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This article explores the active participation and, in some cases, resistance of farmers' associations in Italy and France to European integration from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s. The article examines, firstly, how Italian associations became active, due to their faltering relationship with the Christian Democrats, in searching new forms of political influence through more radical methods of mobilisation. Secondly, through the case of the so-called wine war between France and Italy, the article reveals how resistance to European Economic Community (EEC) reform and even other EEC member states could lead to forms of Europeanisation: exchanges between European organisations reflected shared resistance to specific policies, creating new arenas for collaboration. The analysis of the French–Italian case also offers an opportunity to explore the contrast between agriculture in the Mediterranean and northern countries in the EEC, showing complex Europeanisation dynamics in which both solidarity and competition become evident. Challenging the notion of a 'permissive consensus', this article aims to dismantle the notion of a conflict-free past in the history of European integration. In this regard, it underscores the multifaceted nature of European integration, marked by continual clashes and compromises, and provides a critical lens for interpreting the present state of the Brussels institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2021 6(2), 923-932 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. The lack of legal history of European law. - III. What kind of legal history for European law? - IV. Towards a legal history of European law. | (Abstract) European law differs from other fields of law in that it has no well-established tradition for legal history. This places European law at a real disadvantage when it comes to critically reflecting upon its own tradition of great classics as well as understanding the relatively conflictual role European law plays in the EU today. This Article first offers a few reflections about why there is no established tradition for legal history in European law and what this means for legal scholars in the field. In a second step, the Article explores what kind of legal history could be developed in the field of European law. Ultimately, the Article concludes that legal history today generally has adopted mainstream historians' contextual and archival approach to explore the role of law in broader society. This Special Section consequently represents an important first step for legal scholars of European law to venture into the field of legal history using the recently opened historical archives of the Court of Justice of the European Union.

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Copyright of Revista de Derecho Comunitario Europeo is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

