Search

Copyright of Synesis is the property of Synesis and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article describes and analyzes the coalescence and subsequent evolution of the accounts of military assistance provided to the Jewish fighters in the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising of April and May 1943. The author carefully illustrates the way these accounts, already during the war, were crafted to serve the contrasting political purposes of their differing narrators, and how the swiftly snowballing stories were thereby distorted above all by self-aggrandizement and, conversely, the belittling of ideological opponents. Indeed, in significant aspects the story-telling was outright hijacked by con men who fabricated whole episodes of coming to the ghetto's assistance. Thus, in weaving together the conflicting, often mythic accounts of Polish communists, former members of the Home Army and other underground organizations, and Jewish veterans of the Jewish Fighting Organization during the postwar decades, a narrative tapestry was created—only to begin to unravel in the 1980s, to become threadbare in the 1990s, and to disintegrate in the first decade of the twenty-first century owing to thorough-going archival research. What remains is the powerlessness of those in Nazi-occupied Warsaw to meaningfully aid one another—and thereafter to come to terms with that powerlessness. The paper concludes with an admonition regarding certain of today's penchants for state-led historical policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to discuss the mythologisation of Stepan Bandera so as to make it known to a wider readership. Bandera is not a popular figure among Ukrainians nowadays, but he is used in shaping historical politics, which has a direct impact on Ukraine’s foreign policy and relations with other countries. Applying the comparative method and the method of critical analysis, the following research hypotheses were examined: Stepan Bandera is not a leader or an outstanding historical hero in the eyes of all Ukrainians, and how he is assessed varies regionally; Bandera is not a figure who would gain popularity in a democratic state, and contemporary Ukrainian leaders distance themselves from him. Bandera’s popularity is a myth that has shaped both Polish historical and foreign policy, but is also part of the interpretation of patriotism, understood as resistance to Russia, that is becoming increasingly common in Ukraine. The conclusion of the study is that historical memory in Ukraine is regionalised and Bandera cannot be considered a hero of the whole country, and the Ukrainian perception of nationalism diverges from the Polish view. As a specific symbol, he certainly does not play a major role in the social or political life of Ukraine, but rather serves to unite the nation around a common cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a comparative analysis of the coverage of the legacy of National Socialism in the memory policy of the FRG and historical policy of the GDR and various commemorative practices. The author revealed the conceptual apparatus that is used in professional historiography and public discourse. Its various contents and features of use in different chronological periods were also determined in the article. The author considered numerous methodological approaches used by researchers of memory problems. The difference between the concepts of "memory policy" and "memory culture" in content is that the first term provides for a set of government measures to preserve memory, while the second term is broader and focuses on involving public institutions and society in the discussion of "memory" problems. The article shows the differences in the attitude to the National Socialist past in the FRG and the GDR on specific examples. The author paid attention to new approaches to the memory of the World War II in modern Germany, which has resulted from the processes of migration and the transformation of the country into a multicultural community. Two factors influence contemporary debates about the politics of memory in Germany: a) globalization, cultural transfer and migration, which exacerbate conflicts in nationally oriented memory politics. Like most countries in Western Europe, Germany is an immigration country, comprising a population that can't longer be differentiated by nations and ethnic groups. Accordingly, historical memory refers less and less to national or ethnic historical foundations, as an ever-increasing proportion of the population has a second family origin and is therefore confronted with a past that lies beyond their ethnic beliefs; b) the Russian-Ukrainian war turned attention to the crimes of National Socialism during the Second World War (1939-1945) in Eastern Europe and Ukraine in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The article is devoted to the current policy of memory in Russia and its relationship with social trends, which is a two-pronged process of transformation of communicative and cultural memory.Materials and methods. The main sources were materials of normative legal acts that underlie the current state policy for the preservation of historical memory and protection of the country's cultural heritage, as well as statistical data from analytical agencies and public opinion polls that characterize the ideas about the past that exist among Russians. The study is based on the concept of historical memory, as well as an interdisciplinary approach that involves the use of legal methods for analyzing normative legal acts.Results.The author analyzes the current state policy for the protection of cultural and historical heritage, and also correlates it with the general ideas about the past of the state that take place in Russian society. Conclusions are drawn regarding the specifics of the transformation of the ideas of Russians about the most significant dates and phenomena in the history of Russia, and the general vector of development of Russian society is also reflected.Conclusion. An analysis of the normative legal acts that underlie the state historical policy, as well as data from analytical centers, shows that at present we can observe a two-pronged process of dense interweaving of communicative and cultural memory. The events of the Great Patriotic war as a fundamental element for patriotic education in Russia continue to be part of the family history, passed down from generation to generation, and already have solid grounds for being part of the cultural memory of the people.

