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Hamas’s 7 October 2023 massacres shook Israelis to the core, profoundly impacting all walks of life and prompting individuals to share content related to the challenging situation on social media platforms. A netnographic examination of the creative images shared by Israelis on Facebook in the three months attending the massacres, which blend visual elements with ironic expressions and often include appeals to the international community, reveals seven distinct yet interconnected themes: dichotomies (contrasts between good and evil), releasing abductees as a game, new cultural heroes, defiance against the international community, and anti-ignorance campaign ‘coming soon’ cautioning the West against similar atrocities to the 7 October massacres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

«Dio lo vuole!». L'antico motto della prima crociata è estraneo alla maggior parte delle odierne chiese storiche, mentre, con le varianti del caso, sembra dicibile all'interno dell'attuale conflitto israelo-palestinese. Va però introdotto un fattore decisivo risalente al XIX secolo: il nazionalismo. Il sionismo, inteso come variante ebraica del problema nazionale, nasce come un movimento quasi totalmente laico. Tuttavia, fin dalla prima metà del Novecento si è assistito a un suo processo di rigiudaizzazione, che avrebbe trovato, in seguito, una corrispondenza istituzionale all'interno dello stato d'Israele. La svolta radicale si ebbe, però, solo dopo la Guerra dei sei giorni (1967) quando sorsero forme di fondamentalismo ebraico particolarmente attive nell'opera di colonizzazione. Le tendenze etnico-religiose hanno trovato corrispondenza pure sul piano istituzionale. Hamas pone al centro della propria ideologia e della propria azione, anche terroristica, la natura integralmente islamica del territorio palestinese. Il movimento è caratterizzato, però, anche da una visione nazionalista. Le pratiche violente sono alimentate da convinzioni di tipo martiriale. Gli avvenimenti innescati dalle stragi del 7 ottobre 2023 sono, comunque, di tale ampia e tragica portata da rendere incerta ogni prospettiva futura. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how Israel related to the threat that Hamas posed to the peace process, both during the talks that led to the signing of the Declaration of Principles (December 1992–September 1993) and then until the signing of the Oslo 2 agreement (September 1995). The Israeli negotiators and leaders were locked into the idea that the PLO would "deal with Hamas" because of its clear interest to do so. During the talks, however, there was no detailed discussion of the matter. Instead, the negotiators focused—and with full justification—on the important achievement of an accord with the PLO and its agreement to refrain from terrorism. This, reinforced by the assumption that the PLO would suppress Hamas, paved the way for the signing of the Declaration of Principles without any concrete attention to Hamas. Thus Hamas terrorism proved to be a major obstacle to the fulfillment of the Oslo Accords. Hamas bomb attacks killed many Israelis and undermined Israelis' faith in the process. In parallel, the IDF activity to thwart Hamas, which involved major operations on the ground, as well as the accords' failure to produce an economic upturn for the Palestinians, diminished their support for the agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how Israelis used dual screening during two parallel violent conflicts in May 2021: the Gaza war between Israel and Hamas, and Arab-Jewish clashes within Israel. Based on a survey of 400 Israelis conducted during the crisis, it maps the news platforms and identifies the variables shaping dual screening. Though consumption patterns were the same for both conflicts, news consumption was less intensive for internal riots than for external military operations. The analysis revealed that fear and integrative needs predicted dual screening in both cases, while diversion and cognitive needs did not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractObjectivesMethodResultsConclusionThis study explored the experiences and challenges of older adults with functional disabilities in Israel during the ongoing Israel-Hamas war, particularly those receiving care from migrant live-in carers. The main objectives were to identify their main concerns and coping strategies during this period.A qualitative methodology was employed, involving face-to-face interviews with 13 older adults (mean age 91.33, SD = 5.31). All participants liveded in separate housesholds with the assistance of migrant live-in carers. They were recruited through purposive and snowball sampling techniques. The interviews were analyzed using thematic content analysis.Two main themes emerged from data analysis: 1) Concerns for others affected by the war and concerns for oneself, and 2) Coping strategies, including utilizing personal resources such as optimism and distraction, seeking connections with family members and carers, and contributing to the community.The study highlights the interplay between the vulnerabilities and strengths of older adults during wartime. Their ability to mobilize both internal and external coping strategies reflects an active approach to managing the stress and uncertainties of war, underscoring their resilience and agency and challenging the perception of older adults as passive recipients of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Economic Administrative & Legal Sciences is the property of Arab Journal of Sciences & Research Publishing (AJSRP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The failure to prevent Hamas’s slaughter of some 1,300 Israelis on 7 October 2023 – the largest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust – is a direct result of an emergency phone consultation three hours before the terror group’s invasion of Israel with the participation of the IDF’s and Shin Bet’s top leaders, who decided to do nothing despite acute warning signals and failed to alert the Gaza division commander and the political echelon to the imminent attack. Had they taken the minimal precautionary measures, the catastrophe would have been averted altogether. To fully understand the mindset underlying this monumental blunder requires tracing its evolution within