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This essay explores Ralph Ellison's engagement with social psychiatry in Invisible Man as it pertains to psychiatrist Harry Stack Sullivan's interpersonal theory of psychiatry. The novel renders traumatic experiences of psychiatric violence into a comprehensible form of political expression and dissent. Ellison's representation of violence, particularly through electric shock, constitutes a deinstitutionalized psychiatric subject that challenges the role of institutionalized psychiatry in adjusting subjects to Fordist production through a form of deinstitutionalized individual therapy of withdrawal and self-regulation. However, this deinstitutionalized therapy would later be appropriated by mental health consumerism in a post-institutionalization era beginning in the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a contribution to the study of relations between socialist Yugoslavia and the Latin American left by examining a number of travels carried out by Chilean socialist and communist officials in Yugoslavia during the 1950s and 1960s. Drawing mainly on Yugoslav archival sources, I show that these visits allowed the Yugoslav regime to play on its unorthodox socialist image to impress Latin Americans. Moreover, I stress that the Balkan country's sway had its limits, as all travelers were not equally receptive to Yugoslav propaganda: socialists tended to be more open to Belgrade's message, while communists kept a more distant position; a telling contrast that should be explained not only as a result of ideological differences, but also as the product of struggle and tensions taking place within the Chilean left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did Asian Christian international students return home with a missionary mindset during the Cold War? This study answers the question by investigating Overseas Christian Fellowship (OCF) Australia and its student returnee mission. I show that OCF's returnee mission was shaped by Australia's Cold War foreign policy – the Colombo Plan Scheme. The paper argues that the time-limited conditions imposed by the Scheme established a migratory and educational training pattern which influenced OCF's mission of evangelising overseas students and training its members to return home as Christian witnesses. In conclusion, I observe a student-led, faith-based Australia-Asia imaginary emerging from OCF's mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

« Quand je suis arrivée en France, [...] tout ça, au fait, que j'avais vu, j'ai vécu en Pologne, j'ai transmis en France » (Folliot, 22 avril 2017). Cette notion de transmission semble importante pour Jadwiga Folliot, elle-même, lorsqu'elle décrit son parcours handballistique. Elle apparaît même comme un devoir au regard de sa trajectoire de vie. Née en 1953 à Cracovie, en Pologne, Jadwiga Nowak fait partie des meilleures juniors polonaises avant d'intégrer à 33 reprises, l'équipe nationale. Lorsqu'elle arrive en France le 1er décembre 1974, en pleine Guerre froide, des différences majeures transparaissent dans l'organisation du handball, et plus généralement dans la gouvernance du sport, entre la France et la Pologne. A partir de témoignages, de coupures de presse mais également d'archives institutionnelles de la Fédération Française de Handball, nous avons identifié les différents rôles assumés par Jadwiga Folliot dans le développement du handball au sein de l'Association Sportive de Mantes la Jolie, puis du département des Yvelines et plus largement au niveau de l'équipe de France qu'elle va intégrer en décembre 1975.Si elle ne peut importer le système sportif professionnel polonais en France, pays dans lequel le handball est encore amateur, il semble qu'elle ait réussi à importer certains aspects qui ont ensuite permis de hausser le niveau technique non seulement de son équipe de club, l'AS Mantaise, mais aussi et surtout de l'équipe de France féminine de handball. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article investigates the positions of the United States intelligence community in terms of the potential alignment, or not, between the Brazilian fundamentalist Catholic group with anti-communist leanings, Tradition, Family, and Property (TFP) and the anti-communist crusade led by Washington during the period of the Cold War (1947-1991). Selected sources of investigation are documents declassified by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) available from the agency itself and the US Department of State, which were published by the Opening the Archives project at Brown University. The sources were approached according to the method of document analysis and from the theoretical prism of Mannheim's interpretation of styles of thought. As a result, we identify that the American declassified documents recognize the TFP's potential to indirectly meet the US's needs in Brazilian territory, despite the fact that the organization was deemed by the American intelligence Community to be incompatible with Brazilian Catholicism's world view and its sometimes irrational actions were also not aligned with the anti-communist standards proposed by Washington. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Études Caribéennes is the property of Etudes Caribeennes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this article is to analyse the innovative vision of the condition of the emigrant proposed by Thuận, a Vietnamese author exiled to France, in her latest novel Thư gửi Mina [Letters to Mina] (2019). After analysing the importance of the concept of mobility in the work, the article restricts the field of study to the emigration during the last years of the Cold War, being most of the characters from former communist countries. In order to develop the theme, the article finally aims to study the reflection advanced by the writer regarding the condition of emigrant by proposing three conceptual categories corresponding to three characters of the novel.