The article examines the celebration of the 300th anniversary of the annexation of Siberia to Russia in the key East Siberian cities – Krasnoyarsk and Irkutsk – from the standpoint of communication science, local historical memory and historical politics, as a symbolic action designed to impose on local communities a certain set of narratives associated with the concepts of “Siberia”, “Russia” and “accession” as significant factors of local life. The purpose of the study is to analyze the significance for the local urban communities of Krasnoyarsk and Irkutsk of the 300th anniversary of the annexation of Siberia to Russia as an essential act of local historical memory and an element of local historical politics. The methodological basis of this study is the tools of communication science: the celebration of the 300th anniversary of the annexation of Siberia to Russia is seen as a symbolic act of local historical politics, which was intended to impose on local communities a certain narrative (the key concepts of which are “Siberia” and “joining Russia”), and by the effectiveness of the implementation of which one can judge the self-perception of the urban East Siberian population. The study was carried out on the basis of archival materials (some of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time), materials of personal origin, local journalism and media materials. It is concluded that despite the active attempts of the regionalists and the local business elite to organize the celebration and communicative design of the anniversary as a symbolic act of local historical memory, the 300th anniversary of the annexation of Siberia as a significant narrative was shared by a very limited number of the population. The budgets of the event turned out to be sharply scarce, the dates were unclear until the last moment, and the preparations were chaotic. Contrary to the traditional interpretation of this event of 1881–1882, the 300th anniversary of Siberia as an attempt to form a local symbol was unsuccessful, which did not prevent interested subjects of socio-political communications (regionals, part of local elites and government officials) from presenting this event as significant for local life, doing this in fact according to the classical canons of historical politics.

After their electoral victory in 2015, the Law and Justice party started a counter-revolution in historical policy, intended to undermine critical historiography on the Holocaust. As a result, "dead rescuers," Poles who lost their lives saving Jews during the Second World War, are commemorated by a host of institutions: a government-sponsored research institute, museums, and the Catholic Church. This commemoration borrows its aesthetics from earlier practices established in Holocaust memory: post-traumatic architecture, lists of victims, and micro-history to boost national pride and defend the good name of Poland abroad. Memory actors receive financial support from the government, becoming a mouthpiece for its reclaiming of the past for ethnonationalist ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to analyse the value of myth and legend in shaping historical policy. The activity of politicians and their influence on shaping historical policy is most often associated with political change, secession, reconstruction, or state renewal. The creators of these transformations seek to find historical connections in the past that would legitimise the changes and the purposefulness of the actions taken by the government. Historians play a considerable role in such endeavours; however, they should not forget historical truth, which may conflict with political needs. Celem artykułu jest analiza znaczenia mitu i legendy w kształtowaniu polityki historycznej. Aktywność polityków i ich wpływ na kształtowanie polityki historycznej najczęściej wiążą się ze zmianą polityczną, secesją, odbudową czy odnową państwa. Twórcy tych przeobrażeń poszukują w przeszłości historycznych związków, które legitymizowałyby zmiany i celowość podejmowanych przez władze działań. Dużą rolę w takich działaniach odgrywają historycy - nie powinni oni jednak zapominać o prawdzie historycznej, która może być w konflikcie z potrzebami politycznymi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The problem of divided societies and divisions in societies acquires special significance against the background of growing socio-political tensions in the internal and external political dimensions around the world. The West is ceasing to be an area of predominant tranquility and wellbeing. In recent years, in European societies a trend of increasing divisions has also emerged. The article analyzes old and new socio-political divisions (cleavages) within the Portuguese society. The choice of Portugal as a case study is due to the combination of several factors: the memory of the Carnation Revolution, the attitude towards the European project, the imperial past, Catholicism/secularism, and the historical legacy of the Salazar dictatorship. The theoretical and methodological framework of the study is based on the use of the concept of divided societies and constructivism as the main epistemological tools, while the country studies analysis is also applied. The authors attempt not only to identify the basic socio-cultural divisions in the contemporary Portuguese society, but also answer the question of whether it is possible to speak of a divided society in relation to the Portuguese case. The emphasis is placed on the peculiarities of Portugal’s historical path as a post-imperial state whose specificity is largely due, first, to the heritage of the Portuguese maritime empire, and, second, to the legacy of the 1974 Carnation Revolution. The key cleavages that are at the center of the analysis are the legacy of the Carnation Revolution, the European project, the imperial legacy, the religious configuration, and the Salazar heritage. The conclusion is that the Portuguese society has managed to avoid the most negative scenario of the development of the situation and has a chance of consolidation.