the context of the 30-years-long Oslo peace delusion in general, and during the turbulent year preceding the 10/7 massacres in particular. That is: the substitution of a grand strategic deception aimed at Israel’s destruction for a true peace process and the attendant emasculation of the IDF’s military capabilities and combative/offensive ethos, on the one hand, and the unravelling of Israel’s sociopolitical fabric that culminated in the 2023 mass civil disobedience that enticed Hamas into action, on the other. Even Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who opposed the Oslo process from the outset and managed to neutralise its most catastrophic potential calamity – the establishment of a Palestinian state committed to Israel’s destruction in the West Bank and Gaza – failed to extricate Israel from this disastrous course and was ironically forced to bear its full brunt on 7 October 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to set out lines of international complicity in Israel's war on Gaza towards establishing not merely a refreshed agenda for research but also strategic sites of accountability and intervention. The article surveys Israeli military activities in Gaza since the 7 October 2023 Hamas attacks, drawing focus on three key points of international military collaboration: the F‐16 fighter jet; the GBU type bomb; and the weapons manufacturer, Elbit Systems. We then turn to multiple other geographies of exchange that are visible through a global frame, including military aid, ideological support, and the deployment of military personnel from overseas. The article thus substantiates an argument that Israeli military violence in Gaza depends on a global network of supply, demand, and complicity whose extraneous relationship with the state indicates politically urgent sites of critical inquiry and intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hamas’s invasion of Israel on 7 October 2023, with the attendant massacre of some 1,200 Israelis and the occupation of population centres and military bases – something that no Arab army has done since the 1948 war – posed unprecedented challenges to Israel’s socio-political and security establishments. Based on Chief-of-Staff Eisenkot’s 2018 doctrinal manifesto ‘The IDF’s Strategy’, this article assesses Israel’s national security principles and the doctrines for the use of force in an attempt to evaluate whether its political and military actions were aligned with these doctrines during the 2023–24 war with Hamas, and to determine the strategy’s value and possible gaps. It concludes that while the political and military responses appear consistent with the outlined principles, unexpected problems like hostage dilemmas and urban warfare complexities present unforeseen challenges not directly addressed by the manifesto. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

7 October 2023, marked a significant shift in Israeli football’s commemoration practices. Previously focused on honouring prominent figures by naming sports facilities, these practices have evolved following the Hamas massacres and the Israeli response in Gaza. Football fans who were killed or kidnapped have become central to memorials, as can be seen in the cases of Maccabi Haifa and Maccabi Netanya, the two clubs discussed in this article. However, these commemorations have also sparked tensions, fuelled by club rivalries and occasional racist outbursts. While expressing genuine grief, clubs use collective mourning to bolster their morale and patriotic image and reinforce a sense of belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the impact of Muslim Brotherhood and jihadist theorists on the making of Hamas’s 7 October 2023, assault. By way of doing so, it discusses Hamas’s historic, ideological, and organisational connections to the Muslim Brotherhood before exploring jihadist warfare doctrine to liberate al-Quds (Jerusalem) from ‘Zionist occupation’, which shaped Hamas’s covenant and may have influenced its military strategy including the 10/7 massacres. The article concludes that Hamas’s ideology is closely aligned with most extremist factions of jihadist and Muslim Brotherhood thought and that efforts to characterise the organisation’s terrorist activities as motivated by national considerations are totally misconceived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between the Russian Federation and the United Arab Emirates have evolved over the past decade into a strategic partnership owing to a seeming congruence of Russian and Emirati strategies across theatres in the Middle East, combined with the UAE's intention to unofficially engage in "hedging" against the backdrop of the Russo-Ukrainian War. This article explores the reasons why the UAE has recalibrated its orientation vis-à-vis the United States, with an emphasis on how its leadership has worked to enhance ties with Moscow during a time of Great Power rivalry. From the UAE's perspective, hedging constitutes the bedrock of a sound foreign policy focus. However, this article posits that Abu Dhabi also needs to appreciate the costs of adhering to a hedging agenda, especially when the Israel-Hamas War and tensions in Iraq, Syria, Iran, Lebanon, and the Red Sea could trigger a wider war. Although the United States and UAE harbour disagreements, the two states can still try to revise their divergent trajectories. Yet it remains unclear as to whether the contours of the USA-UAE strategic partnership can somehow be improved upon at this time. Alas, much depends on whether Washington and Abu Dhabi can find common ground on issues such as resuming a stalled deal to supply F-35 fighter jets; the possible brokering of a settlement between Israel and Palestine; the potential formation of a more robust security pact; and the UAE's role in assisting the United States in countering Iran and its proxies' nefarious activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the author's deep conflict regarding the ongoing war in Gaza and Israel's military actions, particularly in Rafah. Topics include the unresolved status of Palestinians in the West Bank, the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza exacerbated by Israeli military actions, and the violations of international humanitarian law that have led to increased suffering among civilians in both regions.

