concept in international relations and its history has been a question of interest in recent years. The term has been also widely used in the studies of Turkish foreign policy in the last two decades. This study aims to demonstrate that the use of soft power in Turkish foreign policy was not new and has a history of its own which dates back to the Ottoman Empire. The study will not present a historical study of its own that focuses on a certain event or phenomenon but bring together examples of how the Ottoman Empire has used means of soft power in its relationship with other states. By comparing these examples over time, it hopes to call attention to how Ottoman soft power has changed over time depending on the shifts in the international balance of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Bozok University Journal of Faculty of Theology / Bozok Üniversitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Bozok University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bu çalışmanın amacı Sultan II. Abdülhamid’in uyguladığı politikaların altyapısını, Avrathisarı Kazası örneğinden tespit etmektir. Sultan Abdülhamid, amcası Abdülaziz ve ağabeyi Murad’ın tahtan indirilmelerinden kısa süre sonra padişah olmuştur. Saltanata giden süreçte kendisine bu yolu açanların şartlarına evet demesine rağmen, iktidara geldiğinde kendi politikalarını hayata geçirmeye çalışmıştır. Tanzimat reformlarının aksine Babıali’yi değil Saray’ı yönetim merkezine taşımıştır. Yönetim merkezinin Tanzimat öncesi gibi saraya kaydırılması ve kendi bürokratik kadrolarını oluşturması Sultan II. Abdülhamid’in müstebit, devrinin de istibdat dönemini olarak anılmasına yol açmıştır. Oysa Sultan’ın ilk talimatlarından birisi, Yıldız’dan idare edeceği ülkenin ihtiyaçlarını ve imkânlarını tespit etmektir. Taşradan gelen yazılarda vilayet, sancak ve kaza bazında ihtiyaçlar belirtildiği gibi, ihtiyaçları finanse edecek veya Sultan’ın eli kolu olabilecek halkın ileri gelenleri de listelenmiştir. Yine bu minvalde Abdülhamid’in üzerinde önemle durduğu ülke nüfusu da Sultan’ın bilgi talep ettiği öncelikli alanlardan birisidir. Çalışmada, Sultan II. Abdülhamid’in Osmanlı vilayetlerinden talep ettiği ve yönetimi esnasında üreteceği politikaların altyapısını oluşturan envanterler, Osmanlı Arşiv belgelerine dayalı olarak tahlil edilmiştir.

II. Abdülhamid dönemi Osmanlı ekonomisi birçok sebepten dolayı olumsuz yönde etkilendi. Rusya ile yapılan savaşın getirmiş olduğu bütçe açığının yanı sıra ortaya çıkan göç hareketleri kısa sürede ekonominin zarar görmesine sebep oldu. Başta Rusya olmak üzere dış devletlerin Osmanlı toplumundaki nitelikli nüfusla yakından ilgilenmeleri ve içerideki ekonomik sorunlar dış göçleri tetikledi. Özellikle Ermenilerin yoğun olarak dışarıya göçüne tanık olduğumuz bu dönemde vergi yükümlülüklerini yerine getiremeyen kişilerin göç etmesine izin verilmedi. Mali sorumluluklardan ya da izin belgesini almaktan kurtulmak isteyen Gayrimüslim nüfustan bazı kişiler illegal yollardan göç etti. Nitelikli nüfusunu kaybetmek istemeyen Rusya, toplumsal olarak düzenlemeler yaparak işine yarayacak kişileri meskûn hale getirirken niteliksiz nüfusun da Osmanlı topraklarına göç etmesini teşvik etmekteydi. Loris-Melikov ve Dundukov Korsakov, Osmanlı topraklarından gelen göçmenleri iskân ettirmeye çalışırken İngilizler de elçilikleri vasıtasıyla göç hareketlerine müdahil oldu. Osmanlı’nın istihdam alanı oluşturamadığı Harput, Şam, Lübnan ve Suriye gibi bölgelerden birçok Gayrimüslim nüfus dışarıya göç etti. Aynı zamanda göçmenler arasında beklentilerine karşılık bulamadığı için memleketlerine geri dönenler oldu. Osmanlı, göçmenleri niteliklerine göre iskân ettirmeye çalışarak ekonomiye yük olmalarının önüne geçmeye çalıştı. Ancak savaşların ve nüfus hareketlerinin yoğunluk kazandığı bu dönemde ekonomik sorunların önüne geçmek kolay olmadı.

