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From its very beginning in 2018, the Fridays for Future movement has been known for youth-led climate activism. This article examines the young activists' activities in Germany between 2019 and 2021. 13 problem-centred interviews were conducted with activists aged between 14 and 23, along with approximately 50 h of participant observation on strikes and meetings of local FFF groups. Based on this data, this article focuses on the young activists' perceptions, demands and practices with regard to individual responsibility taken on via an ecological lifestyle. Taking an ethnographic, praxeological perspective, interaction situations are discussed to examine how the young activists are made responsible for ecological transformation on an individual level, and how this relates to legitimate participation in the movement. The results comprise three types of practices: the embodiment of individual responsibility, coherence checks and the maintaining of ambivalence. Overall, the study finds that the climate activists create and are confronted with certain normative demands concerning their lifestyle. This phenomenon is expressed as a paradoxical ambivalence between dissociation from and affirmation of those demands. The analysis thus enables insights into movement-related lifestyle practices and uncovers contradictions resulting from the individualisation of responsibility that have received little attention so far. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2019 Fridays For Future global climate strikes were extraordinary protest mobilisations in many respects, both in terms of size, age composition and the absence of a specific external triggering event. To properly understand it, one must account for Greta Thunberg's leadership role in the mobilisation – the 'Greta effect'. We contribute to such an account by linking the 'Greta effect' on individual mobilisation to theories of political iconicity and political role models. Empirically, we use unique data from two waves of international surveys of participants in European Fridays For Future protests – on 15 March and 20–27 September 2019 – demonstrating that the perceived individual impact of Greta differs considerably among those who were mobilised in climate strikes. Through multilevel regression analysis, we furthermore show that (a) young women were especially prone to have been inspired and mobilised by Thunberg as a role model and (b) subjectively assessed mobilising influence by 'Greta' – in her capacity as a political icon – is positively related to protest participants' instrumental motivation, sense of solidarity and collective identity. We argue that our results contribute to a better understanding of informal social movement leadership in contemporary political mobilisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, after decades of attempting to raise awareness of the need to take action, the climate movement saw a surge in its ability to mobilize citizens and influence the political agenda. A younger generation leading the movement has given renewed vigour to the movement's discourse by emphasising the need to act immediately by expressing the idea of emergency. This article suggests that this notion, one that is central to the current youth climate movement, includes an acceleration of time and a discourse based on hope. These ideas have worked as an activator of action complementing or nuancing narratives about future and climate change. The analysis of the discourse of Fridays For Future Barcelona on social media (Twitter and Instagram) with a mixed methods approach shows first the centrality of the notion of emergency in the public discourse of the movement and its role in making the future seem not so distant. Secondly, it shows how the use of emergency speech is linked to a positive view of the future and to a generational discourse. And, finally, it has been detected that using emergency speech together with references to a hopeful future increases the impact of the movement's social media posts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the emergence of Fridays for Future and Extinction Rebellion, youth climate activism has attracted increasing attention. Climate strikes are part of a long trajectory of mobilizations for climate justice, rooted in global justice and environmental struggles. Although research on social movements has analyzed differences and continuities within these, there have been few systematic comparisons between youth climate strikes and ‘traditional’ climate justice marches. Our paper contributes to fill this gap. We focus on the framing of climate change in two different protest actions that took place in Milan, Italy, during the Pre-COP26 of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in 2021: a climate strike by Fridays for Future, and a ‘traditional’ climate justice march by a wide coalition of actors. Relying on protest surveys and qualitative interviews, we discuss differences, similarities, and spaces for convergence among activists in these different fora, focusing on the framing of climate change, and on the meanings attached to ‘system change’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractAlthough the relevance of emotions for motivating climate change action is acknowledged in research, it lacks recommendation how to include emotions in Climate Change Education (CCE). This study draws on selected theories of emotions (the control-value theory according to Schutz and Pekrun (2007) and the wheel of emotions according to Plutchik (2001)) and applies them in a