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The article discusses American Civil War iconoclasm and the destruction of Confederate Army-related images and visual objects. Topics explored include the way Union soldiers destroyed portraits and paintings they encountered in Southern households during the war, the motivations behind iconoclasm for Northern soldiers and enslaved people, and the connection between Southern image consumption and Civil War image destruction.

This article is dedicated to the absent presence and mnemonic remains of the socialist-era monuments in eastern Europe. Mnemonic remains is a metaphor I employ in this paper to direct our attention to the physical absence of monuments after their removal. But it also speaks of a monument's role in absentia , its continued existence in and its effects on the collective memory beyond its physical presence. The phenomenon, sporadically acknowledged but rarely subject of investigation in academic literature, is explored and illustrated through the lens of the removed V.I. Lenin monument in Riga. The absent monument, I contend, performs the function of a phantom monument, exerting mnemonic agency beyond its physical presence through its representational value for other memory projects. This is highlighted through the study of the proposed and completed, but never unveiled, monument to Konstantīns Čakste on the site of the former Lenin monument in Riga. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Priceless artworks are being destroyed or, at least, they appear to be. Yet the very act of climate protest targeting these works in what could be construed as acts of vandalism are in themselves productive of new visual media through which climate concern and urgency is conveyed. This article offers reflections upon one way in which these protest actions may be conceptually understood. It does so with particular regard to Latour's notion of 'iconoclash' in which an indeterminacy around the actions, meanings and outcomes of these protests can be identified and explored for their possible implications in the context of the climate crisis. It argues that recent protest forms represent a novel approach to climate messaging, but remain problematic. There is an iconoclash-related tension in the visually striking art destruction which, contrarily, avoids causing damage while producing new visual materials in the form of event images. It is contended that the questions that arise from the visually destructive acts ultimately distract from the climate claim-making by causing debate around the validity and efficacy of targeting art in protest instead. Hence, iconoclash is advocated as a useful conceptual tool through which to analyse this novel, contemporary form of climate protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the literary resonances of the Nobel Prize committee's 2016 citation of Bob Dylan's work "for having created new poetic expressions within the great American song tradition." That "new poetic expression" has grown out of and developed through a spirit of iconoclasm and estrangement very much in the American grain and it runs through not only the American folk "song tradition" but through the Beat Generation of writers even as the shape-changing troubadour-poet never was nor would he ever become a full-fledged card-carrying Beat poet nor a traditional poet of any sort as he became a poet among poets on the road finally to becoming Bob Dylan or rather to creating Dylan Nobel laureate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his theological reflections on the question of liturgy in the Church, Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger also addressed the issue of art and the sacred image. He did not develop any theological aesthetics of his own, but his theological remarks on the image are of great importance. Ratzinger demonstrated that the image is an integral and integrating part of the liturgy and, as such, demands appropriate consideration within the Church. Two issues merit particular attention in the context of contemporary challenges, particularly the phenomenon of what has been termed ‘new iconoclasm’. The first issue is that of the coherent presence of the image in the ongoing development of divine revelation, which moves from the Old to the New Testament. This clearly expresses the need for the image. Subsequently, the liturgy, which is rooted in the history of revelation and represents its lived experience within the Church, requires the image in order for it to reveal its full salvific meaning. The purpose of the image in the liturgy, and in a broader sense in the Church, is to prompt contemplation and adoration of the love of God revealed in Jesus Christ.