Copyright of Journal of Art History / Sanat Tarihi Dergisi is the property of Ege University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Research / Sosyal Bilimler Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of ODU Journal of Social Sciences Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

II. Abdülhamid döneminde dış güçlerin kendi coğrafyasındaki tebaasına yönelik müdahalesini görmüş olan devlet buna tepki olarak çeşitli ıslahatlara gitmek zorunda kalacaktır. Rumeli’de ve Doğu Anadolu’da yaşadığı toprak ve insan kaybını Güneydoğu Anadolu topraklarında yaşamak istemeyen devlet bunun çarelerini aramaya başlamıştı. Bölgeye gönderdiği özel yetkili komiserleri ve bürokratları ile ıslahatlara girişen devlet öncesinde layihaları değerlendirmeyi de ihmal etmemiştir. Kendisinden önceki padişahlardan farklı bir şekilde layiha yazımını teşvik eden ve zaman zaman buna bazı güvendiği kişileri memur eden Sultan II. Abdülhamid, gelen hâl çarelerine göre ülkenin siyasi ve içtimai birçok sorunuyla mücadeleye girişmiştir. Sultan, Rus ve İngilizlerin kaşımaya gayret ettikleri Kürt ve Ermeni sorununun çözümü bağlamında görevlendirdiği Ahmed Aziz Paşa’yı layiha yazmakla görevlendirir. Paşa kendisinden önce görevlendirilmiş olan Abidin Paşa’nın sert siyasetinin bölge insanında adalete ve devlete güveni zayıflattığına dikkat çekmiştir. Paşa on dört maddelik bir paket dâhilinde zirai, iktisadi, idari, bayındırlık ve maarifle ilgili sorunların çözümünü layihasında sıralayarak padişaha sunmuştur.