The monograph under review is a successful attempt to reconstruct the place of Sevastopol in the cultural memory of the Soviet period by means of in-depth analysis of the system of discourse related to the history of this city, “places of memory,” and commemorative practices (with special attention to the celebration of historical anniversaries). The authors managed to create a holistic image of how the main stages in the history of the “City of Russian Glory” together with the related narratives and personalities were included in the general context of the Soviet politics of history and are presented in the collective consciousness. To achieve the purpose of the study, they gave a detailed description of numerous memorial constructions, museum expositions, works of fine art, musical works, scientific and popular-science literature, memoirs and fiction, theatrical productions, documentaries and feature films – all the things that determined general visual and discourse content of the collective memory of the past in the context of the 20th century. The monograph under review is of great significance for Russian memory studies and is recommended to those who are interested in the history of Sevastopol and engaged in memory studies, new cultural history, symbolic policy, and discourse studies. At the same time, despite the variety of the topics raised and the depth of the analysis conducted, there remains a broad heuristic field for new studies devoted to the legendary “City of Russian Glory” in domestic memorial culture and historical memory.

This article analyzes personification as a historical policy strategy, which consists in the memorialization of certain historical and cultural figures. The relevance of this analysis is determined by the dominance of this strategy in modern historical policy as well as its popularity among various policy actors in Ukraine at different levels of executive power. At the same time, the choice of this strategy is usually not substantiated in official documents, which entails that conclusions can be drawn mostly based on policy results, retrospectively. The author outlines the genesis of personification traditions in Ukraine, formed within the frameworks of citizen, activist and patriarchal types of political culture. Ukraine’s inclusion into imperial entities such as the Russian Empire and the USSR led to a significant impact of imperial memory policy on the traditions and formats of commemoration in Ukraine. The study focuses on the phenomenon of “vozhdism” (leaderism) and the formation of the Soviet official pantheon. The author attempts to define the concept of pantheon as an imaginary set of iconic figures of history and culture, recognized as worthy of homage in the civic rituals of common commemoration. There is a correlation between the functions of the national pantheon and the choices of figures made as well as the appropriate vocabulary required. This correlation is illustrated through perceptions of heroes, which often become an instrument of ideological mobilization. Modern historiography offers an alternative understanding of heroes, with an emphasis on cultural, ethical and academic leadership. This understanding is increasingly influencing the formation of historical policy, particularly in Ukraine. It is also promising to interpret heroes as integrators, especially given the challenge of consolidation facing historical policy in Ukraine. The findings suggest that personification is neither a universal nor a self-evident tool for achieving this goal. There are other promising strategies focusing on events (“eventfulness”) and processes (“procedurality”).

