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Copyright of Papeles del CEIC is the property of Centro de Estudios sobra la Identidad Colectiva, Facultas de Ciencias Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El enfrentamiento por la capitalidad entre La Paz y Sucre, aunque poco conocido internacionalmente, estuvo a punto de impedir la aprobación de la Constitución de 2009. En este artículo se realiza una revisión teórica de los estudios geográficos y politológicos sobre las capitales de los Estados, con un apartado propio para la tipología elaborada a partir de la teoría de los sistemas-mundo. Siguiendo estos trabajos, se analiza el conflicto boliviano a través de un repaso de su historia, prestando una atención especial al período de la Asamblea Constituyente entre 2006 y 2009, y a continuación se presentan los argumentos que sustentan las posiciones de ambas ciudades candidatas. En base a la literatura académica, el caso de Bolivia podría considerarse el de una capital compartida asimétrica, con preminencia de La Paz. No obstante, a falta de una capital indiscutible, se trata de una cuestión que puede reabrirse en cualquier momento. Partiendo de la experiencia boliviana, también se extraen conclusiones que pueden ser útiles para otros países que experimenten una situación similar.

The aim of this article is a political-geographical analysis of political and economic relations between the Slovak Republic and the countries of the world from 1993 to 2019. We spatially analyze more than 15,000 trips of Slovak government officials to countries around the world and their relation to foreign trade. Using the statistical method of correlation, we examine the degree of relationship between trade indicators and political interactions (represented by government visits) in more than 150 countries around the world. We cartographically define spatial concentration, especially the high direct correlation between trade and trips, and examine the factors and causes of this correlation on the example of selected countries with significant values. The countries of the Eastern Partnership, the Middle East, the Western Balkans, and East Asia have the highest correlation coefficients. Our article seeks to contribute to the discussion on the effectiveness of economic diplomacy using geographical approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

el objetivo de esta investigación fue analizar, a través de los proyectos ferroviarios concebidos entre 1890 y 1920, la constitución de la zona oriental del Urabá como un espacio fronterizo sobre el que las élites antioqueñas buscaban ejercer soberanía y anexar al territorio departamental para salir al mar. Para ello se revisaron, sistematizaron y analizaron diversas fuentes documentales: los informes del Cuerpo no. 2 de Ingenieros de la Comisión del Ferrocarril Intercontinental, leyes expedidas por el Congreso Nacional, resoluciones del Ministerio de Obras Públicas, ordenanzas de la Asamblea Nacional, decretos de la Gobernación de Antioquia y la Presidencia de la República y los informes elaborados por varias comisiones que estudiaron las posibles rutas para un ferrocarril hacia Urabá. De esta manera se mostró que entre 1890 y 1920 se promovieron tres proyectos que buscaban llevar una línea ferroviaria hacia el golfo de Urabá. El primero se articulaba con el Ferrocarril Intercontinental, cuyo fi n era unir las Américas; el segundo vino con el especulador estadounidense Henry Granger; y el último fue impulsado por quienes después serían los grandes defensores de la Carretera al Mar: Carlos Cock y Camilo C. Restrepo. Así el Urabá se convirtió en una frontera para el departamento de Antioquia que debía ser integrada y sobre la cual se debía ejercer una soberanía, inicialmente a través del camino de Occidente, después por medio de los proyectos ferroviarios que se estudiaron en este artículo y finalmente con la Carretera al Mar. El proceso de anexión a la economía regional antioqueña seconsolidaría con la llegada de la agroindustria del banano durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX.