This study examines the change of criteria for selecting texts for translation in Shinchunji, the most influential magazine in liberated Korea. Using data mining methods, the study analyzes the topics and narratives of the source texts on the two occupiers of Korea: the US and the USSR. The results reveal that institutional, domestic, and international changes affected the magazine's selection process, as its editors' perceptions of the two powers changed over time. The selected texts' topics and narratives show the ideological transformation of the publishing company from a left-leaning or moderate to an anti-communist governmental mouthpiece, expressing the editors' desire to win over the minds of the Koreans for nation-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the appearance of insurgency and counter-insurgency in Medellin during the decade of the sixties of the 20th century. In the study, the city is observed in the framework of its irregular demographic growth, a result of the arrival of people coming from the countryside due to its industrialization and the armed conflict that had existed since 1948. It also takes into account the context of the Cold War, in which the theory of modernization was developed, which contained social development and security measures with which it was sought to contain socialism. Documents were revised that gave an account of the Colombian context and the defense policies, the security measures implemented by local security forces and the appearance in the press of deeds related to the insurgency. It is concluded that although there was panic that was exacerbated by the governments due to the supposed presence of powerful insurgent groups, which «obliged them» to unleash harsh security measures, the operative power of these, analyzed in the light of the actions manifested in the period studied, was weak. This is why more than being a real threat to the establishment, it was a strategy to maintain social order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sur le Journalisme, About Journalism, Sobre Jornalismo is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulgarian Historical Review is the property of Bulgarian Historical Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines anti-communist political violence in Canada during the early years of the Cold War. It specifically focuses on the Ukrainian Canadian community, one of the country's most politically engaged and divided ethnic groups. While connected to an existing split within the community, acts of violence were largely committed by newly arrived displaced persons who were much more radical than existing anti-communist Ukrainian Canadians. Government and state officials tacitly, and sometimes even explicitly, sided with the perpetrators. This laxity toward the violence reveals how, in the early years of the Cold War, law and justice were mutable and unevenly enforced depending on the political orientation of those involved. In a broader sense, this article adds to an understanding of the multifaceted ways that anti-communism manifested itself in this period to define the acceptable parameters of political consciousness. Cet article examine la violence politique anticommuniste au Canada pendant les premières années de la guerre froide. Il se concentre spécifiquement sur la communauté ukrainienne canadienne, l'un des groupes ethniques les plus engagés politiquement et les plus divisés du pays. Bien qu'ils soient liés à une scission existante au sein de la communauté, les actes de violence ont été en grande partie commis par des personnes déplacées nouvellement arrivées qui étaient beaucoup plus radicales que les Ukrainiens canadiens anticommunistes existants. Les représentants du gouvernement et de l'État ont tacitement, et parfois même explicitement, pris le parti des auteurs. Ce laxisme envers la violence révèle comment, dans les premières années de la guerre froide, le droit et la justice étaient variables et appliqués de manière inégale en fonction de l'orientation politique des personnes impliquées. Dans un sens plus large, cet article contribue à une compréhension de les manières multiformes dont l'anticommunisme s'est manifesté à cette époque pour définir les paramètres acceptables de la conscience politiques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two World Wars and the Cold War had a profound impact on Langston Hughes. World War I and the October Revolution wove a web that connected the Soviet Union and its socialist cause to African Americans, and then the Yokinen and Scottsboro trials directly nurtured the "New Red Negro" writings with the spirit of rising "up from bondage" as oppressed people. Hughes traveled the world, became a global citizen, and assumed a cosmopolitan mission for international and racial affairs. However, the Nazi-Soviet Pact changed his view of the world. Hughes began to focus on the problems of "colored soldiers" and compared the advantages and disadvantages of the United States of America and the Soviet Union. When the Iron Curtain came about, McCarthyism drove Hughes to stay in the United States, maintain a distance from international and political affairs, confirm his national position, and rely on writing children's books