CCE context. It then discusses emotions and their antecedents (value and control appraisals) experienced by secondary school students (N = 297) participating simultaneously in the Austrian CCE program k.i.d.Z.21 and in Fridays For Future (FFF) during the 2019/2020 school year. Results of quantitative and qualitative analyses indicate that FFF participants differ from other students (OS) in their emotions and their value and control appraisals. Characteristic findings are their predominant attribution of internal control (74.6%) and their extrinsic values (68.7%), as well as a high proportion of positive emotions (79%) compared to negative emotions (21%). For learning in CCE, the selected theories of emotions are recommended, as they provide a nuanced picture of the dominant emotions and their value and control appraisals within learners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Österreichische Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In succession of climate change and the associated concerns about the future of the planet, a global climate movement has been developing since 2018, following the initiative of Swedish schoolgirl Greta Thunberg. Alongside Fridays for Future, which use demonstrations to encourage politicians to act quickly, more radical groups have also formed, hoping to achieve more success through high-profile provocations. In Germany, the Letzte Generation is one of these groups. The climate movement is characterised by a strong interest in apocalyptic rhetoric and symbolism. On the one hand, this article will compare the historical youth movement of the first third of the 20th century with the Letzte Generation. It will show that youth protest movements are particularly open to apocalyptic motifs. On the other hand, it will highlight the challenges for religious education, because secular apocalypticism, which lacks important aspects of its Judeo-Christian origin, can be not uncomplicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our paper fills the gap in research on online public representations of politically active youth by focusing on the discursive representations of Fridays for Future, a youth-led climate movement, in user generated content in Czechia and Hungary. By employing the childism approach, we aim to contribute to a better understanding of the exclusion of youth from the public sphere. Our qualitative analysis identified two exclusionary strategies: 1) normative roles attributed to youth; 2) labeling youth for allegedly holding aberrant values. We stress both similarities and differences in the two countries of Central and Eastern Europe, reflecting this region's historicopolitical features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent climate activism has played a key role in denouncing the unsustainability of representative democracy. Previous research has investigated the attitudes of climate activists towards representative institutions along the conceptual distinction between 'environmental' and 'ecological' democracy. Yet, little attention has been paid to climate activists' critique of capitalism and how it relates to demands for democratic reform. Our paper addresses this gap by conducting a mixed-method analysis of protest survey data collected in Belgium in 2019. Our findings show that activists display low levels of trust towards representative institutions, but still abide by the ideals of environmental democracy within the boundaries of existing institutions. At the same time, we observe a widespread critique of capitalism, signaling attraction towards the ideals of ecological democracy. Overall, our findings challenge the binary distinction between environmental versus ecological democracy, and raises normative questions about the role of environmental social movements in economic and democratic reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The climate protests are one of the most impressive social movements of this time and are historical in various respects: the global and widespread scale, the employed protest tactics, and its young demographic character. This study explicitly takes the position that the climate marches are opening new avenues of politization with a radical educational democratic potential. Building on the conceptual framework of social movement learning, the educational experiences of recurring participants of the protests are explored in terms of civic education. This contributes not only to the understanding of the possibility of the climate movement as educational spaces for learning about politics and democracy, but also to a better understanding of the educational potential of social movements in general. The research design consists of a single country case study with individual interviews and focus groups with frequent participants of the climate protests in Belgium. The findings indicate that the climate protests are an especially fruitful place for political engagement acting as a catalysator for politization. It fosters a process with reflections on individual agency, collective responsibility, current political structures, and the democratic ideals of our society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Katharina Rogenhofer und Lena Schilling sind Aktivistinnen einer weltweiten Klimabewegung, die ökologische mit gesellschaftspolitischen Forderungen verknüpft. Fridays for Future bzw. School Strike for Climate spielten für beide eine zentrale Rolle in ihrer aktivistischen Laufbahn. Themen im Interview waren der Umgang mit Radikalitätsbegriffen, die Räume und Aktionsformen ihrer Bewegungen und die Relevanz des Zeitlichen.

