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Introduction. The Soviet-Mongolian public health cooperation was a major component of the Soviet project (with geopolitical motives) aimed at modernizing the nomadic society. The Soviet shaping of Mongolia’s public health institutions not only yielded an efficient tool of soft power and neutralized competition from other medical systems, but also set the stage for the country’s demographic well-being in subsequent periods. Goals. The article aims at highlighting some pivotal points of medical efforts undertaken to improve the MPR’s demographic situation in the 1920s to 1940s. Materials and methods. The study analyzes documents housed at the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Russian State Archive of Sociopolitical History, examines some unpublished dissertations authored by Mongolian and Russian physicians. The employed research methods include the retrospective, comparative, and geopolitical ones. Results. In the 1920s to 1940s, the key problems of Mongolia’s demography were social diseases, primarily syphilis and gonorrhea, that reduced reproductive capacities and caused increased infant mortality, these having been aggravated by traditional obstetric practices and unsanitary conditions of nomadic life. The former were adversely affecting the entire course of socialist modernization and hindering socioeconomic development of the nation. The anti-venereal disease campaign, establishment of maternity and child health services, development of pre-schools, and health education for women laid the early groundwork for a dramatic health transition. Conclusions. The efforts of Soviet physicians at earliest stages of the MPR’s healthcare system development ensured the growth of demographic indicators in the 1940s–1960s, namely: a two-fold decrease in infant mortality paralleled by increased birth rates, and a population growth of 60 %. So, all that served a basis for the comprehensive implementation of Mongolia’s socialist modernization project, which had geopolitical significance both for the Soviets and the MPR, the latter to have become a full member of the UN and the CMEA after 1961.

The Black Sea region (BSR) is becoming a geopolitical space of clash - a frontline zone for the formation of a new system of international relations. After the Cold War, the region from the peripheral became one of the centers of competition between regional and global powers. It has mostly geopolitical rather than simple geographical character, significantly expanding its borders in at least four variations: the BS as the space of seven coastal states, the BS as the Baltic-Black Sea region, the BS as the Black Sea-Caspian Sea region, and the BS as the nerve center of the Greater Mediterranean. The article analyzes the geopolitical projects of great powers in relation to the Black Sea region in 1991-2019. The aim is to study the evolution and dynamics of these geopolitical projects by comparing the conceptual and doctrinal levels, as well as the level of practical policy of the key actors in relation to the Black Sea region. The scientific novelty lies in the systematic analysis of the geopolitical projects of great powers in the BSR after the Cold War, which becomes one of the critically important regions in the current period of world history. The authors conclude that the United States, the EU and Turkey follow an offensive strategy in the BSR, while Russias strategy is aimed at maintaining the status quo. After 2014, the USA and its allies have embarked on a third attempt to implement the Euro-Atlantic Black Sea project and the Greater Black Sea project, which involve the displacement of the Russian Federation from the Black Sea region. The geopolitical significance of the BSR is determined by its strategic location at the intersection of the interests of key actors. Their competition in the BSR is carried out both at the regional (Russia - Turkey - EU) and global (USA - Russia, Turkey, Iran; EU - Russia, Turkey, USA; China - USA, EU, Russia) levels, determining the content of conceptual approaches to the political structure of the region and specific integration (and infrastructure) projects. The complexity of the current geopolitical situation in the region is determined by a large number of competing powers and changing contours of the international system. The main axis of intra-regional competition in the BSR is focused on achieving a balance of power between Russia and Turkey.

Aim. To study the specifics of the geopolitical project of Iran in its opposition to the geopolitical project of Turkey in the process of the struggle of these powers for leadership in the Greater Middle East region.Methodology. The main methods of research are systematic, comparative, and phenomenological methods of research.Results. Iran plays a significant role in the geopolitical process not only in the Greater Middle East region, but also in Eurasia and the world as a whole, relying on its own geopolitical project, the components of which are Shiism, Aryanism, energy resources and communications (the “Iranian square“). At the same time, Iran is immanently opposed to Turkey and its geopolitical project, the components of which are Sunni pan-Islamism, pan-Turkism and neo-Ottomanism (the “Turkish triangle“).Research implications. The results of the study contribute to the theory of geopolitics and are important for predicting the geopolitical behavior of the modern Turkey and Iran.

The article is devoted to the study of a set of technologies united by the term soft power from the standpoint of using the potential of these technologies in order to manage socio-political conflicts in target countries. The essence and purpose of soft power in the contemporary activities of international political actors is revealed and investigated, and practical experience is used to study the key tools of soft power, including as an instrument of influence and propaganda in the global information space. The author makes a reasoned attempt to prove that in the era of globalization the importance and influence of soft power increases compared to traditional hard tools of influence, that soft power is actively used as a theoretical and practical guide at the global geopolitical level. The positive and negative potential of soft power are critically evaluated, the basic methods of protection against its destructive influence are analyzed.