for a living, as well as translating and editing others' works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Enfances, Familles, Generations is the property of Enfances, Familles, Generations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Krakow International Studies / Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With an emphasis on the British Empire Commonwealth, this article explores how English-speaking Canadians understood European colonialism – its historical purpose, legacies, and demise – and the anti-colonial nationalism that ranged against it in the years bracketing the United Nations' adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in 1960. An extensive survey of opinion in the mainstream English-language press, supplemented by the perspectives of intellectuals, diplomats, and parliamentarians, suggests that empire apologism, contempt for anti-colonial nationalism, and the misrepresentation of colonial liberation struggles were pervasive. Building on recent scholarship that explores how race thinking shaped Canada's international relations, and drawing from cultural theorist Kuan-Hsing Chen's concept of deimperialization, the author argues that the preponderance of these phenomena evinced and abetted a failure to come to terms with colonialism's deleterious imprint on the Third World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Litua: Studies & Research / Litua: Studii și Cercetări is the property of Muzeul Judetean Gorj Alexandru Stefulescu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Historique (0035-3264) is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The holistic perspective of the support that the Eastern bloc provided to nationalist movements with during the last century hinders inner dynamics that accompanied it. While setting up the relevance of communist countries’ anticolonialism to decolonization during the Cold War, this article explores and shows differences in the forms of support proposed by Yugoslavia and USSR, to shed light on the history of decolonization. It brings out the relationship between the colonization process and eastern bloc attempts to undermine Western domination in Africa on one hand, and on the other hand for the constitution of an international community made up of equal sovereign states.

At the beginning of 1980, one of the most intense and atrocious military repressions in the long history of political violence of Guatemala was unleashed. Within the framework of the disputes of the Cold War, the Mayan peoples became internal enemies of national projects and, therefore, they were the targets of strategies of terror, forcing them to migrate in order to protect their physical and cultural lives. Although the state violence marked a rupture, experiences such as those of the Mayan Chuj people are an example of physical and symbolic resistance. With the aim of contributing new data for analysis and reflection concerning the violence exerted over the Mayan peoples in Guatemala, this article conducts a historical reconstruction of those events, revisiting aspects of the historical and collective memory of the Mayan Chuj people. To this end, the quality of the political, social and cultural interactions of the essential aspects that unleashed, accompanied and marked the context of the armed conflict, the forced displacement, protection and refuge in Mexico are analysed, as well as the return and repatriation of the Mayan Chuj people to Guatemala. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In both the Cold War and the Trump era, the fear of future threat has provided politicians with a carte blanche for generating anxiety among American citizens. This essay examines how poets in each era responded to the political cultivation of private insecurity, a practice that proliferates the fear, the anxiety, and the weariness that are grounded in the possibility of future threat. For many poets of both the Cold War and Trump eras, political critique lies not in the desire to express rational opposition to irrational policies but in the ability to make tangible the affective consequences of the cultivation of national insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much ink has been spilled on the comic strip Asterix, but few observers have paid attention to the contemporaneous political context in which René Goscinny (1926–1977) and Albert Uderzo (1927–2020) produced this Gallic epic, and how it gives meaning to this world-famous comic star. The association of the fictional Gauls resisting Roman occupation in 50 bce with France's heated public debate in the 1950s and 1960s about the role of the Resistance during the German occupation from 1940 to 1944 was no doubt on the mind of French readers at the time. Yet the Asterix epic also is the most successful francophone comic strip in the world. On the one hand the epic works as anti-American diatribe, which equates the Pax Romana of the ancient past with the Pax Americana of the Cold War. On the other hand it is also an anti-Gaullist critique of France in the 1960s and 1970s. Accordingly the Roman Emperor Julius Caesar stands as a symbol for both the anti-Gaullist United States and the anti-American Charles de Gaulle. The contradictory nature of