This article analyzed the Fridays for Future (FFF) movement and its online mobilization around the Global Day of Climate Action on 25 September 2020. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, this event is a unique opportunity to study digital activism as marchers were considered not appropriate. Using Twitter's API with keywords "#climateStrike", and "#FridaysForFuture", we collected 111,844 unique tweets and retweets from 47,892 unique users. We used two typologies based on social media activism and framing literature to understand the main function of tweets (information opinion, mobilization, and blame) and their framing (diagnosis, prognosis, and motivational). We also analyzed its relationship and tested its automated classification potential. To do so we manually coded a randomly selected sample of 950 tweets that were used as input for the automated classification process (SVM algorithm with balancing classification techniques). We found that the automated classification of the COVID-19 pandemic appeared to not increase the mobilization function of tweets, as the frequencies of mobilization tweets were low. We also found a balanced diversity of framing tasks, with an important number of tweets that envisaged solutions to legislation and policy changes. COVID-related tweets were less frequently prognostically framed. We found that both typologies were not independent. Tweets with a blaming function tended to be framed in a prognostic way and therefore were related to possible solutions. The automated data classification model performed well, especially across social function typology and the "other" category. This indicated that these tools could help researchers working with social media data to process the information across categories that are currently mainly processed manually. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding social movement structures is important for political decision-makers to enable them to recognise the various motivating factors behind these movements. The Fridays for Future movement characterises a political group that has a majority of young people, frequently using social media to organise actions. By conducting a social network analysis on hashtags, this study contributes to the understanding of the global Fridays for Future movement. Particularly, we focus on the use and connection of hashtags on Instagram. We collected 59,112 posts tagged with #fridaysforfuture and analysed 91,172 hashtags used therein. Subsequently, the 140 most used hashtags were divided into 11 clusters, which provide not only information about the organisation of the social movement via social media, but also insights into lifestyle-related aspects. The clusters include the topics: climate; nutrition, lifestyle and health; memes; cycling; art; sustainable consumption and the Earth Day. The article shows that the motives of the Fridays for Future movement are broad. We can demonstrate that Fridays for Future is connected to other social movements and gain insights into the everyday life of the Fridays for Future stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article contributes to political ecologies of education by connecting climate activism in Austria to questions of environmental justice and ecopedagogy. Based on a collaboration project between trainee teachers and secondary school students in Graz (Austria), the article analyses student group essays and photo reports dealing with ideas and solutions to combat the climate crisis and to enable socio-ecological transformation. Interviews with Fridays for Future (FFF) strike participants complete the analysis. I discuss propositions related to the concepts of activism, ecopedagogy, environmental and climate justice, and especially the principle of responsibility. I show that the school collaboration project and common participation in a climate strike contributed to civic engagement and research-based learning. Trainee teachers and school students exchanged ideas and co-created knowledge to fight against the climate crisis, and the collaboration opened a dialogue in a democratic classroom, arguably helping to develop participants' intrinsic motivation. While some of the ideas proposed are reformist or oppositional, for example to eat less meat, others are propositional, advocating for system change. A conclusion is that the climate movement is represented by a diversity of voices and opinions.

Modern protest movements rely on digital activism on social media, which serves as a conduit for mobilization. In the social media landscape, internet memes have emerged as a popular practice of expressing political protest. Although it is known that social media facilitates mobilization, researchers have neglected how distinct types of content affect mobilization. Moreover, research regarding users’ perspectives on mobilization through memes is lacking. To close these research gaps, this study investigates memes in the context of climate protest mobilization. Based on the four-step model of mobilization, a survey of users who create and share memes related to the Fridays for Future movement on social media (N = 325) revealed that the prosumption of climate crisis memes increases users’ issue involvement and strengthens their online networks. These factors serve as crucial mediators in the relationship between users’ prosumption of climate crisis memes and political participation. The results suggest that mobilization through memes is effective at raising awareness of political issues and strengthening online discussion networks, which means that it has strategic potential for protest movements. By looking at memes from the perspective of their creators and examining a specific type of social media content, this study contributes to the literature on digital mobilization.

By focusing on the transnational youth climate movement Fridays for Future, this article explores how activists understand algorithms and how they try to use them in their digital campaigns. A qualitative case study, this article provides insights from nine virtual in-depth semi-structured interviews with organizers in social media roles from Fridays for Future country collectives across the globe, giving youth activists the opportunity to tell stories about their understandings and experiences in working in datafied spaces. Four central themes emerge via a three-step qualitative data analysis: algorithmic consciousness (understanding, functions, issues, pitfalls, and misinterpretations), algorithm as stake (contentious importance, tactical politics), algorithm as repertoire (role in activism, algorithmic campaigning), and data contention (data analysis, digital contentious tactics, uncritical uses). The interviews show that activists are stuck with the algorithm in two ways: They have to engage with them but are often unsure how. In that sense, activists frame algorithms as a stakeholder in their campaign but are often unclear on how they work. While organizers recognize algorithmic dependency on campaign success, they lack specific mobilization strategies, which prevents them from leveraging algorithms as a contentious tactic. Data contention includes conducting analytics and tailoring strategies to platforms; yet, datafied spaces are used largely uncritically. This article prompts scholars to go beyond textual analyses of digital activism and conduct research that centers on the experiences and practices of activists in dealing with algorithms and data as structural conditions for digital activism.