Israel finds itself in a trap: escalate or maintain the status quo; absent a political solution, it must develop capable threats that deter future Hamas attacks and dissuade Hezbollah and Tehran from providing the support Hamas requires to carry them out. This special commentary executes an analysis of Israel’s precarious position and, in doing so, confronts the larger question of how to avoid escalation when engaging with violent extremist organizations with clear but unverifiable state support. The analysis provides a clear picture of the problem and offers tentative, evidence-based solutions for evading escalation or an untenable status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents serious errors, corrections and omissions in the New York Times coverage of the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza from October 2023 to June 2024. The Times was selected for investigation since it is one of the most influential newspapers in the world. Errors were identified by external sources, corrections were late, vague and evasive. Omissions created false context and reporting, and lacked transparency. Among the explored case studies and issues: Al-Ahli Hospital explosion, civilian casualties, misquoting Israeli leaders, employing questionable journalists, and internal newsroom testimonials. The findings reveal misleading repeated errors, inadequate corrections, significant omissions, and poor editorial supervision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: This paper aims to examine the short-term market reaction for the world's 100 largest listed defence firms at and around the three recent largest threats to the global economy – Ukraine–Russia war, Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis and the Hamas terrorist attack on Israel. Design/methodology/approach: The author examine the impact of the three recent largest threats to the global economy in the largest listed defence firms using an event study methodology. Findings: The results show a positive and statistically significant short-term reaction around the three geopolitical threats. The results also reveal the existence of higher abnormal returns for defence firms with greater weight of defence sales, in line with the captured regulator theory and for firms with higher research and development and capital expenditure intensity. Originality/value: The effect of the war on stock markets has been relatively little examined in the financial theory. This study intends to fill this gap in the literature through the analysis of the three recent largest threats to the global economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Palestinska militantna skupina Hamas je 7. oktobra 2023 začela obsežno skupno ofenzivo proti Izraelu. Hkrati s kinetičnimi napadi so različni povzročitelji kibernetskih groženj, ki jih pripisujejo Hamasu, Hezbolahu, Iranu in Rusiji, sprožili kibernetske napade na izraelske informacijske sisteme v komercialnem, industrijskem in vladnem sektorju. Ta prispevek analizira te kibernetske napade in izraelske protiukrepe na področju kibernetske varnosti. Čeprav je Izrael sicer vzdržal napad kibernetskega napadalca »digitalni 7. oktober«, ključne ugotovitve kažejo na to, da lahko tovrstni napadi znatno vplivajo na različne institucije in jim povzročijo škodo ter da je treba tako v Izraelu kot po svetu temeljito spremeniti opredelitev kibernetske obrambe in odpornosti, zlasti kar zadeva civilno družbo in infrastrukturo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of SIRIUS - Zeitschrift fur Strategische Analysen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the Israel-Hamas conflict, focusing on the 'survive-win' cycle and the concept of attrition in armed conflict. It highlights how power differentials between combatants – like Hamas and the Israeli Defense Force – lead to strategies like positional warfare and Fabian tactics, ultimately resulting in wars of attrition. Further, research illustrates that attrition is a fundamental aspect of conflict, challenging the idea that Western militaries should avoid the approach. Moreover, precision munitions in urban areas, such as Gaza City, still lead to significant casualties and collateral damage, urging a realistic acknowledgment of attrition in warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the morning of 7 October 2023, at 6:29 AM, Israel was surprised when forces of the Hamas organization attacked Israel from the Gaza Strip, along the border between Gaza and Israel, and caused enormous damage to human life and property. On that day, about 1,300 Israelis were killed, most of them civilians and the rest soldiers. About 240 Israelis were kidnapped and taken into Gaza as hostages. Israel had no concrete warning of the coming attack. It was a complete surprise to the Intelligence Community (IC) and security system. Following this attack, Israel went to war against Hamas, in Gaza, calling it the Iron Swords War, with the intent of collapsing its military power and governing rule. The lack of intelligence warning raises many questions about the capability of the Israeli IC, especially the Israel Military Intelligence Directorate (IMI) and the Israel Security Agency (ISA). Israel's intelligence had known of the strengthening of Hamas, but there was an assumption that Hamas had changed its objectives and aimed to establish its rule and statehood in Gaza. As a result, it was assumed that Hamas would refrain from offensive action that would, in turn, provoke counterattacks by Israel, which would not serve its interests. The Israeli IC assumed that if Hamas decided to attack, the ISA and the IMI would provide early warning. Only