these two claims might be surprising, but the Asterix epic was never intended to be an internally consistent philosophical treatise. The epic looks more like a precursor to the animated series The Simpsons, given its circular narrative structure, the use of cameos by celebrities, and the parodic commentary on contemporaneous affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Les recherches sur le ballet révolutionnaire chinois Le Détachement féminin rouge (1964) adoptent généralement une perspective sino-centrée et négligent la signification de l'oeuvre au sein des politiques de la culture à l'échelle internationale durant la guerre froide, en la traitant comme un projet idéologique isolé de la Chine maoïste. Pour pallier ce manque, cet article montre en quoi la production historique du Détachement féminin entretenait une relation dialogique avec d'autres oeuvres étrangères en arts du spectacle produites dans des contextes politico-culturels différents, mais se recoupant à certains égards. Ainsi, la signification du ballet n'est pas uniquement inscrite dans le «texte» performatif lui-même ou son contexte immédiat, mais aussi dans l'espace dialogique entre les «textes». Pour le démontrer, cet article examine l'«intertextualité» entre Le Détachement féminin et une comédie satirique française, Les Chinois à Paris (1974), en lien avec le maoïsme français du début et du milieu des années 1970. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Outre-Mers: Revue d'Histoire is the property of Societe Francaise d'Histoire d'Outre Mer and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historia Actual is the property of Asociacion de Historia Actual and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historia Actual is the property of Asociacion de Historia Actual and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historia Actual is the property of Asociacion de Historia Actual and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article traite de la politique de la distribution des films trophées et des mécanismes de la censure soviétique dans le contexte de transferts et de saisies effectuées par les Soviétiques pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Il se compose d’un document d’archive sur le film Le secret du Tibet (Geheimnis Tibet, 1943) confisqué à l’Allemagne en 1945, suivi de commentaires sur les coupes. En effet, le négatif nitrate du film est actuellement conservé au Gosfilmofond mais ne peut être visionné pour des raisons techniques. Néanmoins, au RGALI il y a tout un dossier qui comporte le texte du commentaire en voice over et la notice explicative sur le « remontage ». La version originale du film parle de l’expédition SS au Tibet, en 1938-1939, sous la direction d’Ernst Schäfer. Comme le film véhicule trop ouvertement l’idéologie nazie, en 1948 il fut modifié pour être distribué sur les écrans soviétiques pendant trois ans. En URSS, le film subit des transformations radicales : il fut réduit, une nouvelle musique fut créée et des commentaires en voice over furent rajoutés. Après le remontage, le film a été présenté au grand public comme un documentaire soviétique « créé à la base d’actualités étrangères ». Ayant déformé l’œuvre originale afin de dévoiler « le régime théocratique au Tibet », le contenu du film concordait désormais avec l’idéologie soviétique et la politique internationale de l’URSS. La propagande anti-britannique du IIIe Reich dans la version originale fut par contre préservée par les Soviétiques dans le contexte de la guerre froide.

Parmi les films de propagande nazie, une production issue de Lettonie occupée connaît une élaboration et une destinée particulières : Brouillard rouge (Sarkanā migla). Initié par un organisme cinématographique allemand et réalisé par des cinéastes locaux, le film retrace l’annexion de la Lettonie à l’URSS en 1940. Grâce à un montage d’images d’archives soviétiques et de plans tournés sous l’occupation nazie, à travers un commentaire « judéisant » tous les acteurs de l’État soviétique, les concepteurs du film rendent conforme leur récit aux principes de la propagande nazie. Les autorités allemandes prévoient une large diffusion du film dans l’Europe. Après la guerre, les bobines du film et l’un des cinéastes lettons se retrouvent aux États-Unis. Sous le titre de My Latvia (1954), le film, remanié, connaît un nouvel essor dans le contexte de guerre froide. L’agence de propagande américaine en fait un vecteur de diffusion des « crimes du communisme ». Les multiples versions et adaptations de Brouillard rouge constituent un cas de transfert, de migration et de détournement d’images particulièrement saisissant. Ces images constituent le fondement d’un discours antisoviétique nazi puis américain. Inspirée par une riche historiographie consacrée à la manipulation des images, notre contribution se propose de retracer l’histoire de cet objet cinématographique. Nous étudierons les diverses versions du film et les sources écrites accompagnant leur production et leur diffusion, afin de cerner la circulation des images. Nous insisterons notamment sur les images des « atrocités bolcheviques », reprises d’un film à l’autre, qui constituent le fondement de la dénonciation de l’URSS de la guerre à la guerre froide.