The debate on decolonizing monuments has provoked a great deal of covering and shrouding of public sculptures. This paper looks at three examples and shows how textile interventions alter a monument's visibility and, as products of (post)colonial trade or communal handicraft, add semantic layers. Ranging from The Kudzu Project's marking of Confederate monuments in Charlottesville, VA, through the covering of the Robert Milligan statue by protesters in London, to a curated artwork by Joiri Minaya in Hamburg, the examples span both geographical regions and the recent history of the debate. The paper proposes that textile ephemerality questions concepts of history embedded in the traditional materiality of public sculptures and provides a model for imagining other practices of commemoration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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After the events of autumn 1938, the Hlinka's Slovak People's Party (Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana; HSĽS) engaged in mythmaking to legitimize its regime in people's eyes. This included making a legend about the 'capital of the movement', a city linked to the party's political struggle leading to 'ultimate victory'. Ružomberok was naturally chosen, where chairman Andrej Hlinka lived and worked as a priest, and the party's influential Ružomberok group came from. Using a creative destruction lens, this study follows the transformation of Ružomberok's image from a provincial, politically insignificant town to the Slovak State's spiritual metropolis and fascist Neueuropa's progressive model city. We focus on the dynamics of reshaping: from initial plans, unimplemented reconstruction projects to politically motivated interventions in the public space to remodel Ružomberok corresponding to the new national ideology into a polis politicus highlighting the new aesthetics and values. Finally, we analyse political iconoclasm's specific manifestations based on examples of political interference in architecture. We also reflect on the collapse of the old, 'decadent' to the construction of the new, 'progressive' on a societal level as targeted attempts by political elites to prove their system's vitality through modernization compared to its predecessors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper analyzes the juridical issues concerning the material reparation of churches and sacred objects after the Iconoclastic Fury in 1566–1567, based on the works of Petrus Peckius (1529–1589). The Fury left an unprecedented path of destruction in many towns of the Low Countries. It presented society not only with political and religious challenges but also with a myriad of legal ones. As a Leuven law professor in this time of chaos, Peckius published the treatise "De sacrosanctis et catholicis Christi ecclesiis reparandis ac reficiendis" (1573). Peckius' take on the theme reveals an intricate analysis of the varied circumstances of destruction, the means of funding the repairs, and the liability of different actors – from the perpetrators of the destruction themselves to the prelate, the parishioners, and even town magistrates. After an initial overview of the Iconoclastic Fury and a brief biographical note on Peckius and his works, this paper will present Peckius' ideas in a 'timeline' of three phases: going, respectively, from the assessment of damages and planning the extent of restoration; to considerations on liability; and, finally, to the juridical means of enforcement. Along with each phase, we provide critical reflections on Peckius' influences and positions in the context of the Iconoclastic Fury. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate on decolonizing monuments has provoked a great deal of covering and shrouding of public sculptures. This paper looks at three examples and shows how textile interventions alter a monument’s visibility and, as products of (post)colonial trade or communal handicraft, add semantic layers. Ranging from The Kudzu Project’s marking of Confederate monuments in Charlottesville, VA, through the covering of the Robert Milligan statue by protesters in London, to a curated artwork by Joiri Minaya in Hamburg, the examples span both geographical regions and the recent history of the debate. The paper proposes that textile ephemerality questions concepts of history embedded in the traditional materiality of public sculptures and provides a model for imagining other practices of commemoration.

This article analyzes violence against the body of Woman Jerusalem in Ezek. 16 and 23 from a New Materialist perspective. As a methodology, New Materialism forges new paths when considering the female body and agency: namely, literal and literary bodies possess the ability to transform their literal and literary worlds, even when— especially when—these bodies become entangled in violent acts. This article therefore considers Woman Jerusalem's violated body from two perspectives. The first is the perspective of Ezekiel-the-exiled-priest and the centrality of Woman Jerusalem's body in his theological project of identity building. The second is the perspective of Ezekiel-the-iconoclast and the ability of Woman Jerusalem's body to survive his acts of violence and reemerge as an intercessor. Such continuity has profound significance for the evolving Zion tradition, which follows the body of Woman Jerusalem to the other side of exile and there reconsiders the relationship between Yahweh, Jerusalem, and her human inhabitants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the last moments of the emperor Theophilos and how his dying moments are related in Byzantine historiography. His religious policy is central here. In fact, Theophilos' stance on images is what allows us today to categorize narratives of his final moments, based on whether he repented for his iconoclastic policy. Three groups of narratives can be distinguished; those that claim that the emperor repented, those that claim that he did not, and those that are silent on the issue. Death narratives in historical writing constitute a commonplace in Kaiserkritik, and Theophilos' dying moments are no exception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout Iconoclasm the imperial