Zielona Góra possesses many traces and places of commemoration that are related to its communist past. The question of why these still exist is more difficult to answer. One factor is almost certainly its special status as a formerly German city in the territories “regained” from the Nazi regime after the Second World War. The Polish Communist Party was in power until 1989. The majority of Poles have tended to remain left-wing. Thus, despite popular resentment over Soviet domination and the relative impoverishment of the communist period, this period is not viewed entirely negatively. The persistence of traces of the communist past may also simply result from political inertia in the region. A third possibility is that Poland has never had an effective policy of decommunization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1 March 2011 Poland has marked the National Day of Remembrance of the „Cursed Soldiers” (Narodowy Dzień Pamięci “Żołnierzy Wyklętych”) — members of the anti-Communist underground in the 1940s and 1950s who tried to prevent Poland’s sovietisation and subordination to the USSR. The idea of establishing such a state memorial day was expressed in 2010 by Lech Kaczyński, the then President of Poland and one of the leaders of the Law and Justice Party (L&J). During the debates on the Bill of the National Day of Remembrance in the Sejm, the deputies of the two main opposing parties voted in favour almost unanimously and the Senate approved it without making any changes. After President Bronisław Komorowski signed it on 1 March 2011, Poland acquired an additional state holiday. In 2015, after the Law and Justice Party won both the presidential and parliamentary elections, the issue of the „cursed soldiers” turned into one of the key questions in historical policy. The „Civic Platform” party, forced to move over to the opposition benches in parliament, sounded the alarm, accusing the L&J party of rewriting history and primitivising the image of the anti-Communist underground. Thus, the memory of the “cursed soldiers” transformed from an issue that united political opponents to a topic for arguments and political struggle. The article attempts to show how the L&J party used the preservation of the memory of the “cursed soldiers” for its own political purposes, including its fight against the opposition.

The National Day Referendum of September 25, 2016 has so far remained the only successful attempt of the Republika Srpska’s authorities of holding a plebiscite within the republic. Previously, Banja Luka had been forced by strong international pressure to abandon three such attempts - on issues of higher political significance. On the one hand, this shows the absence of immediate political implications of the vote on the status of the National Day; on the other, it demonstrated once again the intense confrontation of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s ethnic communities in the field of symbols and key historical stereotypes, especially with regards to events from their recent history, namely the Bosnian civil war of 1992–1995. However, the relatively insignificant National Day issue gave the President of the RS, Milorad Dodik a chance to establish a precedent in the history of Bosnia of the Dayton agreement by holding a separate referendum at the level of the republic. Supported by the Western powers, the efforts of the Bosniak leader Bakir Izetbegović to tread on the Bosnian Serbs’ interests in the field of historical policy and symbolics in fact afforded the President of the RS an opportunity to strengthen the autonomy of his republic. Milorad Dodik efficiently used the strong pressure from Sarajevo and the West along with the support from Russia for Bosnian Serb national mobilisation that resulted in massive electoral support — 99 % of 56 % voters that took part in the ballot were in favour of 9 January to be proclaimed the Republika Srpska’s National Day. In spite of the strong outside pressure, Dodik triumphed in carrying out a major political action and establishing a base for Banja Luka’s future independent political ventures. He also demonstrated utmost caution and pragmatism as he exploited further the 25 September Referendum. Although engaging in brinkmanship, he never crossed the red line of escalation into a regional conflict and/or direct Western intervention.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the influence of historical memory and historical policy on the formation of bilateral relations between Poland and Russia in 1991-2020. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity, which provide complex and unbiased approach to processes, events, and facts covered in this article. The following methods have also been applied: historiographical analysis, chronological, comparative-historical analysis, and synthesis. Scientific novelty. The study covers and analyzes the insufficiently-researched matter of the role of historical memory and historical policy in the relations of Poland and Russia in Ukrainian historiography, outlining the correlation between the intensification of historical discourse in the sphere of politics and the emergence of misunderstanding and confrontation in bilateral relations, as well as the influence of both internal and foreign political factors on the process and forms of historical reconciliation of both states. Defining the key aspects of memory politics and the historical policy of Russia provides the opportunity to assess