European integration policies inflamed anti-Europe sentiments in Britain and exposed the fragility of democratic institutions in the face of populist campaigning. This article demonstrates how Europe became the focus of British anxiety about globalization and activated concerns for national sovereignty. Using the example of metrication in the 1970s, the article situates the abstract notions of globalization and sovereignty in material and everyday terms. The very processes that sought to reconcile the impossible trinity of globalization, national sovereignty, and popular politics resulted in institutionalizing and legitimizing the deep ambivalence of inching closer to Europe. Negotiating with Europe to water down harmonization actually stoked and kept alive the fundamental issues rather than resolving them. The history of British metrication serves as an example of the profound significance of discursive framing on shaping policy as well as outcomes. The messiness with which metrication was handled by successive governments shows how dangerously and easily the knowledge gap between experts and popular opinion could be exploited. Populist framing of technical issues of metrication distorted the complex realities of globalization, rendered the consequences of European standardization more real in everyday terms, and verbalized populist opinions that forging closer ties with Europe would be a threat to Britain's parliamentary sovereignty. Harmonization policies also heightened debates about British identity and compelled the country to seek ways to coexist between two extreme visions, one of "Deep England" steeped in tradition and another of a modern "efficient" Britain based on technocratic values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main goal of this essay is to see if there is a certain, real causal link between so called Marshall plan and what is well known as Schuman declaration; that is, in wider, general sense, it is about establishing historical link between America’s foreign policy after World War II (firstly, period 1947-1950) and the beginnings of what we now usually call european integration. The essay shows that Shuman declaration is in fact not original initiative, but rather response or reaction to huge pressure that USA, especially in autumn of 1949 and on, did put on French government and France. USA wanted from France to assume lidership in Western Europe, and to come up with solution for “German question”, that is, some proposal that would have strong European dimension, which would enable re-integration of Western Germany into Western Europe and the family of European nations…and so and by that at the same time matching one of the most important, if not the most important goal of america’s overall foreign policy of the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the signing of the European Coal and Steel Treaties, France and Germany have been linked as unlikely friends in Europe. This paper discusses the Franco-German relationship post WWII, defining the characteristics of a partnership that has defined the history of the European Union and has served as a foundation for peace and cooperation on a continent that has struggled to shake off constant war. This paper then analyzes the hypothesis that the Franco-German relationship is no longer the foundation stone of the European Union in two sections. First, this paper applies these characteristics of deepening integration, increased economic interaction and mutually beneficial cooperation to the present day EU and seeing whether they are still integral to interactions among member states. It then establishes the present day characteristics of the EU as ones of increased national sovereignty, as opposed to Franco-German methods of cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to elucidate the way European capitalists reacted to the long crises of the 1970s through the analysis of the European League of Economic Cooperation (ELEC). It starts by introducing the ELEC as the most representative of European multinationals after merging with a rival transnational network: the European Committee for Economic and Social Progress (CEPES). Then it focuses on its 1975 London Conference where three representative strands of the European model of capitalism presented their views on the crises. All shared the view that the crises represented a structural rupture in the social and political legitimation of Fordism, Keynesianism and the welfare state, which put into question Europe's role in the world. European integration was put forward as part of the solution. A review of four possible scenarios for European integration will be presented in the third section showing the views of a fourth component of European capitalism: Foreign Direct Investors from the USA. The last section will present the way the ELEC reacted to the second oil shock. The article will conclude that European capitalists conceived European integration as an integral element to reform and preserve the particular model of mixed economy and the welfare state in the midst of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its origins European integration has been closely connected to the social tensions that capitalism generates. During the interwar years, one of the main rationales behind the push to deeper European economic integration was the search for increased prosperity as a means to prevent class conflict. After the economic collapse of the 1930s and the Second World War, the European Communities were an essential part of a larger effort towards the restoration of capitalism's legitimacy and hierarchies. Since the end of the 1970s, following the crisis of the post-Second World War regime, the stabilizing role of European integration assumed new modes. Italy, as a weak link in the chain of capitalist development, showed in advance and with the utmost clarity how this new role worked. In two crucial passages of the post-1945 country's history, when workers' unrest strongly challenged the existing capitalist hierarchies, European governance played a crucial role in their restoration. Both in the early 1960s and in the late 1970s the European 'vincolo esterno' (external constraint) decisively helped the affirmation of the domestic deflationary forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction outlines the possibilities and perspectives of an intertwining between European integration history and the history of capitalism. Although debates on capitalism have been making a comeback since the 2008 crisis, to date the concept of capitalism remains almost completely avoided by historians of European integration. This introduction thus conceptualizes 'capitalism' as a useful analytical tool that should be used by historians of European integration and proposes three major approaches for them to do so: first, by bringing the question of social conflict, integral to the concept of capitalism, into European integration history; second, by better conceptualizing the link between European governance, Europeanization and the globalization of capitalism; and thirdly by investigating the economic, political and ideological models or doctrines that underlie European cooperation, integration, policies and institutions. Finally, the introduction addresses the question of the analytical benefits of an encounter between capitalism and European integration history, focusing on the case of the 1970s. This allows us to qualify the idea of a clear-cut rupture, and better highlight how the shift of these years resulted from a complex bargaining that took place in part at the European level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author follows a history of transnational policy-making to illustrate a perspective on the crisis of the 'long 1970s' that is often neglected: continuity of transnational actors and institutions since the 1930s. In the interwar period early global governance practices consolidated, concerned with questions of global order and the kind of normative statehood needed to sustain it. Neoliberalism emerged at this time and in this field of early global governance actors. The concept of early neoliberalism is established in the article and taken as a red thread to think about European integration's early history from a transnational perspective. Further, Robert Marjolin's multi-level agency, his role in early neoliberalism and his thought serve as a prism through which the long 1970s from the financial troubles of the late 1960s to the new language of market optimism of the early 1980s are put into perspective vis-à-vis the continuity of actors and institutions managing the crisis. It is argued that the Left's relationship with neoliberalism needs more careful attention and that Marjolin acted in accordance with some early neoliberal principles since the 1930s before, rather grudgingly, participating in the shaping of a new, contemporary neoliberal paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In their introduction to this special issue, the editors mentioned that the commodification of labour is one important feature of capitalism. Hence, the reaction of the principal organizations that represent and defend labour needed to be explored. This article focuses on Belgian and German trade unions' apprehensions of European integration during the 1970s and sheds lights on two major findings. First, trade unions' perceptions of European integration were very clearly influenced by the condition and the evolution of capitalism. National trade unions observed that the transformations of capitalism could not be adequately addressed by national polities and industrial relations structures. Hence, trade unions heavily insisted on the necessity of political and trade unionist European cooperation. The latter is considered a necessary intermediary to allow labour to counterbalance the new forms of capital and to regain the influence it lost nationally. The second finding is that there existed a huge paradox between this enduring rhetoric of the necessity of European integration and the willingness of trade unions to give up some of their national prerogatives. The evolving forms of capitalism made it imperative to cooperate more at the supranational level but trade unions remained very much reluctant national institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the influence of Jews in integration of Europe. Topics include similarities between the Jews and European people of the 21st century, historical link between the European integration process and European Jewry, and expectations of European Jewry held by the European Union with regard to Israel.