on 7 October did Israel learn that Hamas was secretly intensifying its efforts to prepare an attack on Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that universities should not merely reject but publicly denounce demands to divest from Israel, whether those demands are general or more targeted. It does so first by exposing the fundamentally racist nature of the divestment demands, then subsequently examines several recent university precedents to extract some dozen content-neutral arguments against divestment. If anything, for moral, humanitarian, financial, and most of all academic reasons universities should be investing in, not divesting from, Israel. In this light, anti-Israel activism can be seen as attempting to hijack the university to promote its own, ultimately genocidal agenda, and hence must be vigorously denounced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, China has been involved in more state-to-state conflicts as a mediator as a part of its increased global influence strategy. After the successful mediation between Iran and Saudi Arabia in March 2023 and the mediation process it has employed between the Taliban and Pakistan since 2022, Beijing will likely continue those efforts in other conflicts. But how does China select which international conflict to mediate? The article employs Kenneth Waltz’s Neorealism Theory and international mediation literature to investigate this question while focusing on China’s interests as a rising power in the international system. First, the article analyzes China’s role and interest in two recent case studies of international conflict mediation: Iran-Saudi Arabia and the Taliban-Pakistan. Second, the article builds a model or a roadmap of China’s mechanism as a mediator. Then, the article employs the model to discuss and assess China’s future role in the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict in the wake of the 10/07 massacres and the Israel-Hamas war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 7 October 2023, Hamas launched an unprovoked attack on Israel, which resulted in immediate mayhem and chaos. Within hours, hundreds of civilian crisis management centres were created by activists and volunteers, many of them assisted successfully in a variety of areas. This article examined the information management practices of eight centres, using semi-structured interviews. Two factors contributed to the crisis management centres’ success: their ad hoc nature and the use of readily available, easy-to-use technology for the management, sharing, and organisation of information. The article highlights the benefits and efficacy of employing more straightforward and readily available technical solutions in crisis management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This multi-wave study examined associations between political left-right ideology and attitudes towards Israel in Germany measured at the end of October and beginning of November 2023, as well as at the end of April and beginning of May 2024. Consistent with horseshoe theory, a curvilinear ∩-shaped relation was hypothesised between political left-right ideology (coded based on party preferences) and attitudes towards Israel. Data came from a large sample of more than 600 employed individuals in Germany, and results supported the hypothesis. The findings provide support for horseshoe theory following the October 7 terrorist attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the moral responsibility for the deaths of Palestinian non-combatants in the 2023–24 Gaza War rests with Hamas. Its argument is philosophical rather than legal, based on an analysis and discussion of the rules of just war theory and what these rules imply for the moral assessment of the use of human shields. One main conclusion will be that the moral responsibility for the killing of human shields in the context of morally legitimate attacks on military targets should be assigned to the side that tried to benefit from the presence of the shields in the first place. Questions concerning proportionality are still relevant, but have to be understood and resolved in relation to what is at stake in a particular war. The more extreme the war aims of an unjust attacker are, the greater is the need to prevent it from winning the war. Hence, whether or not the number of non-combatant deaths in Gaza is proportionate should not be determined by the significance of individual military targets alone but also by the prospects of allowing a genocidal enemy such as Hamas to remain in control of Gaza. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Warfare represents a significant source of stress in contemporary times, with enduring implications beyond the immediate casualties, fostering a pervasive atmosphere of danger and anxiety within affected populations. The Israel–Hamas war, marked by ongoing armed incursions and missile attacks, stands as a recent example of such turmoil, inflicting widespread trauma and disruption. Methods: This study, conducted among students at the Ashkelon Academic College in southern Israel, aimed to investigate the stress levels and associated factors amidst the ongoing conflict. Utilizing a cross-sectional survey design, data were collected from 625 participants between January and February 2024, approximately four months after the commencement of the initial attack. The survey encompassed demographic information, perceived stress levels, sleep quality, and social media usage. Results: The findings revealed moderate to high stress levels among participants, with significant differences observed based on gender, parental status, and residency in conflict