The Fridays for Future (FFF) movement has emerged as a critical force in environmental activism in response to pressing climate challenges. Despite its global prominence, few studies have delved deeply into the internal lines of thought within FFF communities. Our research fills this gap by exploring the diverse perspectives within the Italian FFF community and how these viewpoints influence the movement's civic and political dedication to environmental sustainability. We are specifically interested in the shades of green, namely the internal variations of attitudes and beliefs of the FFF participants. We conducted empirical research with over 300 climate activists from the FFF movement in Italy, collecting data from March to October 2022 using a Web-based respondent-driven sampling technique (webRDS). The questionnaire, comprising 27 questions, covers topics such as political values, institutional trust, technological attitudes, climate knowledge, and personal lifestyles. We chose Multiple Correspondence Analysis (MCA) for our analysis due to its valuable mathematical properties, capability for producing insightful visual representations, and efficient computational features. The analysis reveals four distinct groups within the Italian FFF community based on their attitudes and actions related to environmental sustainability. These groups include Activist Equalizer, Disillusioned Technophobes, Institution Trustee, and Laissez-faire Solitaries, challenging the prevailing notion that FFF activists solely fit the profile of Activist Equalizers often depicted in media and public discourse. Findings offer a novel picture of the FFF movement in Italy and contribute to a better understanding of how the internal diversity of FFF impacts the efficacy and future trajectory of environmental activism. This research offers new insight into the political role of FFF and its potential influence on climate-related political actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Do we fully understand youth climate activism and their claims for climate justice? Previous studies have mainly focused on intergenerational inequality. However, this framing is inadequate when considering youth climate movements in South Korea. Korean school strikers are characterized by their ambivalent stance toward the term "future generations" and their critical views on social injustice. This study examines their generational consciousness and environmental concerns, exploring the manifestation of three different dimensions of climate justice—intergenerational inequality, historical responsibility, and critical climate justice. Through empirical analysis, this study demonstrates the evolution of their justice claims from a basis in intergenerational inequality, to one in concepts of historical responsibility, and finally a move toward critical climate justice. Korea's history of poverty has neutralized criticisms of older generations; the age-based discrimination has led young activists to develop a fierce criticism of existing social inequalities; their experiences of political exclusion have developed a strong sense of solidarity with other marginalized groups, going beyond the narrow focus of the younger generation's interests. In conclusion, this study defines contemporary youth climate activism as a movement that demonstrates the ramifications of civic inequality and endeavors to include diverse groups in the combat against climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement organizations (SMOs) increasingly rely on Twitter to create new and viral communication spaces alongside newsworthy protest events and communicate their grievance directly to the public. When the COVID-19 pandemic impeded street protests in spring 2020, SMOs had to adapt their strategies to online-only formats. We analyze the German-language Twitter communication of the climate movement Fridays for Future (FFF) before and during the lockdown to explain how SMOs adapted their strategy under online-only conditions. We collected (re-)tweets containing the hashtag #fridaysforfuture (N = 46,881 tweets, N = 225,562 retweets) and analyzed Twitter activity, use of hashtags, and predominant topics. Results show that although the number of tweets was already steadily declining before, it sharply dropped during the lockdown. Moreover, the use of hashtags changed substantially and tweets focused increasingly on thematic discourses and debates around the legitimacy of FFF, while tweets about protests and calls for mobilization decreased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, political contestation on climate change has increased considerably. Not least, world-wide protests by the Fridays for Future movement have brought the issue to the fore of the policy-agenda. However, following classic ideas of partisan theory, the movement depends on political parties to translate their demands into political action. Based on multiple data sources (i.e. social media and parliamentary debates), we, therefore, investigate reactions of 19 parties to the movement in three European countries (Austria, Germany and Sweden) and analyse reasons for their varying responses in a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA). Overall, parties stay true to their general ideological position and party competition only exerts a mild impact on party reactions to the movement while their traditional left-right positioning or environmental preferences explain their responses. Thus, despite Fridays for Future's moderate demands and its measured appearance it was not able to generate general support from centre-right parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Especially for the younger generation, climate change is a threat, and therefore, environmental protection and pro-environmental behavior (PEB) are most important. The Fridays for Future movement speaks up for the young generation. Based on the social identity approach, the study is the first to investigate the role of stereotypes related to identification with the movement as a political expression of youth. Using structural equation modeling (n = 543), the study demonstrates that identification is higher when pupils connect the movement with positive stereotypes, aligning with previous research findings for other activists, such as feminists. Whereby environmental concern has an additionally significant but low impact on identification, pro-material value orientation has no effect. Furthermore, the study investigates the relationship between identification with the movement and different types of PEB. The relationship is strongest with public sphere PEB in the form of future participation in a demonstration of the movement. Nevertheless, there is also a positive relationship with private sphere PEB such as nature-compatible actions in everyday life, for example, a meat-free diet and buying an environmentally friendly product. This is partly additionally confirmed through a conjoint analysis also conducted as part of the study. These findings enhance the understanding of the relationship between activism and different types of PEB among pupils and they contribute to closing this research gap. Finally, the implications and limitations of the work are discussed, along with an outlook for future research.