La Federación Internacional de Futbol Asociación (FIFA) y el Comité Olímpico internacional (COI) son dos organismos deportivos internacionales con un funcionamiento instrumental dentro de las grandes corporaciones internacionales. También poseen injerencia en los Estados nacionales mediante la generación de discursos ecológicos y fondos de inversión en obra pública, lo que los lleva a ser una pieza clave en la producción de espacios de capital. Las empresas deportivas se han convertido en un actor fundamental para entender los mecanismos de enajenación social y cultural para muchos miembros de la clase trabajadora, pero esto no sería entendible sin las organizaciones internacionales del deporte que funcionan como intermediarios entre las empresas y el pueblo consumidor. La geografía política, en su vertiente crítica, resulta crucial para el análisis en este proceso de producción del espacio que genera este proceso de intermediación entre las empresas deportivas, los organismos institucionales y los consumidores del deporte profesional. Para ello, se realizó una metodología inductiva, ya que el trabajo se desprende de una investigación sobre el papel de los organismos internacionales en los países organizadores de megaeventos deportivos.

El presente texto se escribió para introducir la tercera y última parte -denominada “Geografía Política”- del libro “Vidal, Vidais. Textos de geografía humana, regional y política” (2012), libro sobre la vida y obra de Vidal de la Blache. Específicamente en este artículo, pretendemos arrojar luz sobre un campo temático tratado hasta ahora de forma insatisfactoria en la obra de Vidal de La Blache: la geografía política, entendida aquí como una reflexión académica sobre las acciones estratégicas y de control del territorio desarrolladas por los Estados a nivel nacional, continental o, en caso de los europeos, en relación a los dominios de ultramar. A partir del enfoque de la historia social disciplinar, buscamos abordar el tema considerando, además del contexto histórico, la influencia de las ideas de Ratzel en el autor y su elevada cultura científica, que le proporcionó formulaciones originales en diversas ramas de la geografía. Esta traducción al español, 11 años después de su versión original, incluye nuevas reflexiones sobre aquella tarea e invita a nuevas búsquedas en la interpretación del autor y su obra.

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Durante el siglo XIX se desarrollaron importantes estudios europeos en materia de Geografía política y Geografía militar con el fin de facilitar la comprensión y acción de los Estados dentro y fuera de sus fronteras. Sin embargo, en el siglo XX aconteció el surgimiento de una nueva disciplina: La Geopolítica. Si bien sus raíces se hallan en el ámbito anglosajón y germano, su fundador estricto fue el sueco Rudolf Kjellén en 1916. Desde entonces ganó una popularidad imparable y llegaría a España en 1940 por la obra del Dr. Jaime Vicens Vives, la cual influyó durante décadas en el ámbito militar hispanohablante. La obra del autor español nos proporciona una definición y diferenciación de la Geopolítica, así como de su historia y debates iniciales, junto con los autores que influyeron en su fundación. También se centra en elementos fundamentales como el Estado y el espacio vital, la importancia de los gráficos en la Geopolítica y todo un abanico de acciones geopolíticas. Así visto, el conocimiento que formó Vicens Vives no solo tiene valor histórico sino importancia actual, pues contiene las bases fundamentales que siguen rigiendo la Geopolítica del siglo XXI.