zones. Moreover, poorer sleep quality was reported among students residing in conflict-affected areas. Regression analysis identified several predictors of elevated stress, including gender, parental status, sleep quality, residency in conflict zones, and social media usage. Conclusions: These findings underscore the profound impact of ongoing conflict on college students' mental well-being, highlighting the need for tailored interventions and support services within higher education institutions. The limitations include the study's focus on a specific college population and the timing of the data collection relative to the onset of the war. Nonetheless, this research contributes valuable insights concerning the stress dynamics within the unique context faced by Israeli students amidst ongoing warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic, the Russia–Ukraine and the Israel–Hamas conflicts, and the resulting global economic shocks will affect the world economy for several years. This paper analyzes and discusses monetary finance (MF) using the Quantity Theory of Money (QTM) to understand economic dynamics. To achieve this goal, we utilize a Structural Vector Autoregressive (SVAR) identification scheme with sign restrictions on datasets from advanced economies. The findings indicate that monetary growth plays a role in short-term inflationary dynamics, while its effects are less significant in the medium to long term. The aim of the paper is to contribute to ongoing debate surrounding the potential strategies for addressing the economic downturn through the reintroduction of monetary finance (MF). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an introduction to a forum on the topic of decolonizing Palestine. It discusses the call for unity among Palestinians in response to ongoing expulsions and bombings, and the emergence of new visions of liberation. The forum brings together diverse perspectives on the political and military strategies of Hamas, exploring the limits and possibilities of liberation in the context of settler colonialism. The contributors engage with the book "Decolonizing Palestine: Hamas between the anti-colonial and the postcolonial" by Somdeep Sen, examining the complexities of Palestinian sovereignty and governance. The forum highlights the need to think beyond linear notions of postcolonial, settler colonial, or decolonial time, and considers multiple visions and practices of decolonization. [Extracted from the article]

Divergent fates are befalling Israeli and Gazan cultural heritage during the continuing Israel-Hamas war. This article conducts a case study of the war’s implications for both Israeli and Gazan (Palestinian) cultural heritage sectors, represented by galleries, libraries, archives, and museums (GLAMs), to help establish a preliminary account and overview of the state of cultural heritage over the war’s first half-year. A tripartite typology of heritagization processes is further furnished in which to situate, examine, and contrast the case study. Specifically, this tripartite typology involves: heritagization that creates or designates phenomena as cultural heritage; re-heritagization that reaffirms, revalidates, or reinforces existing cultural heritage; and de-heritagization that damages, demolishes, or destroys cultural heritage. Foregrounding the case study of wartime Israeli and Gazan cultural heritage within this typology serves two purposes. First, it spotlights the parallel processes of heritagization, re-heritagization and de-heritagization, to help describe, interpret, and understand them within this volatile setting. Second, it enables a conceptual and practical mapping of the convolutions regarding the war’s productive (heritagization/re-heritagization) and destructive (de-heritagization) effects on cultural heritage on separate sides of the conflict. Ultimately, parallel heritagization processes related to the war are simultaneously unfolding within and between Israel and Gaza, resulting in contrasting consequences on their respective cultural heritage sectors and contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2023 in Israel started with illiberal constitutional change efforts by the new right-wing government and concluded with a brutal attack by Hamas terrorists and the subsequent war. Both occurrences galvanized two massive surges of civil society activism. The first was a mass protest that impeded the government's undemocratic legislation. The second was a large- scale mobilization to support a variety of populations affected by the war, providing services and goods that supplanted the failed governmental crisis response. Using a Serving Elite perspective and elaborating on this concept in the Israeli context, the paper analyzes the organizations that transitioned overnight from protest to service delivery. While these are two known roles played by civil society in general, such a transition from protest to support within the same organization is unusual, if at all existent. The paper analyses nineteen (19) in-depth interviews with leaders of 10 prominent organizations active in the protest and the aid phases. It explores their participants, forms of organizing, activities, ideologies, and interconnections, particularly emphasizing the transition. Thematic analysis of the interviews revealed the emergence of a new Serving Elite in the making, liberal in orientation, and developed during the crises. This perspective provides an opportunity to highlight processes deeply embedded in Israel's social, political, and cultural landscapes, changing elites and power relations, and Israel's culture of entrepreneurship. It