Padişahların aile hayatı kurduğu cariyeleri Harem'de belli bir hiyerarşiye göre rütbe almışlardır. Padişahın ilk eşleri ve ona çocuk doğuranlara Kadınefendi; kadınefendilerden bir alt statüde bulunan padişah hanımlarına ise İkbal Hanımefendi denilmiştir. İslam hukukuna göre cariye ile evlilik hür kadın ile evlilik gibi değildir. Çünkü cariyeye nikâh kıyılmaz, şayet nikâh kıyılmak istenirse cariyenin azat edilmesi gerekir. Padişahların cariyelerine nikâh kıyması, 19. yüzyıla kadar bir iki istisna dışında vâki olmamıştır. 19. yüzyılda ise Osmanlı Devleti'nde cariyelerin hukukî statüsü tartışmalı hale gelmiştir. Osmanlı Devleti savaşlar yoluyla artık toprak kazanmak şöyle dursun elindeki toprakları bile muhafaza edemez duruma gelince saraya gelen cariyelerin ana kaynağı da değişmiştir. Artık savaş esirlerinden köleleştirme şeklindeki usul kaybolmuş; daha çok Rus saldırıları dolayısıyla memleketini terk etmek zorunda kalan Kafkas muhacirlerinin kızlarının saraya alınması uygulaması başlamıştır. Kafkas muhacirleri, sefalet çekmesin ve ileride önemli mevkilere gelebilsin diye kızlarını Osmanlı sarayına veriyorlardı. Bu kızların içerisinde fakir ailelerden gelen öksüz/yetimler olduğu gibi soylu Kafkas hanedanlarından gelenler de vardı. Sarayda bulunan kızlara cariye deniliyordu ama bunların en azından bir kısmı hür/Müslüman kişilerdi. Yani İslam hukukuna göre köleleştirilemezlerdi. Bunlardan saray içi hizmet görenler için bir sıkıntı bulunmuyorsa da padişaha eş olacaklar açısından dikkat çekici bir durum ortaya çıkmıştı. Hür ve Müslüman bir aileden gelen bir kız yahut en azından böyle bir şüphe terettüp edenler nikâh bağı olmadan padişahın hanımı olabilir miydi? Sultan Abdülaziz döneminden itibaren kadınefendilerin sayısının dörtle sınırlanması, şer‘î olarak bir erkeğin nikâhla en fazla dört eş alabileceğinden hareketle mi getirilmişti? Kadınefendilere nikâh kıyılmış mıydı? İkballerin durumu neydi? Bu sorulara henüz yeterli/tatmin edici cevaplar verilebilmiş değildir. Ancak son dönemde padişahların, elimizde resmî kayıtları olmasa da hukukî statüleri müsait olmaması sebebiyle (hür ve Müslüman olduklarından) özellikle Abhaz soylu cariyelerine nikâh kıyıp bu şekilde onları eşleri arasına kattığı iddia edilmektedir. Bu minvalde Sultan II. Abdülhamid'in (öl. 1336/1918) eşlerinin, cariye mi yoksa nikâhlı zevce mi olduğu hususu da günümüzde bazı araştırmalara konu olmuştur. Hatıratlardan yola çıkılarak Sultan Abdülhamid'in eşlerinin neredeyse tamamının hür ve Müslüman asıllı olduğu iddia edilmiştir. Buna göre Sultan Abdülhamid'in zevcelerinin cariye statüsünde olamayacağı ve birlikteliklerinin nikâhla olabileceği söylenmiştir. Öte yandan İslam hukukuna göre en fazla dört kadınla nikâh kıyılabileceği dikkate alındığında on üç eşi olan Sultan'ın evlilikleri hukukî açıdan soru işaretleri oluşturmuştur. Bu problem en bariz şekilde Sultan Abdülhamid'in vefatından sonra vârislerin açtığı veraset davasında görülmüştür. Sultan Abdülhamid'in dokuz hanımla birden nikâhlı olduğu öne sürülen bu davada, söz konusu iddiaya herhangi bir itiraz yapılmamıştır. Bu çalışmada, Sultan Abdülhamid'in eşleriyle ilgili bilgiler ve devlet nezdindeki hukukî statüleri, 2. Meşrutiyet döneminde kendilerine verilen maaşlara ilişkin belgeler üzerinden tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Ayrıca Sultan Abdülhamid'in mirasıyla ilgili veraset ilamı davasında ortaya çıkan nikâhlı dokuz hanım meselesi fıkhî açıdan değerlendirilmiştir. Sultan Abdülhamid, saltanatı döneminde ve sonrasında muhalifleri tarafından hiçbir şekilde şeriata aykırı nikâh yahut evlilikle suçlanmamıştır. Buradan hareketle o dönemde Sultan'ın haremiyle ilgili İslam hukukuna aykırı bir durumun öne çıkmadığı söylenebilir. Diğer taraftan mahkemeye konu olan dokuz hanımla nikâhı meselesi İslam hukuku açısından üç ihtimali öne çıkarmaktadır. Bunlardan birincisi mahkemede bazı hanımların hakikati gizlemiş olmalarıdır ki elde edilen verilere göre bu en zayıf ihtimaldir. İkincisi Sultan Abdülhamid tarafından talakın gizlenmesi ve hanımlarının da bundan haberdar olmamasıdır. Bu ihtimal ise Hanefî fıkhı açısından değerlendirildiğinde problemli görülmüştür. Üçüncü ihtimal de nikâh-ı tenezzühî uygulamasıdır. 2. Meşrutiyet'le başlayıp Cumhuriyet'e kadar olan dönemde devlet daireleri arasındaki yazışmalar dikkate alındığında kadınefendilerin nikâhlı zevce -ki bunların sayısı dörtle sınırlandırılmıştır-, ikballerin ise cariye statüsünde değerlendirildiği açıktır. Buradan hareketle nikâh meselesiyle ilgili olarak zikri geçen ihtimallerden en makulünün, ikballerin cariye statüsünde görülüp onlara nikâh-ı tenezzühî kapsamında nikâh kıyılmış olduğu düşünülmektedir.

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)