From the beginning the Communities had the objective of playing an international role and wanted to communicate it to third countries, relying on the successes of integration. The Eec soon became a huge commercial and economic bloc, relevant at an international level, despite the difficulties on the political one. The political communication outside was very fragmented and imprecise, but aimed to present an active Eec in the global sphere. The European Commission Information Service was the instrument chosen for this communication and it devoted particular attention in building a coherent and strong image of integrated Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we suggest a novel conceptual framework for understanding and analysing EU 'politicisation'. Recent studies on EU politicisation argue that the post-Maastricht era led to the politicisation of EU integration via an increasing citizens’ dissatisfaction. Contrary to this account, we argue that European integration has been from the beginning linked to politicisation, but in an unusual way. To capture its uniqueness we introduce the concepts of 'politisation' as a precondition of politicisation and of 'politification' as a depoliticised modality of politicisation. Politicisation is then not something new to EU integration but rather it is constitutive of EU integration itself. We further claim that understanding politicisation requires taking a closer look at its relationship to “politics” or “political”, as the interpretation of what is considered as politicisation depends on the interpretation of what is politics/political. It is thus essential to spell out the respective understanding of this key concept – 'Grundbegriff' in Reinhart Koselleck’s sense. We aim at an understanding of EU politicisation that is at once broader than what is currently discussed, more historically based, and related to an actor-oriented perspective on the political. On this basis we discuss the main conceptual weaknesses of current studies on EU politicisation and conclude by illustrating our alternative conception.

This paper is divided into two main sections that deal respectively with the most important linguistic and historical approaches to the political, cultural and institutional debates about Europe in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. This overview is followed by an analysis of the articles published in the current issue of LCM. The inherent polyphony of the debates on Europe, their dynamic relationships with European past, European integration processes and Anti-European attitudes have emerged from these essays as a common ground for research. The dialogue between the studies that deal with discourse analysis on the one hand and historical studies on the other can therefore foster an improved understanding of European issues.

Abstract This paper exploits data on a set of traded goods to undertake the first comprehensive empirical analysis of market integration between the Ottoman Empire and Europe from 1469 to 1914. Computing dynamic factor models via Bayesian inference, we overcome such data constraints as missing observations and a small sample size. The results of this analysis suggest that there were persistent market linkages until the first half of the 19th century, followed by a decline in price convergence. We also find that the intensity of Ottoman–European conflict had a negative effect on integration, especially during the 1844–1914 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The common understanding of the history of European integration obfuscates much of the strong bonds between European integration and its pre‐history in western multilateral co‐operation This western co‐operation centred around the inter‐connected policy fields of monetary management, trade and social policies during the pre‐phase of European integration. This contribution reconstructs the trans‐Atlantic institutional framework, within which a unique multilateralism in post‐war Western Europe, could emerge. The analysis suggests new explanations for the specific design, which characterizes this European variant of post‐war multilateralism: a regionally oriented 'social market' pursued through a process of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While recent scholarship has emphasized the role of the colonial experience in the development of the idea of Europe and European integration, notions of European solidarity in the age of imperialism have largely been ignored. This paper investigates the specific context in which journalists and politicians voiced such pleas for solidarity, explores the motivations for them, and probes their limits in times of tension. A closer look at the actors involved illustrates the strictures placed on ideas of European solidarity and illuminates the limited potential of projects of integration prior to 1914. However, latter considerations notwithstanding, a discourse on European solidarity in a colonial context did emerge in the decades before the First World War, allowing early proponents of integration to view colonialism as a field for common European action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new Poland is no longer an engine of European integration, nor does it seem to value its relationships with Germany and France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how trends in intellectual thoughts begun in the late nineteenth century by Protestants helped lead to post-World War II beginnings of European integration and the process of decolonization in Africa and Asia by countries including France and Great Britain. Topics include evangelical beliefs to bring Christianity and civilization to other countries, Protestantism and politics in Europe, secularism, and the ecumenical movement.