also provides a framework for analyses of serving elites in other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On October 7, 2023, Hamas terrorists attacked people in their homes, fields, and at a music festival in Israeli communities near the border with Gaza. More than 1,145 men, women, and children were killed, about 1,800 wounded were evacuated to hospitals in the country, and 253 infants, children, women, elderly, and men were abducted. This mass casualty incident (MCI) was the start of a war that is still ongoing. The Israeli medical system, which faced an overwhelming first 24 h, continues to take care of casualties, including those who are injured by missiles that target Israeli residential areas. Israel has a well-established trauma system, and as a result of the experience gained in this war, the system merited review. This was the topic of a meeting of leaders of the Israeli healthcare system, and it forms the basis of this report. The meeting and report provide a platform for presenting the trauma system management during the war, highlighting the strengths of the system as well as its challenges and lessons learned. The participants also brainstormed and discussed possibilities for future improvements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the Ahli Arab Hospital of Gaza – formerly the CMS Mission hospital – has been the focus of public attention due to the 17 October 2023 explosion on its premises and the ongoing Israel-Hamas war, less attention has been given to its history. Very little information is publicly available. This article addresses that gap, aiming to bring texture, nuance and depth to contemporary discussions. Taking a narrative approach, this article poses two questions: first, how did the social, political and religious contexts of the hospital’s founding period shape its identity and role in the community? Second, how did it fare in World War I and the political transition that followed it? This article argues that Anglican Missionaries from the Church Mission Society (CMS) established the hospital in 1881 with the motivation and inspiration of their evangelical faith. After facing resistance from the local population, the missionaries won people’s trust through medical service. Their work was boosted after local leaders gave their endorsements and British imperial agents offered support. The situation changed rapidly, however, during World War I and the Ottoman entry into the war on the German side. The missionaries were expelled and the hospital was closed and eventually destroyed. Yet, after British victory, the missionaries were granted permission to resume services and rebuild the hospital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article offers a critique of postcolonial theory, a perspective often applied to the Israel-Palestine conflict. Critiques of Israel today tend to frame the Hamas-led October 7th massacre in terms that either excuse or justify it. In this article I provide an overview of Palestinian terrorism and argue that it is the main driver behind Israeli policies, "a context of the context." The issue of terrorism in today's dominant postcolonial discourse is either completely absent or portrayed as a discursive manipulation, used by Israel to justify the oppression of Palestinians. Contrary to the well-known and well-studied reality of terrorism, postcolonial researchers purposefully present Israeli actions as a "contextless context" for the attack. Finally, the paper leverages the "context" concept within a Gramscian perspective, to discuss the interests, power, and resources behind the production of postcolonial knowledge. Framed as "organic intellectuals" embedded in a "historical bloc" such scholars weave together the interests of Western-Leftist parties and Political Islam, Iran, Qatar, Russia, and China into a fabric that applies academic justification for warmongering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary examines the implications of Yahya Sinwar's election as the new head of Hamas following the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh. It highlights Hamas' internal adaptability and the significance of its electoral processes in a context marked by external pressures and regional dynamics. The assassination is analyzed not only as a tactical operation by Israeli forces but also as a strategic move aimed at destabilizing Hamas internally and undermining its regional alliances, including efforts toward Palestinian reconciliation. Sinwar's leadership is framed within the broader historical and organizational context of Hamas, emphasizing his rise due to his involvement in key military operations and his status as a founding member. The commentary further explores the potential ramifications of Sinwar's leadership for Hamas' organizational cohesion and regional relations, particularly in light of Operation al-Aqsa Flood and the anticipated role of external actors like Iran and Hezbollah. Ultimately, this analysis sheds light on how Hamas navigates its internal challenges and external relationships amid ongoing conflict, underscoring the complexities that define its political trajectory in a rapidly changing regional landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The October 7, 2023 terrorist attacks on Israel, subsequent war and resultant humanitarian crisis remind all of the destructive potential we humans share. In this introduction to articles written by six Israeli psychoanalysts and candidates, we highlight the ways that their grounding in Psychoanalytic Self Psychology informed their work and supported the survivors' efforts to restore their sense of connection to an