Cet article se propose de situer les avancées historiographiques sur les films spoliés pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, dans l’histoire plus large du patrimoine en temps de guerre et d’après-guerre. Il s’agit de mettre en perspective ces acquis récents, de montrer ce qu’ils apportent à une histoire croisée du patrimoine, des violences et des réparations. Ces recherches s’affranchissent des découpages chronologiques et géographiques conventionnels et embrassent les périodes de guerre et de guerre froide tant à l’Ouest qu’à l’Est du rideau de fer. La première partie analyse la place des films dans les pillages et spoliations nazis. La seconde partie retrace ce que l’on sait du destin du patrimoine cinématographique spolié pendant la longue guerre froide et restitue des dialectiques de secret, d’oubli et de mémoire qui ont perduré jusqu’aux années 1990 et expliquent une historiographie encore très fragmentaire.

La peur est un élément fondamental de la relation entre société et système international, à n’importe quelle période de l’histoire et surtout après les deux guerres mondiales. Elle devient parfois un outil utilisé par les gouvernements, les dictateurs, ou les terroristes pour modifier la perception des autres dans le cadre systémique et elle a incontestablement été utilisée comme ça pendant la guerre froide. La peur a été à la base des motivations qui portaient les gouvernements et les européens à considérer de nouveaux projets pour le continent, capables de gérer la complexité internationale et le nouveau rôle que l’Europe se retrouvait à vivre. Les motivations qui ont donné naissance aux Communautés européennes ont certainement été nombreuses. Il s’agissait de motivations constructives et créatives. Cependant, il est également vrai que la pression du système international, de la guerre froide, du choc total et global entre les deux Europes a constitué le cadre du processus d'intégration européenne. Les peurs, à la fin des années quarante, étaient nombreuses et capables de mettre les citoyens et les gouvernements à genoux. Le but de mon essai est de comprendre dans quelle mesure la peur a influencé le processus d’intégration européenne.

Although primarily interested in domestic issues throughout his life, New York journalist and radio commentator John T. Flynn (1882–1964), author of more than fifteen books on current affairs, appeared as a fiery disparager of the internationalist and interventionist foreign policy of the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. For instance, in his vitriolic writings and radio broadcasts, he frequently criticized containment measures such as the Marshall Plan, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the military intervention in Korea, and the Eisenhower Doctrine. Above all, in an age that coincided with the heyday of American internationalism, the colourful commentator fulminated against the membership of his country in the United Nations. Flynn's isolationist stance, not so surprising considering his credentials, was not trivial. In fact, it is plausible to believe that, during the early Cold War period, the controversial journalist, who was praised in conservative circles, contributed to the advent of a wave of increasing public resentment regarding unrestrained internationalism in US foreign policy by his unrelenting and largely broadcasted rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1950 and 1962, Joe Holliday wrote an adventure series called Dale of the Mounted, which consisted of 12 novels featuring Dale Thompson, a young constable of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. Written for children and adolescents at a time when few books were directed toward young Canadians, these books stood out. What is more remarkable about this series is the author's use of contemporary Cold War headlines in Dale's adventures, such as nuclear meltdowns and atomic research, espionage plots, refugee crises, and the construction of northern radar systems. Holliday presented Cold War dramas to children as a means of educating them about their country and current events in an entertaining manner. This article focuses on two of Holliday's Cold War adventures in particular, Dale of the Mounted: DEW Line Duty (1957) and Dale of the Mounted: Atomic Plot (1959). Both books express excitement for the future of Canadian science, technology, and industry, while the storylines are weighted in Cold War anxieties about espionage and nuclear disaster. This article explores the balance between fear and hope in the nuclear era. Holliday's books stress the importance of control and order in a period of uncertainty and potential chaos. As rare examples of Canadian atomic culture in a decade dominated by American film and literature, DEW Line Duty and Atomic Plot are unique displays of Canadian Cold War society during the 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]