This paper discusses the forced digitalization of activism brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic in the case of the transnational environmental youth movement Fridays for Future (FFF). Theoretically, we engage with social movement action repertoires to study the shifts in protest tactics associated with the social restrictions during the early stages of the pandemic. A qualitative content analysis of 781 posts across all 27 national FFF Facebook pages in the European Union reveals four clusters of digital action types: digital contentious actions; online information and education; digital community engagement and online partnership development. While digital media were part of FFF's action repertoire in pre-pandemic times, our findings yield that the shift from the movement's iconic street protests to exclusively digital tactics privileges community-building and education over contentious actions, potentially softening the political impact of the movement's landmark 'school strike'. Furthermore, although timely tactical flexibility kept the movement going during country lockdowns, the forced digitalization in the early stages of the pandemic primarily recombined existing action tactics rather than innovating them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative social media framing analysis captures the discursive engagement with COVID-19 in Fridays for Future's (FFF) digital protest communication on Facebook. In offering comparative insights from 457 posts across 29 public pages from FFF collectives in the European Union, this study offers the first analysis of social movement frames employed by FFF during the pandemic. By coding all Corona-related messages across collectives, we chart three framing processes: adaptation (compliance, solidarity), reframing (reclaiming the crisis, nexus between climate and health), and mobilization (sustained involvement, digital protest alternatives). We discuss our findings alongside social movement framing theory, including frame bridging and scope enlargement to accommodate the pandemic topicality into FFF's environmental master frame, and frame development by FFF movement leaders. This study thus provides key insights into discursive shifts in social movements brought on by external crises that threaten to marginalize the cause and demobilize adherents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pandemic conditions have affected social movement activity in various ways. In this article, we explore how young Cypriot climate activists, associated with the global Fridays for Future movement, attempt to integrate pandemic conditions in their mobilizing tactics, as well as how such conditions affect their collective youth agency. We first look into the strategic antagonistic framings they develop to counter dominant discourses of the pandemic as an unprecedented crisis and explore how these are informed by their understandings of, and emotions on, climate change as an effect of capitalism and overconsumption and as a type of 'slow pandemic'. We argue that by extending climate change crisis discourse to encompass the cause of the pandemic, young activists assert temporality as continuity, rather than rupture, and challenge the distinction between the exceptional and the everyday on which Emergency governance is based on. By doing this, they unsettle adult hegemonic discourses on temporality, emergency and crisis that lead to an uneven world. Secondly, we reflect on the impact of Covid-19 on non-institutional youth activism by exploring the challenges these activists face to their sustenance and reproduction, given that access to public space, as we claim, is crucial for teenagers in developing the necessary relationality that is key for the maintenance of their social movement activity. We argue that youth movements emerge and operate within particular conditions which are currently under threat given the distinct mechanisms of governing populations engineered during Covid-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fridays for Future climate protests, which began as individual actions, soon morphed into a powerful global youth movement, with millions participating in Global Climate Strikes in 2019. In this study, we conducted 19 semi-structured interviews with the organizers and participants of the Fridays for Future Croatia movement and we aimed to examine the main characteristics of these protests in the context of new social movements theory and contemporary movements research, as well as in the specific national context. Challenging the suitability of the new social movements theory to adequately explain the Fridays for Future movement, we found many connections with contemporary social movements: participants are a new generation of first-time activists; social media use is crucial and qualitatively different; the organisational structure is completely loosened; and the issues encompass environmental protection and political economy, urging the transformation of both individual and social identities and socio-economic systems.