the goals and objectives of Russia's aggressive humanitarian expansionism towards neighboring states, including Ukraine. Conclusions. There have been numerous tragic pages throughout the history of Polish and Russian relations, especially regarding the events of the 20th century, echoes of which remain in historical memory and public consciousness to this day. The Polish leadership's attempt to build Polish-Russian relations after the fall of the communist system involving historical reconciliation impeded the bilateral dialogue as historical policies of both states regarding the same events have been diametrically opposed. Though Warsaw has been successful in obtaining certain concession from the Russian leadership regarding overcoming the difficult legacy of historical past, they failed to achieve real mutual understanding in the historical plane. This was a consequence of Russian interpretation of historical events, gradually transforming into an instrument of execution of aggressive foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The publication of Wojciech Roszkowski's textbook for high schools, Historia i teraźniejszość. 1945-1979 [History and the Present. 1945-1979], has led to the fiercest controversy over the place of history in Poland's public life since Jan Tomasz Gross' Neighbours. The aim of the article is to examine the debate surrounding the textbook, particularly taking into account Wojciech Roszkowski's trajectory and position among the Polish intelligentsia. Firstly, I demonstrate that the textbook crowns the author's journey from solitary activity as a writer in the opposition movement and solitary work in the underground, through the mainstream of the elites of the Third Polish Republic to the heterodoxy of the conservative counter-elites. Secondly, I place the textbook in the tension between the Polish intelligentsia and the world of politics. Thirdly, I reconstruct the romantic, highly polemical, lofty and doom-laden structure controlling the historical narrative of the textbook, which strikes at the dominant, orthodox, progressive beliefs of the Polish intelligentsia. In conclusion I argue that the debate surrounding the textbook has stemmed from the author's exceptional position and trajectory, the fight within the Polish intelligentsia as well as the unique, "hot", monumental and explosive narrative of the textbook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wojciech Roszkowski's textbook is a long essay on the twentieth century, which should be read in the context of the historical policy idea of the late 1990s. It is also an example of its evolution: from the presentation of history in a light deemed desirable by politicians to clear manipulation of the picture of the past. Numerous examples of this can be found in Roszkowski's book, which disqualifies it as a textbook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical policy was one of the main directions of the domestic policy of the Roh Moo-hyuns government (2003-2008). The ideological justification of revising the 20th century history of Korea was the idea of building a new Korean society based on the principles of democracy and the rule of civil rights and freedoms. Through the implementation of a new historical policy the Roh Moo-hyuns government tried to prove that the creation of such a society was impossible without revealing the truth about the historical past, in which the state repeatedly neglected civil rights and committed crimes. Increased attention to issues of restoration of the historical justice is typical for the current government of Moon Jae-in, the political successor of Roh Moo-hyun. Based on the analysis of the governmental documents, legislation this paper reveals the main disagreements between political parties of the Republic of Korea around the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, identifies the key results of its activities.

The modern historical policy of Ukraine and the Russia is analysed. The study uses the methodology of historical memory studies, specifically, research of historical consciousness, collective and historical memory. The methodology is based on the analysis of a situation when ideas about the past as national history depend on the mentality and goal setting of a particular social, national or other group. The object of the study is the modern socio-political situation in Ukraine and Russia associated with the understanding and assessment of the famine of 1932–1933 both in the Soviet Union as a whole, and in Ukraine in particular. The authors consider the modern memorial culture of the two nations, highlight issues of regional and national identity and the formation of myths of national memory as central issues in the paper. The transformation of memorial practices and the legal framework of the Russia and Ukraine after the collapse of the Soviet Union is considered. The authors arrive at the conclusion that the discussion between the Russian and Ukrainian sides to this day has turned into constructing a scheme of the «reverse history» based on the projection of the present state of affairs into the past. It is not possible to find any fundamentally new evidence as long as the Russian archives remained classified, and the parties increasingly resort to a nationalist type of argumentation. Punning on the name of the famous Hollywood blockbuster, we can say that the «hunger games» have become a reality in the modern politics of memory of post-Soviet states.