The idea of territory as a bounded, state-centric enclosure has been recently confronted with the help of decolonial insights. This article attempts to overcome the resultant dichotomies between the statist and organic readings of territory by demonstrating how the making of the Russian state has been contingent on decolonial narratives and territorial imaginaries that have far exceeded the notions of the state as such. The Russian political geographic traditions have historically allowed for the coexistence of multiple and heterogeneous conceptions of territory, which were varyingly assembled to fit specific geopolitical intentions. This article delineates three ontological origins of the Russian territory that have consequently played a key part in shaping the Russian territorial politics: (1) the ontology of commoning, deriving inspiration from communal land use and the collective autonomy of the peasant society; (2) the ontology of assembling, grounded in the anthropogeographical imaginary of the "borderless" Eurasian landmass and its nomadic livelihoods; and (3) the ontology of peopling, grounded in the taxonomies of modernization and rational distribution of human subjects. Scrutinizing the interplay of these ontologies extends the understanding of the porosity and plurality of the concept of territory and offers insights into the roots of Russia's own geopolitical worldviews and their coloniality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The capitalist accumulation requires technological revolution, legal regulation of the workforce, territorialized habits, commodification of nature and life, sociotechnical fluidity of territories and places in the socio-spatial division of labor and control of the individual and society. In this article, the objective is to observe the political geography of neoliberal accumulation by spoliation of corporations Big Tech through the surveillance of life experience for the purpose of grabbing personal and collective data. The methodology is based on the rescue of bibliography about the techno-informational revolution in times of neoliberalism and social networks. The conclusion reached is the use of social networks as a sociotechnical-informational instrument to control individuals through faith in progress and in voluntary servitude for the Big Tech capital accumulation schemes through the spoliation of life experience in cyberspace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Biological invasions represent a key threat to insular systems and have pronounced impacts across environments and economies. The ecological impacts have received substantial focus, but the socioeconomic impacts are poorly synthesized across spatial and temporal scales. We used the InvaCost database, the most comprehensive assessment of published economic costs of invasive species, to assess economic impacts on islands worldwide. We analyzed socioeconomic costs across differing expenditure types and examined temporal trends across islands that differ in their political geography—island nation states, overseas territories, and islands of continental countries. Over US$36 billion in total costs (including damages and management) has occurred on islands from 1965 to 2020 due to invasive species' impacts. Nation states incurred the greatest total and management costs, and islands of continental countries incurred costs of similar magnitude, both far higher than those in overseas territories. Damage‐loss costs were significantly lower, but with qualitatively similar patterns across differing political geographies. The predominance of management spending differs from the pattern found for most countries examined and suggests important knowledge gaps in the extent of many damage‐related socioeconomic impacts. Nation states spent the greatest proportion of their gross domestic products countering these costs, at least 1 order of magnitude higher than other locations. Most costs were borne by authorities and stakeholders, demonstrating the key role of governmental and nongovernmental bodies in addressing island invasions. Temporal trends revealed cost increases across all island types, potentially reflecting efforts to tackle invasive species at larger, more socially complex scales. Nevertheless, the already high total economic costs of island invasions substantiate the role of biosecurity in reducing and preventing invasive species arrivals to reduce strains on limited financial resources and avoid threats to sustainable development goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Esta pesquisa tem como intuito analisar como os elementos de natureza geográfica, em especial a representação cartográfica, fazem parte da estratégia empregada pela República Argentina na disputa espacial no Atlântico Sul e na Antártida no período de 2000 a 2020. Em um primeiro momento, analisa-se o contexto geográfico da região, considerando-se suas características e o interesse que os países têm nestas áreas. Em um segundo momento, para mostrar algumas das ações por trás da reivindicação destes espaços pela Argentina, são citadas as principais fontes econômicas das ilhas. Por fim, analisam-se documentos oficiais recentes – a Lei nº 26.651 de 2010(ARGENTINA) e o Mapa de los Espacios Marítimos (2020) – que envolvem a disputa por essas áreas. Ao final do trabalho, fica evidente como os mapas são ferramentas do poder e como questões relacionadas com escala e cores são fundamentais para atribuir elementos políticos a estes documentos cartográficos, tornando-os pertinentes na disputa espacial.

O problema dos recortes espaciais é recorrente na geografia e estes recortes, como outros temas fundadores da disciplina, nunca saem da pauta quaisquer que sejam os novos rumos e novos ares a orientar suas pesquisas e análises. O objetivo deste artigo é retomar e avançar a discussão sobre o recorte municipal como o espaço de vida da sociedade e como a escala privilegiada da gestão pública e da representação política, ou seja, como o lugar do voto e das estratégias para obtê-lo. A suposição é que identificar características e diferenças na malha municipal favorece maior conhecimento sobre os nexos entre espaço, voto e gestão do território pela sociedade. Em um primeiro momento, realizamos um levantamento bibliográfico nos últimos sete anos de publicação das revistas qualificadas em geografia no estrato A na avaliação Qualis, com o objetivo de entender de que modo o município está ou não sendo discutido enquanto objeto de análise pelos geógrafos. Depois de uma discussão teórica sobre o processo de emancipação municipal, refletimos, a partir de dados secundários, sobre o papel do município na estrutura federativa e na representação política.