The gradual abandoning of the ‘socialism in one country’ doctrine during the post-war period and the intensive transformation of European social democracy in the 1990s pushed social democratic politicians and intellectuals into the front line of advocates of a unified and powerful Europe. They contributed to the inclusion of social democratic and environmentalist values in the EU’s official narrative. The success of European integration and George W. Bush’s presidency created the narrative of the Promethean role of Europe. Scholars with a social democratic or environmentalist background created this narrative and it was also shaped by authors’ national contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article comments on the special issue from a political science perspective. It starts with an attempt at interpreting the contributions from a diffusion perspective. The articles show a sophisticated understanding of diffusion as “interdependent decision-making”, that is multi- rather than uni-directional, focuses on diffusion as a process (not an outcome), and takes a decidedly agency-centered view. The article then highlights some of the empirical findings in this special issue. This concerns, among others, the crucial role of the Council of Europe (CoE) as a laboratory for generating new policy ideas and an agenda-setter, as well as the equally important function of the various parliamentary assemblies as mechanisms by which policy ideas diffuse. At the same time, there is also a power story in this special issue. The EC ultimately dominates the processes in most policy areas. The article concludes with remarks on the fruitfulness of an interdisciplinary dialogue between historians and social scientists as documented by this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

International organizations are ubiquitous in contemporary Europe and the wider world. This special issue takes a historical approach to exploring their relations with each other in Western Europe between 1967 and 1992. The authors seek to ‘provincialize’ and ‘de-centre’ the European Union’s role, exploring the interactions of its predecessors with other organizations like NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe. This article develops the new historical-research agenda of co-operation and competition among IOs and their role in European co-operation. The first section discusses the limited existing work on such questions among historians and in adjacent disciplines. The second section introduces the five articles and their main arguments. The third section goes on to elaborate common findings, especially regarding what the authors call the vectors for the development of policy ideas and practices and their transfer across different institutional platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the first debate within the European Economic Community (EEC) over democracy following the Treaty of Rome. The treaty called for the newly created European Parliament to draw up a proposal for direct, transnational parliamentary elections. A plan in 1960 led by Fernand Dehousse emerged as the consensus choice. Charles de Gaulle, however, opposed the plan and succeeded in defeating it. We see during the1960 debate over the Dehousse Plan competing interpretations of democracy in European unity that still frame the issue today. At stake was the democratic character of the new EEC as well as the proper role of the public in the uniting of Europe. Should the public vote on matters of European integration via transnational parliamentary elections, national referendums or neither? By analytically reconstructing the key participants’ democratic worldviews, the article contributes to developing a deeper understanding of the debate over direct elections to the European Parliament, a fuller comprehension of the early life of the Treaty of Rome and a sharper realisation of the essential interconnectedness of the development of the EEC and the resumption of national democracy in post-WWII Western Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the creation of the European Community, the Gaullist movement has never been united over the question of European integration. De Gaulle’s intergovernmental vision of the European project has largely been the dominant discourse. At times however, this narrative has been questioned—on the one hand by more supranational notions of European integration; and on the other by a more pro-sovereignty Eurosceptic discourse. Subsequently, in its various modern-day guises the Gaullist movement has faced a series of major internal divisions with regard to its position on ‘Europe’. This uncertainty has also manifested itself at the highest level as demonstrated by the changing discourse advocated by former French presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy. This paper analyses the internal tensions over the European issue within the Gaullist movement at elite level. It determines that despite Chirac’s and Sarkozy’s attempts to unite the party throughout their presidencies the Gaullist movement is far from having moved towards a united European stance. Accordingly, the authors identify that over the past three decades, it is possible to identify three distinct, and at times conflicting, Gaullist stances on European integration with which the party’s elites have vacillated, namely Euro-Federalism, Euro-Pragmatism and Euro-Populism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In France and Europe today, claims arise defining so-called Muslim and European ‘worlds’ and labelling them irreconcilable. These claims ignore the intertwined history of France and North Africa. When the six founding members of the European