Memory politics in contemporary Poland has often been described as a limitation to historians' freedom of research. Against this backdrop, this article explores how historians of the Polish People's Republic (PRL) have been contributing to memory politics in the context of the democratic transition. It argues that the dissidence of the 1980s has paved the way to the post-1989 historiographical renewal, by favoring the development of an anti-communist historiography that ultimately facilitated the advent of the historical policy (polityka historyczna) of the 2000s. After 1989, the Polish historiography of the PRL was extensively reshaped on the basis of the dissident historiography of the 1980s. The main protagonists of the 1990s were largely drawn from the ranks of dissent, and many of them saw their scholarship as an extension of their past anti-communist engagement. Additionally, political changes turned the legacy of the old regime into a central issue of post-communist politics. History was called upon as a policy tool at the service of the democratic transition, whether it involved criminalizing the communist regime or maintaining the collective memory of the dictatorship. This conception of history resulted in the creation of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) at the end of the 1990s, but also in the affirmation of a historical policy justified by the need to redress the wrongs of the memory politics conducted in communist Poland. Contemporary history in the post-1989 years was thus far from free of politicization, even if it took different forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author focuses in his reflections on the historical policy of the Russian Federation's leadership. Activities in this area, evident since the early days of Putin's rule, became particularly intense after Putin assumed the presidency again (2012), resulting in the establishment of a number of "social" institutions seeking to promote the official vision of history, in an attempt to interfere with school and university curricula, a campaign against "falsifiers of history" and repressive measures against organisations promoting a different interpretation of the country's history (e.g. Memorial). Leading representatives of the Russian establishment became actively involved in creating the official vision of the past: in addition to the arbitrary Putin, parliament speakers, government ministers and even the heads of the atomic and intelligence agencies were keen to speak on historical issues as well. Prominence in this campaign was given to the propaganda of the idea of a "Russian world" (Russkiy mir), referring to the dogma of a "triune Russian nation" (including the Belarusians and the Ukrainians), actively supported by the Moscow Patriarchate, the appeal of which was strongly compromised only by the annexation of Crimea. In the article the author analyses Putin's main historical statements, with a particular focus on his 2019-2022 speeches, characterised by undisguised resentment towards the West (including Poland) and hostility towards Ukraine. According to the author, from the historical point of view, Putin's arguments are a mixture of contents taken from the sinister traditions of nineteenth-century Great Russian chauvinism, denying the Ukrainians the right to a national consciousness and language, and the views -- fashionable in recent years among the Russian elite -- whereby the national and state status of Ukraine is as young as it is artificial, as if it were an invention in the ideological sense of the last decades of the nineteenth century, and in the political sense -- an artificial construct of the communist era, owing its existence solely to the leadership of the USSR. An analysis of the main publications and speeches of the Russian president clearly demonstrates the modest level of his own knowledge and the poor qualifications of his intellectual base. According to the author, history in the service of Putin's propaganda has been reduced to a political instrument to be used on the tactical level, in the relatively short term, which corresponds well to the Kremlin elite's perception of politics more as an ad hoc operational game than a subject of strategic planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author, relying on the concept of nations as imagined communities, sharing the existence of the scientific concepts of “ethnic” and “civil” nations, considers the possibility of the emergence of a single national myth, which could become the most important construct in the formation of national unity in a multinational country. Based on various legislative initiatives, amendments to the Constitution of Russia, considering certain aspects of historical policy in Russia, the author concludes that after 2014, on the background of the Ukrainian crisis, the Syrian crisis, US and European Union’s sanctions pressure and political confrontation with the West, the Russian authorities situationally started the mobilisation of public opinion. This policy is capable of producing results only in the short term. Achievement of national unity based on the single national myth, acceptable for most of the Russian society, will require more thorough work and delicate inclusion in the information space, as well as in the educational programs of secondary and higher education

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the problem of developing the historical memory of students based on the accurate history of Ukraine in the context of forming civic consciousness among future specialists. Solving this problem is essential in the context of full-scale Russian military aggression, where deceitful enemy propaganda tries to justify fictional, pseudo-scientific historical myths. This topic is covered in the context of an interdisciplinary approach, anthropological history, and history of mentality. The theoretical positions of Ukrainian and foreign scientists support the publication of the chosen topic (Gyrych, V. Hrynevych, L. Zashkilnyak, I. Kovalska-Pavelko, H. Kasyanov, V. Masnenko, L. Nagorna, P. Nora, E. D. Smith, Y. Shapoval, B. Shatska, O. Shevel, and others). The study proves the need to transform historical memory in the context of the historical policy and memorial legislation of events. On the principles of these methodological approaches, the issues of the historical policy of the modern Ukrainian state during the Russian-Ukrainian war that address the ideas of communist totalitarian influence in the students' minds are considered. According to the interdisciplinary approach, the article combines elements of history and sociology.

Copyright of Archives, Chanceries, Collections / Archiwa, Kancelarie, Zbiory is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Polish-Russian relations are an extremely dynamic and changeable phenomenon, especially after Poland’s accession to NATO. Despite the fact that the Russian Federation was established only in 1991, the relations discussed in this article have also been influenced by the relations between Poland and the Soviet Union, whose successor was Russia. The aim of this study is to analyse changes in the Polish-Russian relations after 2010. Not only does the paper present the causes of conflicts that have influenced mutual relations, but it also indicates areas that need changing and that may contribute to the warming of relations between Warsaw and Moscow. The method of comparative analysis was applied in the study. The conducted analysis allows stating a significant impact of the Smolensk disaster on the Polish-Russian relations.