The geographer Gonzalo de Reparaz Ruiz published in the Swiss magazine L'Action Fédéraliste Européenne (1947) an article entitled "Fédéralisme Hispanique et Ibérique (Précédents et posibilités)". This publication had a short existence between the years 1946-1948 and was not widely distributed. The present text aims to edit and translate the article into Spanish. In addition, there is a biography of Gonzalo de Reparaz Ruiz, as well some information about the journal where the text was published. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We raise in this research various questions about the geographic information provided by Humboldt on his trip to New Spain, influencing the data relating to the scope of the Internal Provinces and their cartographic developments, with the appropriate corrections in astronomical measurements and the situation of some key places; the additional details of hydrography and orography allowed the Prussian sage to outline his own maps on the Mexican Septentrion, in a commendable task, because due to the relative brevity of his stay in the viceroyalty the cartographic work was based (unlike in Venezuela) on the reading and correction of indirect references. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Geopolitica(s): Revista de Estudios Sobre Espacio y Poder is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Un argumento ampliamente difundido en la academia y en la discusión pública es que las elecciones presidenciales peruanas muestran un patrón geográfico de voto claramente definido que contrapone el sur del país a Lima y la costa norte. La presente investigación busca problematizar este argumento a partir de la aplicación de indicadores de autocorrelación espacial y el uso de mapas LISA para analizar las elecciones de 2021 (a nivel provincial y distrital). Los principales hallazgos no descartan del todo las ideas preexistentes, pero añaden una necesaria capa de complejidad al descubrir diferentes tipos de patrones geográficos, cuestionar la existencia de zonas totalmente coherentes e internamente homogéneas en el territorio y, en cierto sentido, añadir a la Amazonía en la discusión.

La Comunità Autonoma della Catalogna è situata fra il Mar Mediterraneo e la catena montuosa dei Pirenei nel nord della Penisola Iberica. Negli ultimi anni la regione è stata teatro di tensioni politiche a causa della crescita del movimento indipendentista che ha portato nel 2017 alla dichiarazione unilaterale di indipendenza dal Regno di Spagna proclamata, ma non ottenuta, dall’allora governatore della Generalitat de Catalunya Carles Puigdemont in seguito a un referendum. Questo studio si propone di analizzare la percezione del movimento indipendentista catalano attraverso l’ideoscape rilevato tramite l’applicazione di metodologie di ricerca visuale alla geografia politica. In dettaglio, sono state scattate fotografie sul campo, inserite in un database e geolocalizzate in una carta multimediale online tramite la versione open-source di ArcGis. In seguito è stata svolta un’analisi quali-quantitativa e semiotica del database fotografico.

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Geopolitica(s): Revista de Estudios Sobre Espacio y Poder is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Geopolitica(s): Revista de Estudios Sobre Espacio y Poder is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El presente trabajo propone ingresar a través de rutas distintas para explicar la actual crisis del espacio urbano en Chile. Se exponen elementos teóricos basados en las posibles rupturas del llamado modelo chileno, diseñado en su origen como proyecto hegemónico de la geopolítica bajo la influencia activa de Estados Unidos en Latinoamérica, que pueden aportar al entendimiento de la fragilidad del capitalismo en el subcontinente y dar luces sobre cómo este sistema ha tendido a acumular riqueza de renta rápida y segura en los negocios inmobiliarios. Al mismo tiempo, se ejercitan reflexiones respecto de la Geografía Política para reconocer la construcción de fronteras urbanas nuevas en medio de la transformación de la naturaleza como un valor en-sí. Para ello se consideran dos casos de estudio: La Serena y Valdivia, ambas ciudades de características morfológicas excepcionales, cuyo emplazamiento se dinamizó a partir del juego de posiciones y construcción de fronteras detonados por los procesos de intervención urbana de los siglos XX y XXI. Finalmente, se trabajan las herramientas políticas que permiten al Estado, a partir de los subsidios habitacionales, obliterar las asonadas de crisis, incluso cuando el modelo grita por su salvación.