Economic Community (EEC) signed the Treaty of Rome, French administrators still considered Algeria to be a constituent part of France, despite the ongoing war. The Algerian question was central to negotiations for the Treaty of Rome and during them, French officials attempted to inscribe Algeria within the founding documents of the European project through a policy of ‘Eurafrique’. Their partners, eager for France’s signature on the Treaty, accepted a vision of integrated Europe with borders crossing the Mediterranean. This decision raised thorny issues in the months and years to come, first in debates of how or even if the Treaty could be implemented overseas, then when independent Algeria attempted to define its relationship with the EEC. These episodes of negotiation and interaction reveal the centrality of the question of empire to the foundations of integrated Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Studies of the relationship of political parties to the European Community/Union (EC/EU) increasingly use the perspective of ‘Europeanisation’ to measure such relationships. There is also a case, however, for looking at Europe from the perhaps narrower but no less necessary point of view of intra-party dynamics: in particular, what kinds of challenge does ‘Europe’ represent to party managers and how do they deal with it? By analysing the relationship of the Socialist Party to the EC/EU at three key moments in the history of European integration, the author identifies some common tropisms which continue to operate even as the effects of ‘Europeanisation’ increase. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The concept of coming to terms with the past originated in post-1945 West Germany but such historical therapy is evident in all the belligerent countries. In that process, the two world wars are intricately connected, each seen refractively through the prism of the other. This article focuses on Britain whose national obsession with the two world wars is particularly acute. The first and second sections suggest that British public discourse has been able to construct a satisfying narrative of 1939–45 but not of 1914–18, meaning a narrative that has both a clear beginning, middle, and end and also a stark moral meaning. Viable narratives draw on the events themselves, the words used to conceptualize them, and the interpretations of 'instant' histories and memoirs. The third section argues that the elevation of 1939–45 in national discourse as our ‘finest hour’ (Churchill) has aggravated the problematic nature of 1914–18 for the British. In the wake of Brexit, the last section argues that Britain – unlike France and Germany – has found it difficult to move on from the era of the two world wars by locating these conflicts in a more positive narrative of the twentieth century as the eventual triumph of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Supported by the omnipresent State in the past, French music education leans increasingly towards a more liberal and competitive model. In the current context of a decentralized economy and European integration, music conservatories are called upon to contribute to regional and municipal development and enhance European student mobility. How do conservatories react to the restructuring of the competitive field? How do they affect European territorial cohesion? Are they managing adaptive or hybrid strategies with new conceptions of music education? Alternatively, do they gradually move away from the marketplace and become an obsolete and difficult heritage to maintain? To answer these questions, it is necessary to analyze the current balance of power among the different elements of the French multi-level system of conservatories, including communal, inter-communal, departmental, regional, national and European institutions. By combining different sources of spatial and statistical data, this paper contributes to constructing a comparative institutional geography of French multi-level territorial divisions. Extraction and treatment of the small data with SPSS statistical software allowed us to build a number of small-scale datasets that were merged to broader geographical databases from the French National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies (INSEE). The geographical units that structure the INSEE databases (the zip and district codes, codes of regions, departments, GPS coordinates) made possible the location of each conservatory within municipal, departmental, regional and national spaces. A cartographic approach to studying music conservatories allows the identification of problems that deserve further detailed qualitative and statistical study in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the views of famous legal scholar Johann Caspar Bluntschli regarding the unification of the states of Europe and the entire world in the framework of a confederation of sovereign states. The author examines a number of works of Bluntschli and comes to the conclusion that his views have significantly influenced beliefs of the subsequent generations of political, public and scientific figures in many countries of the world and thus have substantially contributed to the formation and the development of idea of the European unity and to the establishment of the modern European Union. In this regard it is argued that the Bluntschli’s plan is indisputably a significant stage in the development of the theory of interstate integration both in Europe and in the entire world and that it is of great importance in the matter of the further development of international law, the promotion of close international cooperation and the maintenance of peace and security all over the world.