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article aims to familiarize the readers with the mythologization of Stepan Bandera. This figure currently does not enjoy popularity among Ukrainians, but he is used in creating historical politics, which has a direct impact on the shaping of Ukraine's foreign policy and relations with other countries. Using the comparative method and the method of critical analysis, the following research hypotheses were verified: Stepan Bandera is not a leader or an outstanding historical hero in the eyes of all Ukrainians, and his assessment varies regionally. Bandera is not a figure that can gain popularity in a democratic state, and contemporary Ukrainian leaders distance themselves from him. The popularity of Bandera is a myth that has become part of Polish historical and foreign policy, but also an element of the interpretation of patriotism as an opposition to Russia, more and more common in Ukraine. The conclusion of the study is that the historical memory in Ukraine is regionalised and it is impossible to consider Bandera as the hero of the whole country, and the Ukrainian perception of nationalism does not match the Polish point of view. As a kind of symbol, Bandera's myth certainly does not play a major role in Ukraine's social or political life, but rather serves to unite the nation around a common idea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zoon Politikon is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The presented paper discusses the changes in the Russian education system that took place in the years 2013–2016, during the presidency of Vladimir Putin. The analysis encompasses all dimensions of changes in the education system: personnel changes (replacement of Dmitri Livanov by Olga Vasil’eva in the position of the RF Minister of Education and Science), formal ones (development of the new: Concept of a new educational – methodological complex for teaching national history), institutional (reform of the Russian Academy of Sciences) and finally also qualitative changes (introduction of new history textbooks). The article attempts to show that the above changes are in fact manifestations of tightening state control over education and its treatment as a vehicle to create the historical policy of the Russian Federation.

The article deals extensively replicated images of major structural reforms in the history of Russia (The government reforms of Peter I, the Great Reforms of Alexander II, the October Revolution, industrialization, Perestroika and market reforms of the 1990s), their contemporary respondents’ assessments and position in the overall structure of the collective memory of Russians. The results of historical and sociological analysis through the methodological tradition of «memory studies» showed that the current structure of the collective memory has a significant ideological opposition to the structuring reforms, legitimizing resource development model.

Until 1989 Wałbrzych was an important industrial center of Lower Silesia. The system transformation which started in 1989 led to the liquidation of enterprises in the mining, ceramics and textile industries. The city began to be perceived in Poland as a city of high unemployment, illegal shallow coal mines or political corruption. The city authorities began to wonder what events from the past could be helpful in creating its new image. Th ey undertook a number of activities in this regard. The questionnaire was to assess the eff ectiveness of the city's activities. It was carried out among secondary school students, students and the employees of Wałbrzych city institutions, teachers of Wałbrzych schools and councilors of the City Council. The survey was conducted in October and November 2019. The respondents indicated mainly the activities of the authorities aimed at personalizing local historical policy. The city authorities undertook a number of other initiatives in the fi eld of local remembrance policy. The surveys showed that the initiatives were not known to the inhabitants of Wałbrzych. In the minds of respondents, there were only two historical events, namely May 3 and November 11. To a small extent, they participated in historical ceremonies present in national historical politics (e.g. the Day of the Cursed Soldiers). Apart from the fi gure of Princess Daisy, most respondents were unable to identify other people important to the region. Although there are a number of organizations and associations in the city, only the Princess Daisy Foundation conducted the eff ective and visible activities in the fi eld of local remembrance policy. Although the respondents declared their interest in history, their knowledge at the local level is low. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Problems of World History is the property of Institute of World History of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is a performative interpretation of Sendlerowa. W ukryciu, a biography of Irena Sendlerowa by Anna Bikont. The author of the article presents the biography as a textual performance, whose aim is to contest the well-known image of Irena Sendlerowa (described within the category of biomythography introduced by Michael Benton). The author analyses how Anna Bikont distances herself from the biomythography and reintroduces the parts of Sendlerowa's biography that had been omitted for years through being incompatible with the role of a national hero. She also evaluates the extent to which biography can serve as a critical tool with respect to Polish historical policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Krakow International