icon was used in iconophile writings as the major argument in support of icon veneration. It included images of the emperor reproduced in various media and even panel portraits. Although the latter have not survived, they were real objects with a strong presence in the Byzantine system of visual communication. This paper will show that that the role of the imperial icon in Byzantine imagery and image theory was closely connected to the perception of the emperor and of the sacred imperial power in Byzantium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The function of affectivity has generally focused on post-Council of Trent paintings, where artists sought a new visual language to address the imperative function of sacred images in the face of Protestant criticism and iconoclasm, either guided by the Council's decree on images, post-Tridentine treatises on sacred art, or by the Counter-Reformation climate of late Cinquecento and early Seicento Italy. This essay redirects the origins of the transformation of the function of chiaroscuro from objective to subjective, from corporeal to spiritual, and from rational to affective to a much earlier period in late Quattrocento and early Cinquecento Milan with Leonardo da Vinci. By tracing the transformation of chiaroscuro as a vehicle of affect beginning with Leonardo's Virgin of the Rocks, it will become evident that chiaroscuro became a device used to focalize the viewers' experience dramatically and to move viewers visually and mystically toward unification with God under the influence of the Franciscans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every act of censorship is also an act of iconoclasm. Together they constitute one of the oldest paradoxes of image making and of figuration. To make an image is both to want it and to fear it. The more it is desired, the more it seems contra naturam , and so is feared. It often has a vitality that is startlingly at odds with both its materiality and its concept. To parse individual episodes of censorship and iconoclasm is to uncover the roots of both the fear of images and the fear of art. But each of the many motives for censorship and iconoclasm testify, above all, to the impossibility of escaping it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historic graffiti offer new and interesting insights into late medieval and early modern English society. This paper will show the value of studying these inscriptions by discussing two churches constructed in the late medieval period in Suffolk, England, with drawings of two figures that potentially represent the Virgin Mary and the Christ Child. These drawings are similar and yet quite different in their quality and execution, and they possibly relate to lost medieval imagery within the building. These images may also have been created in response to various iconoclastic movements that occurred as part of the Reformation as well as after it. This paper seeks to encourage further study on the relationship between historic graffiti and local history by observing the connection between the late medieval parish churches of Lidgate and Stradishall and their respective figural drawings by suggesting that graffiti serve a larger purpose than idle drawing or doodling and instead are valuable pieces of evidence about parish life and values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Christian icon – from eikon, the Greek word for ‘image’ – has been part of liturgical worship from the early centuries of the Christian era, and sometimes also a subject of theological debate. On the one hand, icons have been described by iconodules or iconophiles (those defending icons and their veneration) as theology in material form and as doors between heaven and earth. They asserted that images of Christ affirmed the reality of God’s enfleshment in Christ: Christ God can be depicted because he has become a visible human. They defended icons of saints as affirmations of the purpose of the incarnation, namely, to bring people into union with God – a process of deification or theosis, as this union is also named. On the other hand, those opposed to images – iconoclasts (‘icon smashers’) or iconophobes (those averse to or ‘afraid’ of icons) – have condemned them as idols or, at best, as impediments to a relationship with God. Extant images of Christ and the saints found on catacomb walls date certainly from the early third century, and possibly as early as the late second century (Finney 1994: 146). For two periods during the eighth and ninth centuries, theological debate erupted within the Eastern Roman Empire (generally referred to as Byzantium from the nineteenth century) between iconoclasts and iconodules. The dispute was eventually won in favour of icons. Thereafter, sacred imagery was firmly established as an integral part of Christian liturgy, though with East and West placing different emphases as to their role. From around the mid-thirteenth century, liturgical art in the Catholic West gradually became more naturalistic, in line with theological and philosophical changes. The picture was further complicated with the rise of Protestant iconoclasm from the sixteenth century. In the meantime, traditional iconography, though sometimes stylistically influenced by these currents, continued in the Orthodox Church with far less change, hence the current association of iconography primarily with Orthodoxy. In the early twentieth century, this Orthodox icon tradition was reintroduced to the western European world, and then internationally, to stimulate fresh research and discussion about the relationship between the form and function of Christian iconography. Icons are made primarily for liturgical use, be they painted, carved, or made of metal, mosaic, or fabric. This use has profoundly influenced their form. The theological significance of this form has inspired much study over the past century, challenging as it does a rationalistic and anthropocentric world view. Though made for liturgical use, icons have had a profound impact beyond church walls, such as in mission, and in offering a theological paradigm for addressing contemporary issues such as ecology, the nature of the human person, art, and the relationship between tradition and innovation.