In 2018, Swedish teenager Greta Thunberg began a school strike that quickly spread across the globe. After a ritual strike every Friday by school pupils to call for urgent action against climate change had gone on for several months, what had become Fridays for Future (FFF) called for various global days of action throughout 2019, bringing millions of people out onto the streets in the largest climate protests in world history. Drawing on unique protest survey data on FFF events across European cities in 2019, this article explores the structural bases of organized collective mobilization for climate justice. Nuancing narratives that focus on either the privileged background of climate justice protesters or the environmentalism of the poor, our results show the heterogeneity of the social composition of the protests, suggesting the need for cross-class alliances for mass mobilizations. Moreover, our analysis reveals that the social background of protesters shaped their attitudes regarding what institutions and approaches can be relied upon to tackle climate and environmental challenges. This suggests an important and under-studied connection between social background and the strategic choices of environmental movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary Recently plastic waste and microplastics were detected even in the most outlying places on earth. Although the concrete dangers and consequences for humans and animals are still unknown, it is considered certain that humans have a major influence on the ecological balance of the earth with the release of newly modified substances in accordance with the planetary Boundaries. In this article, the topic of (micro)‐plastics is discussed in the context of education for sustainable development in order to give impulses for a successful thematization in school lessons. Using selected experiments for chemistry lessons, important aspects such as the behavior of plastics in the environment and the development of highly topical solutions for cleaning our environment from plastic particles are discussed. The aim is to get young citizens excited about scientific research and enable them to actively participate in social discourses for sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since August 2018, Greta Thunberg and Fridays for Future have captured the attention of the world by mobilizing millions of young students as well as adults to join their climate strikes. The movement has stressed the urgency of global warming and urged politicians to listen to science and take action. The collective action framing has thus been broad and inclusive, but correspondingly vague in terms of its demands. It is therefore pertinent to explore what climate strikers believe should be done to address climate change. By analysing responses to an open survey question posed to participants in the climate strikes in March and September 2019 from Stockholm, Malmö, Vienna, Berlin, Warsaw, Florence and Brussels, this article uses a mixed-methods approach to investigate prognostic framing in the European climate movement. Distinguishing between two dimensions of projected change—its character and its main agents—this study re-conceptualizes the common distinction between institutionalist and anti-institutionalist approaches as a split between top-down and bottom-up as well as the system change and system development types of prognostic framing. While top-down change within the current system is identified as the most common prognostic frame, considerable numbers of survey respondents instead stress individual lifestyle changes. A bottom-up change of the system to address global warming is somewhat surprisingly more likely to be articulated by middle-aged respondents than by youths. The latter frame also receives disproportionate support from the most left-leaning participants, which demonstrates the continued relevance of the left–right dimension in green politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the latest wave of climate change activism, affects and time are everywhere. Most recent works have focused on these dimensions separately, the intersection between time and affectivity underexplored. This author argues that focusing on affects and emotions is crucial to understand the political implications of the temporal narratives drawn by climate activists in a way that complements the politicization vs. depoliticization binary in this context. To document the political labor performed by affects and emotions, the article discusses three aspects of the affective temporalities mobilized by Fridays for Future and Youth for Climate activists: the political potential of affective tipping points which trigger moments that "draw a line" and bring together the temporalities of mobilization and geological change; the politicizing effect of painful emotions, such as anticipatory nostalgia and grief, which challenge the "modern arrow of time"; and the constitutive power of these emotions in the construction of a terrestrial affective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking inspiration from Walter Benjamin's "Theses on the Philosophy of History," this article discusses how new climate movements try to break with the empty time of conventional climate discourses in order to politicize the "now." Pointing at the catastrophe looming on the horizon, new climate movements question understandings of history as progress. These are underpinned by linear, gradual, and homogeneous conceptions of time, as present in a wide range of future climate pathways characterized by moveable deadlines and a strong reliance on future promises. Embracing, at least rhetorically, a full conception of time, for instance, in their call to declare a climate emergency, new climate movements claim that the struggle cannot be postponed until tomorrow. One has to act "now." Paradoxically, however, to create this sense of full time, the movements rely on the empty time of, for instance, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) climate scenarios and the image of the climate clock. The performative call to "act now" entails, therefore, its own contradictions. When every now moment can be staged as the decisive moment, time is paradoxically made empty again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]