empathic community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report aims to provide comprehensive information on the human toll in the ongoing Israel war on Gaza until June 20, 2024. Israeli forces suffered higher human losses than in previous wars, with the number of its soldiers killed reaching 664, according to official sources, and around four thousand injured, as announced. However, the Palestinian resistance reported more than 900 deaths and targeted more than 1100 tanks, whose crews are estimated to be over five thousand soldiers. The resistance also announced the accomplishment of more than four hundred armed confrontations and ambushes resulting in hundreds of injuries and deaths. By tracking the Israeli army’s announcements about its operations in Gaza, it revealed that 135 men were killed as Hamas fighters, in addition to over 500 posts claiming to have killed many or dozens or hundreds of fighters. The army announced the killing of 1600 resistance fighters on October 7. The Israeli army provided estimates on the number of resistance fighters killed, representing at least 47% of the estimated number of resistance fighters before the war. Conversely, the number of martyrs in the Gaza Strip approached forty thousand, with ninety thousand injured. The percentage of martyrs among women, children, and the elderly was 74%. Reports showed that the percentage of men aged 18 to 60 years among the martyrs (29%) is close to the demographic percentage in Gaza, which is 26%, confirming the accuracy of the numbers and percentages announced by Palestinian official bodies and highlighting the indiscriminate nature of the targeting. The report pointed out the high error rate in the AI targeting systems used by the Israeli army in identifying targeted individuals, accepting the occurrence of over a hundred civilian casualties per individual. The report noted several investigations and media skepticism questioning the statistics of the Ministry of Health in Gaza regarding the number of victims. However, the World Health Organization confirmed that most of the victims and their civil data had been verified. Israeli official and media sources reported conflicting numbers regarding human losses among the Israeli forces. Additionally, there was a notable absence of any investigative reports on the number of killed or injured in Israeli media or official civilian bodies such as hospitals and medical associations after December 2023, which was a significant limitation for providing further information in the report. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This delves into the development that occurred with the military wing of the Hamas movement until it became capable at the operational level of carrying out a strategic and historical operation, the "Al-Aqsa Flood" operation. The operation showed the broad and deep reconnaissance and operational complexity at this apparatus's structural, organizational, military, and intelligence levels. The study reviews the critical stages that led to the transformation of the Al-Qassam Brigades, both subjectively and in terms of their position in the Hamas movement. This development was clear to widen and deepen its role, especially since the second Palestinian Intifada (the AlAqsa Intifada in 2000) was the new revival of the Al-Qassam Brigades and the foundation for the length of the following Palestinian path. However, these transformations benefited from favorable conditions. The path of the Hamas movement is necessarily based on the ideological presence of the resistance cause and the historical continuity of the AlQassam Brigades. The study analyzed the military history of the Hamas movement, singling out its military wing in the Gaza Strip since it enjoyed the historical continuity that led it to this significant development. Unlike its branch in the West Bank, which suffered various circumstances in the late stages after the defeat carried out by Hamas in the Gaza Strip in 2007, Alqassam brigades flourished in Gaza after that event . In the context of this review, the strategic vision of the Brigades begins to transform the Gaza Strip from an unfavorable environment because it is devoid of the appropriate topography for resistance, lacks helpful political geography, and is relatively separate from a relatively favorable environment. It invested in its distinctive elements, such as its sandy soil, and by benefiting from political transformations. Hamas military wing revealed an investment of human and material resources to establish long-term steadfastness in a heavy war in which "Israel" threw its entire weight on this narrow coastal strip (the Gaza Strip) since 7 October 2023. Israel benefited from the absolute support from the United States and expanded its war with a paralyzed official Arab position. Despite all this, Hamas could fight the Israeli army in Gaza for nine months. It could rehabilitate its organization all the way and still fight Israeli tanks, special units, and the air force with a high number of casualties and destruction of tanks on the Israeli side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel's annexation of East Jerusalem after the 1967 War, created a complicated reality – especially for the residents of East Jerusalem, a population of 70,000 people at the time of the annexation. There are approximately 120,000 Palestinian youth in Jerusalem between the ages of 15–29 who make up approximately 30 per cent of the Arab population living in Jerusalem. Carrying out a trend analysis among Palestinian youth who live in Jerusalem is extremely complex. The purpose of this research is to point out the complex circumstances of