Ethnically or religiously motivated civil war and the subsequent iconoclastic acts are practical challenges that museums face in the twenty-first century. This article briefly discusses the destruction of museums during the Northern Ethiopia civil war of 2020–2022. The example of iconoclasm in Dessie and Merho Museums is explored to provide a lens through which deeper understandings can be drawn on why and how iconoclasm was practiced during the Northern Ethiopia civil war. The study employs qualitative research methods, including extensive systematic field observation, focus group discussions and in-depth interviews. The study's findings indicate that the collections of Dessie and Meriho Museums were deliberately damaged and pillaged. Ancient artifacts, photographs, documents and paintings housed in these museums were vandalized, sprinkled on the wall of the museums or pillaged. Museum objects of Dessie and Merho were destroyed deliberately in haste and violence, and the information consequently lost with them is irreplaceable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marechera and his literary texts do not fit easily into Africanist categories of reading, principally due to his vitriolic invocation of the 'f-word' when asked if he was an African writer. Despite this iconoclasm, Afro-cosmic creeds undeniably inform aspects of his novella. An Afro-cosmological approach acknowledges non-empirical influences for certain behavioural traits portrayed by various characters in the novella which Marechera utilises and assails to address a 'diseased' colonial life. Using Falola's Ritual Archives (2017), we approach this novella as a repository of Shona social ideation and cultural mythologies of haunting, and the Isisism trope of putting material remains back together. Numerous invocations of Shona cosmologies demonstrate Marechera's socialisation into an African cosmology which manifests itself in his writing and life in unlimited ways. In sum, we interrogate the author's use of culture codes to relocate him within an African rationale, thus, unmooring him from the Western-centric frameworks emphasised by Veit-Wild's memoir (2020). We offer insights into the spirituality surrounding Marechera, his vagabondage and his seemingly self-sabotaging behaviour succinctly summarised by Veit-Wild as 'biting every hand that fed you.' Flora Veit-Wild, using the logic of a European, fails to appreciate this aspect of his life. In this article we recentre an African cosmology through the topos of being haunted to conceptualise Marechera's writing and life to account for non-Western occurrences and modes of psychic distress which find no diagnosis in Western psychiatry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sacrum et Decorum is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Literatura y Lingüística is the property of Universidad Catolica Cardenal Raul Silva Henriquez and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An exploration of Ozick's critique of Harold Bloom, in which she argues that his literary critical schemas amount to a form of idolatry, is developed into a wider account of the place of the risks of idol making and idol worship in her fictional and nonfictional writings. Ozick is seen to gradually move from a vision of the imagination as intrinsically idolatrous—hence the very notion of a Jewish writer is seen as contradictory—toward a moderated stance in which the risks of idolatrous imagining can be navigated, if never eliminated altogether. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the obscene's potential to become politically subversive through the analysis of the performance video The Emancipatory Kiss (2013) by Venezuelan artist Deborah Castillo. Drawing from a theoretical corpus that brings together pornography studies and media studies, memory, and materiality, and that engages with iconoclasm as defined by Bruno Latour and Michael Taussig, I discuss the operations that enable Castillo's piece to perform an act of what I call "erotic iconoclash", which, I propose, makes visible and palpable the fragility of the power attributed to hypermasculine military figures of authority. I argue that Castillo's act of erotic iconoclash generates a residue—an intolerable secretion—in the image that resists being absorbed into symbol or narrative, that arouses and moves the audience, and that is not concerned with making sense of the world, but rather with un-making the world as we know it. In doing so, it opens up a way for us to rethink the relationship we establish with the dead and their many and varied afterlives outside the suffocating circularity created by acts of destruction and reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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As self-conscious curators and critics of moral history, the early Confucians are relevant to the contemporary debate over the fate of memorials dedicated to morally flawed individuals. They provide us with a pragmatic justification that is distinct from those utilized in the current debate, and in many respects superior to the alternatives. In addition to supplying this curative philosophic resource, the early Confucian practices of ancestral memorialization suggest preventative measures we might adopt to minimize the chances of establishing divisive and oppressive memorials in the future.