The emergence of geopolitical projects of association of the countries in the “Intermarium” dates back to the period after the First World War. In the era of the Cold War, some countries of the Baltic-Black Sea region were part of the Soviet Union, while others were Soviet satellites. Expansion of NATO and EU toward the East in post-bipolar period has resulted in strengthening of the position of the West in Central and Eastern Europe. Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia have turned into an outpost of the West on the border with Russia. Implementation of the “Eastern Partnership” project leads to increased infl uence of the EU in Ukraine and Moldova. Possible geoeconomic integration within the “Intermarium” is to be of low effi ciency. Belarus has a key strategic position in the region and is an ally of Russia. Potential threats that are emanate from the geopolitics of Russia in Eastern Europe, encourages countries of the Baltic-Black Sea region to develop new geopolitical projects in creating of defensive militarypolitical association. Contemporary neo-imperial geopolitics of the US in Europe is aimed at strengthening of its infl uence and provides, in particular, the support to projects of regional interstate associations, designed to “containment” of Russia. For the countries of the Western Europe geopolitical projects of integration associations in the Baltic-Black Sea region can be designed to form a “cordon sanitaire” for the isolation of Russia Ukraine is a most interested country in the implementation of the military-political project “Intermarium”. The potential militarypolitical association «Intermarium» will be fully functioned only under condition of preservation of the confrontation between the West and Russia.

Este documento se centra en el desarrollo de enfoques conceptuales relacionados con la intensificación de la cooperación militar y política de los países de la antigua Unión Soviética del este y Ucrania con la Unión Europea. La metodología de la investigación se basa en la aplicación de enfoques de investigación sistemática al estudio del sistema de relaciones internacionales. El estudio se refiere a los problemas de cooperación entre Ucrania y la Unión Europea. Nuestro hallazgo muestra que Ucrania debería decidir sobre la posibilidad de crear un sindicato interestatal de defensa y seguridad "Intermarium" con sus vecinos, los estados miembros de la UE y la OTAN. This paper is focused on the development of conceptual approaches concerning the intensification of the military and political cooperation of eastern former Soviet Union countries and Ukraine with the European Union. The methodology of the research is based on the application of systematic research approaches to the analysis of the system of international relations. The analysis relates on the problems of cooperation between Ukraine and the European Union. Our finding shows that Ukraine should decide on the possibility of creating an inter-state defense and security union "Intermarium" with its neighbors - EU member states and NATO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses modern traditionalism and its main directions (classical traditionalism, neo-traditionalism and new realism). This analysis encompasses the reasons for a returning interest to the realistic principles of writing, and the dialogues between traditionalism and the avant-garde and the cosmos and chaos as key to the development of culture as a whole. It highlights the ways in which current literary studies and criticism reflect the shift of the cultural paradigm and the transition from the poetics of postmodernism to the realistic principles of writing, while preserving elements of postmodern aesthetics. Particular attention is paid to the increasingly controversial direction of "new realism", which is represented by two key areas: patriotic and naturalistic. The "new realism" authors actively form their own mythology, participating in politics, and trying to reconcile Soviet and anti-Soviet discourses. They search for "avant-gardism in conservatism", where conservatism is a treasury of Russian classic images, and avantgardism is the innovations that reflect the current public realia. The article provides a detailed analysis of the literary work of Siberian author Mikhail Tarkovsky. Tarkovsky's work combines elements of the poetics of "classical traditionalism" and "new realism" to present an original geopolitical project and a cultural character capable of bringing the country to a new level of civilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Confl icts in the Middle East, as well as the global terrorist scourge, pose risks and threats to security and peace but, to the same extent, can represent for Romania a geopolitical opportunity from which our country can take advantage by taking an active role in solving the world crises. The geopolitical redefi nition of Romania are related both to the global geopolitical conjuncture and to internal factors such as the population's level of education or their ability to cooperate in the fulfi llment of a nation-wide project. The multiplication of geopolitical actors, the emergence of regional crises in Eastern Europe and the Middle East, in particular through Russia's hybrid war in Ukraine and European Union, the scarcity of natural gases and oil resources, strengthening the role of international law and of international organizations through cooperation are all external factors benefi cial to our country. From this perspective, my vision is to build and promote a new route for both energy and trade goods through Romania, thus solving the energy problems of the great geopolitical actors, whilst building a geopolitical profi le predominant for our country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reveals the essence and purpose of the "soft power" in foreign policy, analyzes its potential and opportunities in terms of escalating socio-political conflicts at the national level. The relevant experience of using the key tools of "soft power" is explored. The author claims that "soft power" is used as an instrument of influence and propaganda in the global information space and foreign policy. In the era of globalization, "soft" power is increasing compared to "hard" instruments of influence.