This article addresses the legal reconfigurations of refuge and its consequences for people displaced by war and state violence. Within Western countries signatory to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, refugee protection has traditionally served as a solution to conflict-induced displacement by offering a path to permanent residence and citizenship. Yet, in the wake of recent global "refugee crises," several countries have introduced new refugee protection statuses that only allow refugees to stay temporarily. In this article, I focus on one such intervention in Denmark introduced in the fall of 2014, which targets Syrian refugees. Through a feminist geo-legal analysis of this statute and surrounding policy documents, I illustrate how the Danish state has mobilized subtle legal interventions to transform the meaning and character of refugee protection. By differentially classifying groups of refugees according to new calculations of threat and risk, I show how these maneuverings work to deny refugees basic rights and make them subject to intimidation, surveillance, and deportation. I argue that this new statute functions as a legal mechanism of sociospatial b/ordering that produces a series of displacements and limits refugees' access to effective protection under the 1951 Convention. In doing so, I advance critical discussions on temporary protection status, displacement, and refuge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Novel concepts and processes expressed in the interview with José Rodríguez Elizondo, considered a relevant figure for the Chilean academy and foreign policy, are identified. Among the methods used, primarily, was the application of an in-depth interview to the academic and intellectual, which was stressed via content analysis, adding a review of functional academic texts to the construction of the theoretical framework focused on the relationship of social constructivism and other currents of thought coming from the theory of international relations. In main conclusions, the responsibility of Chile in the deficit management of the victory of the War of the Pacific from its culmination to the present is observed, and from this, the inability to accept that the solution passes through a trilateral relationship between Arica, Bolivia, and Chile, given what Arica implies for the three countries from the historical, economic, and territorial imaginary. Analytical interdisciplinarity is essential to advance proposals for solutions, regardless of the positive results obtained by Chile in the ICJ on October 1, 2018. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work analyzes the phenomenon of informality in the use and transfer of land ownership in the case of a small town, Tecolotlán Jalisco Mexico by 2021. This paper consider that the legal regime of property serves as an essential element in the planning of the territory. The contribution is based on the field of human and political geographies, emphasizing the location of the new lotifications that have recently emerged in Mexico, to identify those that continue to promote the phenomenon of "informality of urban land". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RESUMEN En el neoliberalismo de Chile, a diferencia de lo experimentado en países semejantes de la región, trabajadores mineros atacaron radicalmente el régimen de subcontratación en 2006-2007. Con mucha investigación empírica acumulada al respecto, la agencia socioespacial de los trabajadores, sin embargo, ha recibido escasa atención. El presente texto propone una aproximación marxista territorial de la subcontratación para subsanar esa debilidad. Buscando testear esta teoría, la metodología consiste en la reinterpretación de la amplia evidencia del caso chileno y de la evidencia original focalizada. Dos hallazgos socioespaciales nuevos y centrales son: i) los trabajadores se organizan de manera territorial y multiescalar para forzar la negociación con la empresa mandante; y ii) utilizan “espacios seguros” estratégicos para enfrentar a la policía, centrales para imponerse en el conflicto. Con ello, concluyo que existe una estrategia sindical territorial radical, la cual responde a contradicciones maximizadas por los recursos naturales, pero que es relativamente reproducible por trabajadores en la estructura urbana.