When the Byzantine Emperor Justinian inaugurated the Church of Hagia Sophia in 537 AD, mosaic icons did not exist. Instead, Justinian’s program included non-figurative and abstract decorative motifs and lots of crosses. The first appearance of the mosaic icons was dated to the late ninth century, after the final victory of the Iconodule theology in 843. The Orthodox church doctrine venerates icons as an object of worship in both public and private devotion. This doctrine mainly resulted from the Iconoclastic Controversy (726-843). It was a doctrinal controversy over the legitimacy of the employment of the pictures of Christ, Mary, and other holy people in worship in Christianity. The controversy took place mainly in Constantinople, where Hagia Sophia stood as the largest church of the entire empire. Therefore, the church witnessed the controversy as its outcome found its place on her walls and ceilings. In other words, when the traditional Iconoclastic view was dominant in the church, Hagia Sophia’s decorations included only non-figurative motifs and crosses. In contrast, icons began to appear in the Hagia Sophia after the vindication of Iconodulism as the official doctrine of the church. The purpose of this essay is to shed some light, with the help of modern studies, on the Iconoclastic and Iconodule theologies underlying these two kinds of alternative decorations. In this context, we will refer to Horos of the Iconoclastic Council of Hiereia in 754 for the Iconoclastic theology, and to the theological writings of John of Damascus for the Iconodule theology. By doing this, we will show how these alternative theological standpoints translated into the walls and ceilings of the Hagia Sophia.

Drawing on analysis of press reporting, museum display and a large-scale survey undertaken in Bristol in the aftermath of the 2020 toppling of the Colston statue, this article examines the shifting meanings given to the statue across a range of material and imagined sites. It works with two ways that history and geography intersect: the history of the sites/aftersites of this statue, and the materiality of histories in the sites/aftersites of this statue. Rather than the toppling of the Colston statue being a simple story of iconoclasm, a more complex historical geography was – and is – at play. As they imagined future aftersites for the Colston statue, people in the city saw this as an opportunity for some form of return of the statue – metaphorically if not materially – to one of its previous longer or shorter-lived homes. These former sites were seen to offer very different framings of the statue, as well as radically different ways of thinking about history. It is not simply historical geographers who are aware of the power of place in attributing meaning to statues. This can also be seen in popular responses to the afterlives, and aftersites, of the recent wave of fallen statues. • First study of popular views on the future of the toppled Colston statue. • Toppled statues continue to be, physically and discursively, on the move. • Individuals seek to enact material or imaginative return of toppled statues. • Sophisticated public awareness of the significance of location in framing meaning. • Popular understanding of the politics of museum display. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During his 1528 sojourn in Gwalior, the first Mughal emperor, Babur (r. 1526–1530), encountered numerous colossal Digambara Jain Tirthankaras fashioned from outcrops in the Urvai valley. He recounts in his memoirs how he ordered the naked "idols" destroyed. While this famed episode of iconoclasm in the Bāburnāma is well known to scholars, three paintings portraying Babur's trip to Gwalior that survive from the multiple illustrated manuscripts commissioned by Babur's grandson Akbar (r. 1556–1605) have eluded close examination. This article probes the divergent representational strategies employed by the artists of those folios tasked with depicting the same scene. I demonstrate how one artist pictorially transformed Gwalior's rock-hewn Tirthankaras into animate idols, another alluded to yet elided their portrayal, and a third bypassed entirely the thorny issue of their representation. I argue that those illustrations constitute a visual emendation to Babur's memoirs that effectively exonerated Babur from any charge of desecrating inert Jain icons—an act by then incongruous with Akbar's policy of ṣulḥ-i kull and the strong Mughal-Jain relations at his court. This proposition is further supported by an original translation of an excerpt from Siddhicandra's (d. ca. 1666) Bhānucandragaṇicarita, a Sanskrit text composed by a Jain monk at the Mughal court. Ultimately, this study contributes to critical discourses on iconoclasm, artistic agency, Mughal-Jain relations, and historical memory by exploring the theoretical issues concerning the depiction of rock carvings and idols in the pictorial afterlife of Babur's encounter with Gwalior's rock-hewn Tirthankaras. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This reconsideration of Hume's classic essay "Of Miracles" via the lens of American pragmatist ways of thinking about history and power shifts our attention from Hume's epistemic concerns about the legitimacy of witnesses and testimony to his distaste for sacred history, his critical stance regarding the social force of revelation, and his disdain for religious authority. To view Hume's essay both as an articulation of a critical philosophy of history and as an exercise in moral dynamism (social power or, authority, is a result of epistemic transactions), is to intervene in both Hume studies and Contemporary Pragmatism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will elucidate the philosophy of the image that developed in the wake of the Iconoclastic Controversy in the Eastern Christian Empire in the ninth Century. Iconophilia was finally reinstated after a wave of iconoclasm swept across the Empire. The controversy coincides with dramatic changes within the Byzantine empire, making it difficult to establish consensus amongst scholars regarding its possible causes. After discussing several of the theories that seek to explain the adoption of iconoclasm in the Byzantine Empire, we will seek to show how image veneration was transformed and differentiated from relic worship thanks to its encounter with iconoclasm. After reviewing icon veneration prior to the Iconoclastic Controversy, this article will elucidate the philosophy of the image developed by Patriarch Nicephorus in order to show how he differentiated veneration from idolatry by redefining the image as "similar to" (homoiosis) rather than consubstantial with (homoousios) its model. By differentiating image veneration from the theory of consubstantiality that was normative within Judaism and Islam, Christian philosophy of the image will differentiate resemblance from identity, inscription from circumscription, and thereby reveal iconoclasm to be in the eye of the beholder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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While Captain Arturo Prat was an early victim of the Pacific War (1879-1883), turning his defeat into a symbol of heroism, General Manuel Baquedano led the Chilean army to victory in that same war, turning his triumph into a political platform. Large commemorative monuments were built about both characters in Valparaíso and Santiago de Chile, which in the recent iconoclastic cycle have had opposite destinies, allowing us to comparatively observe the construction of meaning that derives from an image in public space, considering its historical moment of establishment, the origin of the social energy that demands it and the legitimacy of its validity. In this context, Rodin's proposal for the Prat monument appears, which was rejected, probably because the iconography of La Défense turned out to be an unbearable image for the programmatic taste of the elites. A situation of forced oblivion in Rodin's work that, in its comparative analysis with the Baquedano monument, shows us that for heritage culture the rise of a hero does not always mean the fall of a villain.

In his 2021 book 'Truth-Telling: History, Sovereignty and the Uluru Statement', Henry Reynolds called for an inquiry into the historical record of Samuel Walker Griffith, Federation 'father' and first Chief Justice of the High Court of Australia. Reynolds' iconoclasm targeted a historical figure whose name is memorialised in a Riverina town, a Canberra suburb and a Queensland university. Reynolds charged that Griffith was morally and politically responsible for the violence carried out by an agency of the Queensland government, the Native Police. This historically grounded allegation relates to Griffith's pre-Federation Queensland political career, 1874–93, when he served intermittently as Premier, Attorney-General and Colonial Secretary. In this article we consider the historical record of S.W. Griffith as law-maker and ministerial decision-maker, asking what elements of fact and context may be brought to the important work of reckoning with a violent colonial past and its memorialisation in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article represents the first section of the second part of the study Gods and Idols. Representations and Symbolizations of the Divinity in the Religions of Ancient Israel. The subjects addressed for analysis are idolatry and iconoclasm in the context of Levantine iconography, seen from the perspective of the biblical authors, a totally tendentious, aggressive and contrary vision, in particular, to the archaeological discoveries. The Hebrew lexical fund of the MT was very rich and, later, almost doubled by the Greek version of the Old Testament text translated into the LXX (Septuagint) translation, regarding the denomination of foreign gods, idols and other representations. However, the “de facto tradition” of the Israelites contained a plastic iconography, idolatry and iconoclasm being phenomena that appeared in the post-exile period and called by scientific research “programmatic tradition”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]