Studies / Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Krakow International Studies / Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Porównania / Comparisons. A Journal on Comparative Literature & Interdisciplinary Studies is the property of Adam Mickiewicz University Poznao, Press of "Poznanskie Studia Polonistyczne" and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Problem setting. The interconnection of politics and memory has become especially relevant in the political processes of the twentieth century, due to the need to rethink historical heritage and to understand the impact of history on the course of events. The past century, fraught with ethnic conflicts, reaffirms the importance of the impact of historical memory on inter-ethnic and inter-state relations. Studying the Ukrainian-Polish cooperation, she came to the conclusion that the policy of historical memory is the subject and instrument of foreign policy of modern states. Recent research and publications analysis. Reconsideration of the pages of history, formation and significance of memory politics in political life were worked by: G. Motyka, Y. Grytsak, B. Osadchuk, T. Zhurzhenko, M. Marynovych, M. Ryabchuk, N. Yakovenko, E. Thompson, F. Boll, O. Miller, N. Gorskaya and S. Trochimchuk. The most fundamental theoretical works on the study of memory belong to such researchers as: P. Nora, M. Halbwax, P. Recyor, P. Hatton, J. Assman, A. Nixenthitis. Paper objective. The main purpose of the study is to show that history is an instrument of foreign policy and improvement of bilateral relations, a factor that has contributed to the construction of the European Union. Paper main body. The article analyzes the relationship between politics and memory in postwar Europe, and emphasizes the influence of historical memory on the interstate relations of the countries of Western and Central Europe. Following the example of the foreign policy of France, Germany and Poland, it is emphasized that Europe, in the postwar period, created a new culture of memory, which is called the “culture of repentance”. Conclusions of the research. It is proved that the countries of Western and Central Europe have formed a model of peaceful coexistence and achievement of social understanding based on reconciliation with the conflict past. Historical memory has become an object and instrument of foreign policy. The European model of rethinking the historical past and overcoming interethnic disputes through reconciliation processes remains relevant today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Problems of World History is the property of Institute of World History of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article outlines the state of history museums after the so-called "museum revolution" in the end of the 20th century. The consequences of changes in exhibiting reach much farther than to only improve the attractiveness of exhibitions with modem means. History museums exist on the border of the official version of history created by professional researchers and the public history being the effect of the workings of non-academic entities. The latter are usually motivated by other purposes (not only wanting to find the truth or popularize): they shape the present using their knowledge about the past, fulfil the current "reason of the state", execute the historical policy of a given country. As a result, current narrative exhibitions, because of the formal means or expression and the identity model, are often used to manipulate the group awareness and control the auto-image of the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Holocaust: Studies & Materials is the property of Association Polish Center for Holocaust Research / Stowarzyszenie Centrum Badan nad Zaglada Zydow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Polish-Russian relations are an extremely dynamic and changeable phenomenon, especially after Poland's accession to NATO. Despite the fact that the Russian Federation was established only in 1991, the relations discussed in this article have also been influenced by the relations between Poland and the Soviet Union, whose successor was Russia. The aim of this study is to analyse changes in the Polish-Russian relations after 2010. Not only does the paper present the causes of conflicts that have influenced mutual relations, but it also indicates areas that need changing and that may contribute to the warming of relations between Warsaw and Moscow. The method of comparative analysis was applied in the study. The conducted analysis allows stating a significant impact of the Smolensk disaster on the Polish-Russian relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the mythology of the Recovered Territories created in Poland at the end of World War II, which legitimized the country's territorial acquisitions in the west, one of the main axes was connected with Slavic themes. Based on the analysis of archival sources, medieval accounts, and scholarly literature, the paper shows which narratives were referred to where, when, and why. Analysis of the material shows that particular attention was paid to issues related to pagan beliefs and cults. The place where this was most often referred to was Wolin. Slavic themes occupied an important place in commentaries to exhibitions and in museum guides, in the creation of open-air museums and archaeological reserves, as well as in the care of historical monuments. Reconstructions of objects and monuments were also installed in the public space and names were given referring to ancient Slavic culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]