Perspectives on Federalism is closing its seventh year and its issue 2/2015 confirms the interdisciplinary nature of this intellectual enterprise. This issue is a very rich one, as it includes legal, historical and philosophical contributions. In spite of the evident diversities of these articles, we can identify three main connecting themes: latest developments in EU law, history of thought and European integration, and constitutional developments in national and supranational contexts.

Research on the impact of European integration focuses on the external relations of national agencies. This has neglected the impact that Europeanization has on the internal operations of agencies and the way in which coordination is practiced. This article researches the impact of European integration on national agencies with regard to three dimensions: their recruitment schemes, their internal organization, and their external coordination arrangements. The paper presents a 20-year historical review of highly Europeanised agencies – the German pharmaceutical and chemical regulators. This allows us to explore whether different roles in the policy process mediate the effects of Europeanisation. As a result, the article shows that Europeanisation has impacted comprehensively on the recruitment schemes, organizational structure, and coordination arrangements of the two agencies. Both agencies have gained highly qualified personnel for their tasks related to European decision-making and have reorganized their structure to adapt to the requirements of this decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses oral history projects in Europe which include a recording of oral histories about the European integration, the launch of the Memoar oral history organization in Norway, and the Gulag History State Museum's "My Gulag" oral history project in Russia.

Contrary to some expectations, the Baltic states’ accession to the EU in 2004 was not followed by an improvement in their relations with Russia. Instead, the Baltic states became known as the “troublemakers” of EU–Russia relations. This was commonly explained by their history and national identity, which contributed to an understanding of the Baltic concerns as marginal. The Ukraine crisis brought a reaction of “I told you so” by the Baltic states that for many years had been warning the West about Russia’s expansionist ambitions. This article explores the ideational underpinnings of the gap between the Baltic states’ perceptions of and relations with Russia on the one hand and mainstream views in Europe on the other. It identifies liberal interdependence, democratic peace, and realist geopolitics as key ideas that have framed the EU’s and Baltic states’ perceptions of Russia. In the vein of constructivist foreign policy analysis, these ideational structures are seen to condition the EU’s and Baltic states’ interests and policies vis-à-vis Russia. An analysis of the “Baltic factor” helps to illuminate the contradictions and shortcomings in the EU’s Russia policy and review its ideational basis which is now in need of a strategic rethink. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents the legal interpretation of the political form and structure of Europe and the European Union. (EU). The analytical view of the process of European integration can open up a new perspective on the course and limits of legal discourse in this area. Topics discussed include the history of German statehood, a right-historical memory of the German legal doctrine, the state and constitutional theory in Europe, and diversity with unity in the EU.

This article provides a novel conceptual framework to understand the impact of the European Union on Turkish politics and policies in the aftermath of the opening of accession negotiations in 2005. It argues that the post-2005 developments in Turkey not only attest to lesser and more limited Europeanisation, but also entail a process that is increasingly gaining momentum in the country and which is referred to as 'de-Europeanisation'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is increasing evidence that European integration has been politicised, knowledge of the driving forces of this process is still limited. This article contributes to the research by examining the importance of authority transfers to the EU as drivers of politicisation. It innovates in two ways. First, it extends the authority transfer argument by highlighting the mobilising power of membership conflicts; second, it analyses the relevance of national opportunity structures, referenda in particular, and mobilising strategies for politicisation. Empirically, it traces politicisation in public debates on every integration step (treaty reforms and enlargement) from the 1970s to the late 2000s in six West European countries (Austria, Britain, France, Germany, Sweden, and Switzerland), based on a quantitative content analysis of newspaper coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Euro crisis has a strong impact on European Union (EU) politics and the EU polity. Crisis-related issues were debated across Europe and governments and EU institutions introduced several institutional instruments which are meant to make EU economic governance more effective. This paper investigates the scope, timing and divisiveness of political contestation, i.e. politicisation, in the GermanBundestagand the frames on which political parties relied in their debates on crisis-induced institutional innovations in the GermanBundestag. To account for these patterns, the paper relies on institutional theories and theories of party competition. Empirically, it draws on written protocols of debates and parliamentary questions in theBundestag. A case study of Germany and theBundestagdoes not lend itself to broad generalisations. Yet, as argued in the article, it is an unlikely case for politicisation and a politically important case. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this commentary, an outside perspective, mainly informed by International Relations (IR) and Political Theory (PT), is taken. From there, three issues are identified that point to the next steps in extending the research programme on politicisation. First, it is argued that an exclusive focus on public media might be too narrow in scope, as important features of politicisation are not taken into account. Second, it is highlighted that chances are missed by placing exclusive focus on the EU, and again an opening up by comparing findings from the study of the EU with developments on other political levels is argued for. Third, the emerging focus on the consequences of politicisation is to be applauded from an opening-up perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The government of the Federal Republic of Germany under Chancellor Schmidt and Foreign Minister Genscher supported Greece's joining of the European Communities which took place at the beginning of 1981, more than every other EC member state. This essay shows that primarily political motives played a role. Under the conditions of the East/West conflict the Federal Government hoped to win a reliable ally and to strengthen the southeast flank of the NATO. Doubts resulted from possible financial burdens and social problems as a result of the freedom of movement agreed on by contract for Greek employees. However, these worries weren't decisive at the end. Economic aspects not least were disregarded negligently. The question whether Greece was capable of the joining because of serious structural difficulties received little attention. The government Schmidt/Genscher thought to be able to overcome all problems with the transfer of financial resources which especially the Greek government under Prime Minister Papandreou demanded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]