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Analysis of the different threats and disaster risk factors within a territory encompasses essential elements for development in all areas of a population. It addresses the problem from the processes of knowledge and risk reduction to the response and recovery in the event of a potential disaster. This paper studies the public policies of risk management in the northern part of the Paramo Cruz Verde located on the eastern side of the city of Bogotá. To this end, the proposals of the local government in their land management plans in this area are reviewed, covering elements implemented by the state authorities in terms of territorial planning that delimit the areas at risk and the presence of threat events in the study area. Therefore, it is important to know which regulatory bodies carry out these studies in Colombia and to verify that the regulations are being carried out efficiently. As part of the results, there are outdated policy documents and geographical information, in some cases, not publicly available. In addition, there is no close connection between scientific and administrative entities that can establish an interdisciplinary analysis in the territory. Based on the above, it is recommended that a detailed risk assessment be carried out in order to avoid occupancy of unsuitable land and as part of an opportunity for local development, since it avoids costly investments that one way or other municipalities have to pay for at the time of a disaster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artigo se propõe a indicar possibilidades analíticas na Geografia, considerando relação entre as categorias Território (RAFFESTIN, 1993; HAESBAERT, 2006) e Campo (BOURDIEU, 1993; 2005; 2007), com um intuito provocativo e reflexivo. Entende-se que poder e política são conteúdos fundantes do Território e do Campo. Para tal, toma-se como princípio a necessidade de uma perspectiva relacional sobre poder e política, para estudá-los sob um viés geográfico, pois estão intrinsecamente relacionados, um ao outro, pelo fato de que só o podem ser mutuamente. Por sua vez, uma relação pressupõe uma situação e um sentido, território e campo, entendendo que os agentes estão situados, que determinadas relações somente são possíveis em determinados contextos, e que por tal característica resguardam particularidades. É a partir das relações de poder (inclusive simbólicas) e política, que se fundamentam as lógicas de um determinado campo em territorialização.

Se desea abrir el debate dentro de la geografía y su relación con las ciencias sociales sobre este hito dimensional de la génesis de la geografía como ciencia social desde Estrabón, su institucionalización en la academia, su génesis como geografía política de origen biologicista darwinista, su posterior mutación como geopolítica y su uso como parte de la política expansionista de los países imperiales del siglo XIX. La geografía y el oficio de geógrafo fueron transformados por la geopolítica como un arma de dominación en el espacio y tiempo de Europa y “Latinoamérica”. La geopolítica y la geografía anarquista fueron víctimas de las consecuencias de las hegemonías en el campo académico y militar. La primera fue acusada de conspirar a favor de los nazis en la II Guerra Mundial y la teoría anarquista fue acusada por el marxismo de no ser rigurosa científicamente; ambas fueron desaparecidas o proscritas de la academia hasta hace poco tiempo. Desde el horizonte de sentido con la modernidad, la geografía es también un medio para la emancipación o el “antídoto”, como nos diría Morín, desde el mismo Occidente. Unas geo-grafías para grafiar desde abajo, desde la tierra, además de ser más verbo y no sustantivo, como diría Porto-Gonçalves: Las geo-grafías políticas de la des/colonialidad del poder.

La situación migratoria de Chile se ha visto tensionada durante los últimos años por el ingreso masivo de extranjeros. Sin embargo, se ha puesto de manifiesto el poco interés por modificar una normativa que proviene de la Dictadura. Se propuso como objetivo analizar las herencias mismas de esta como las originalidades del modelo migratorio instaurado a partir de 1975. A través de un análisis interpretativo e histórico se contrastaron diversos archivos y fuentes legales desde mediados del siglo XX hasta nuestros días, los que fueron puestos en el contexto de las ideas políticas y sociales propias de los gobiernos y actores sociales referenciados. Entre los principales resultados pudimos apreciar la vinculación de la legislación con principios nacionalistas, geopolíticos, de seguridad interior y del neoliberalismo. Se hace necesaria una mirada a la historia reciente de Chile para comprender los pilares de la actual política migratoria.