the lives of the Palestinian youth who are living relatively satisfactory economic lives under Israeli rule. They are between Palestinian and Israeli identity, which contradict each other. Are the Palestinian youth in Jerusalem a part of the Palestinian minority in Israel, or, perhaps, they are a part of the youth of the West Bank which is partially under the control of the Palestinian Authority (PA)? show [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Israel faces charges at the International Court of Justice in The Hague of breaching the 1948 Genocide Convention, for many people Western media institutions also stand in the dock. Critics have pointed to a media failure to effectively challenge a narrative that framed Israel's actions in terms of an erroneous claim to Israeli 'self-defence', a de facto diplomatic cover for war crimes, ethnic cleansing and probable acts of genocide. In the Pacific, news leaders at Radio New Zealand (RNZ) and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), by alleged omission, story framing, inaccuracies, passive editorial stances, including a refusal to adjudicate contentious claims when the evidence is available, fall into the category. Such failures call into question claims of due impartiality, a fundamental tenet media outlets use to anchor their credibility as trusted sources of news. Failure to adequately create awareness of Israeli crimes also raises questions over whether state-funded public broadcasters are fulfilling the informational needs of democratic citizenship and serving the public interest, or whether they are serving the interests of a Western power elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Block and Futerman argue that the classical liberal political economic philosophy, when properly understood, strongly aligns with the Israeli perspective in their defensive war against Hamas in 2023-2024. However, Hoppe (2024) vehemently disagrees with this view and offers sharp criticism of the work by the two authors. This paper serves as our rebuttal to Hoppe's critique. We present three primary criticisms of Hoppe's essay. Firstly, we contend that he fundamentally misinterprets the conflict between Hamas and Israel by misunderstanding and distorting Israel's claims while uncritically accepting Hamas's assertions. He also overlooks the role of Hamas hatred of Jews and Israel in originating the ongoing conflict. Secondly, despite Hoppe's esteemed contributions to Austrian economics and libertarian theory, we find his understanding in these areas to be lacking. His view of libertarianism as a conservative enterprise leads to problematic conclusions regarding property rights and social issues like homosexuality and holding alternative belief systems. Lastly, while Hoppe is a respected scholar, his use of language does not align with scholarly standards aimed at advancing knowledge and understanding. Unlike past disagreements among Austro-libertarian scholars, Hoppe's language detracts from scholarly discourse rather than facilitating meaningful dialogue. This departure from academic norms undermines the pursuit of truth and intellectual progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Microlibertarianism concerns issues upon which the overwhelming proportion of libertarians agree: minimum wages, rent control, free trade, drug legalization. Macro libertarianism concerns issues upon which there is little or no consensus: voluntary slavery, immigration, abortion, covid vaccinations and the Israeli war with Hamas. The present paper is concerned with only the latter two controversies. McMaken (2024) takes the position that while Block's views on microlibertarianism are valid, and even, perhaps, commendable, his perspective on these latter two issues is nothing short of highly problematic, not to say abominable. The specific charge of McMaken's is the Block places his support for Jews in general, and Israel in particular, ahead of libertarianism. Thus, while he may be a good microlibertarian, he is no longer, if ever he was, a good macrolibertarian. The present paper offers a defense of the views of the latter vis a vis the charges of the former. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Block and Futerman (2021) maintain that the classical liberal political-economic philosophy, when properly understood, strongly supports Israel. Gordon and Njoya (2024) disagree and criticize the thesis of the two present authors. Gordon and Njoya (hence, GN) offer several arguments. For one thing, they maintain that we are mistaken in asserting a connection as we do between John Locke, libertarian theoretician of homesteading and private property rights, and Zionism. Our friendly critics aver that contrary to the title of our book, The Classical Liberal Case for Israel, we are simply making, instead, a typical or ordinary Zionist case to this end. GN also charge us with taking the position "that the legitimacy of the only Jewish state should not be questioned if the legitimacy of all other states is accepted." Our learned colleagues hold the view that we "... consider that principles of property law are the only relevant benchmark by which a libertarian may ascertain war guilt. "All four of the present authors are staunch Rothbardians (we do not agree with him on this issue). Perhaps the widest divergence between the present authors and GN is the following: They opine that we "have misfired in (our) claim that Rothbard's views of Zionism reflect a mistaken application of libertarian principles." The present paper is our response to these criticisms of our book made by Gordon and Njoya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]