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The centralized system implemented by the New Order government made the central to regional movements only as the form of exploitative movements. Meanwhile, the movement from the regions to the center has only become an enslaving movement. This fact then became the basis for the formation of genuine autonomy, which seeks to turn imperial cosmopolitanism into micro-politics in the form of regional autonomy. This was followed by the birth of Village autonomy in 2014, which certainly brought fresh air in the governance development order in Indonesia. The effort to restore the essence of genuine autonomy, which is indeed a pure value that has existed and belonged to the archipelago, is one of the gold goals for implementing this village autonomy. This legal research uses a normative-sociological approach based on statutory data, literature studies and history. There are many significant things related to strengthening the existence of Genuine Autonomy/Village Autonomy in Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. We can see this in terms of: Regarding the definition of village (Article 1 point 1), Setting 10 percent of APBN funds to be allocated to the Village, Regarding to the evolution of village authority (Articles 18 and 19), Regarding the portion of village rights [Article 6 act (1 )], Regulation on Village-Owned Enterprises (Article 87). There are several things we can do in an effort to maintain the existence of genuine autonomy/village autonomy in Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages: 1). Legislative: The need of a strong legal certainty foundation; 2). Executive: The need for Government Apparatus with integrity, professional, neutral, and noble character, Community Participation; 3). Community: Strong and Participatory Civil Society

The rationale behind this paper is to stimulate reflection, open a debate and provide its readers with some much overlooked perspectives, perceptions and approaches from China, India and the Tibetan émigrés in India as regards the Tibet issue. These are formulated on the basis of author's interviews and enquiries with the representatives of the Dalai Lama's Tibetan Government in Exile, the leaders of Tibetan Youth Congress, the representatives of Students for a Free Tibet, as well as the Tibetan émigré in India and ordinary Indians. Besides, the paper also throws light on major differences and contradiction between India and China over Tibet issue; the future course of the Tibetan movement; and explores the possibilities of establishing a mechanism between India and China on Tibet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]