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Desde su incorporación a la República de Chile, Wallmapu/Araucanía ha sido objeto de importantes transformaciones territoriales. Una vez usurpada la tierra al pueblo mapuche, llegó el momento de explotar los fértiles valles e inexpugnables bosques para dar inicio al cultivo de trigo y su explotación que duró hasta inicios del siglo XX. Este trabajo busca indagar en la ‘invención’ del paisaje forestal del ‘Oro Verde’ en este territorio, utilizando para ello el enfoque de la ecología política histórica y el marco de ‘paisajes de poder’ en particular. A partir del análisis e interpretación de fuentes históricas, incluyendo cartografía, fotografía y textos, se (re)construye la trayectoria de este paisaje, haciendo énfasis en el rol de la ciencia, la promulgación de leyes, la creación de instituciones y la influencia de instituciones internacionales, quienes durante gran parte del siglo XX allanaron el camino para la llegada de grandes empresas, quienes bajo la dictadura iniciaron un ‘boom’ forestal sin precedentes. Las conclusiones apuntan a la importancia de transitar desde el concepto neutro de vocación territorial hacia la invención del paisaje como una construcción social basada en relaciones de poder que llevan a la dominación y la exclusión.

In this exploratory piece, I read the material and metaphorical world of fashion for insight into the contemporary political condition. Drawing on my participation in a week-long professional training program in fashion and dress curation—hosted by the Victoria & Albert Museum (February 2018) —I examine curatorial practices as a methodological resource for engaging the limited and unstable spatiotemporal and subjective investments of modern politics. I suggest that fashion curation can reimagine and rematerialize political geographies and political subjectivities in the uncertain contexts of global urbanization, decolonization, and other contemporary challenges to political modernity. The narrative approach and visual documentation aim to immerse the reader in an experiential encounter with a curatorial methodology for feeling how the political world might be fashioned otherwise. This contribution works to mobilize and affectively engage readers in material metaphors for the complexities of contemporary spatiality and subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the incorporation of the Wallmapu/Araucanía territory into the Republic of Chile, important transformations in this territory have been taken place. Once the land was usurped from the Mapuche people, fertile valleys and dense forests were replaced by wheat cultivation until the early twentieth century. This article explores the 'invention' of so-called 'Green Gold' forest landscape in this region, using historical political ecology and a 'landscapes of power' framework. Based on the analysis and interpretation of historical sources, including cartography, photography and texts, we reconstruct the historical trajectory of this landscape, emphasizing the role of science, the enactment of laws, the creation of new institutions and the influence of international organizations. These influences paved the way for large forestry firms to emerge, primarily under dictatorship (1973-1989), which in turn generated an unprecedented plantation forestry 'boom' that transformed the regional landscape. The conclusions highlight the importance of shifting from a neutral concept of territorial attributes to the invention of landscapes, as a social construction based on power relations that lead to domination and exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deserts, like any geographic setting, are not sites where geopolitical dramas simply unfold or "touch down"; rather, they actively constitute geopolitical orders. This article shows how taking deserts rather than states as an entry point can provide a unique lens on geopolitics, state making, and empire. Investigating the political lives of deserts requires asking how they are imagined, narrated, and connected across space and time, and with what effect. To do so, I consider one case of desert-to-desert connection: a long but little-known history of exchange between individuals and institutions in Arizona and the Arabian Peninsula. Taking one example from this history, I show how the "desert" as an environmental imaginary figured in the University of Arizona Environmental Research Laboratory's joint greenhouse and desalting plant, which was initiated in Abu Dhabi in the late 1960s. Primarily drawing from archival research in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Arizona, I also show how this project fit into shifting geopolitical relations in the Arabian Peninsula's colonial relations, the rise of the UAE as an independent state, and the role of experts working in the service of broader political agendas of the state and the academy, as well as their own self-interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

O Estado do Rio de Janeiro contém, atualmente, 92 municípios. Esta malha municipal fragmentada se originou de blocos ou matrizes territoriais que foram sendo definidas desde o Brasil-colônia. Este trabalho procura apresentar a evolução da malha municipal no Estado do Rio de Janeiro, explicando as origens de sua configuração atual a partir dos diversos contextos históricos que vêm conferindo aos municípios uma maior ou menor autonomia jurídico-política e econômica. Esta autonomia variável, por sua vez, contribui para que sejam identificados períodos de criação de novas unidades municipais e fases de maior inércia ou manutenção da configuração/divisão territorial interna ao Estado.