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This article responds to a comment on a previous article that argued critics of capitalism often confuse it with cronyism. The response addresses the assumptions made in the comment and highlights the complexities of government policy reflecting society's will. It also discusses the relationship between cronyism and capitalism, emphasizing that cronyism depends on the state's level of involvement in the economy. The article concludes by acknowledging the different perspectives on capitalism and cronyism and the need for further research on these topics. The text also discusses the potential for cronyism in government institutions and the relationship between cronyism and capitalism. It argues that firms' dependence on government increases the potential for cronyism, and that special interests often shape public policy to their own preferences. The text also addresses the assumption that government policy reflects society's will and explores the distinctions between cronyism and capitalism. It concludes by discussing the size and scope of the state and the challenges of government intervention in the private sector. Overall, the text highlights the need for further research on the antecedents of government policy and the potential consequences of government intervention. The text also discusses the topic of cronyism and its impact on government policy and effectiveness. It suggests methods such as citizen assemblies and shareholder resolutions to address cronyism and emphasizes the importance of understanding managers' value systems and their influence on decision-making. The text calls for more research on government effectiveness and the role of institutions in shaping public policy. It concludes by stating that management research on cr [Extracted from the article]

The importance of the issues covered in this article is due to the impact of information technologies on the labour sphere, transformation of the features of “classical” labour relations and the need to rethink the categories of “employee” and “employer” in order to ensure the exercise of collective labour rights, such as the right to association, collective bargaining and collective action by all workers regardless of the form of employment, first of all, by dependent self-employed persons. The author emphasises that the ILO, the CJEU in the opinions of their supervisory bodies, and the EU Court of Justice in their judgments use a broad approach to the interpretation of the concept of employee, including self-employed persons, in particular, in the context of exercising the right to association and collective bargaining. The author presents the experience of certain European countries, in particular, France and Poland, in terms of legislative consolidation of fundamental labour rights for self-employed persons. The article demonstrates that courts in different jurisdictions have different approaches to resolving the issue of the legal status of platform workers using the example of the decision of the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom and the Spanish court in the Deliveroo case. It is stated that in Ukraine today, one of the fundamental labour rights - the right to join a trade union de jure is not limited by the existence of an employment relationship or the status of an employee. At the same time, the right to collective bargaining, collective bargaining agreements and the right to collective action to protect one’s rights, which are an integral part of the right to freedom of association, is de facto only possible for those who are in an employment relationship based on an employment contract and have the status of an employee. As a solution to this problem, it is proposed to introduce a broad category of “working” or “employed” in national legislation, which will be used exclusively for the purposes of unionisation, exercise of the right to collective bargaining, conclusion of collective agreements and collective action. Such a definition should be separated from the definition of the narrow concept of an employee under an employment contract used in the context of individual labour relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the strategic construction of a factory management regime as an instrument of local value extraction, set against an intensely competitive global value chain in the apparel sector. The article focuses on Bangladesh where, as elsewhere, work in ready‐made garment factories is characterised by long hours, poor pay, hostility to freedom of association and the suppression of independent collective bargaining. This article presents a long‐term study of the ways that managers who preside over such environments are identified, recruited and deployed. In the context of the global value chain in garments, this article shines a light on managerial regimes which squeeze labour and perpetuate inequality as part of extracting value at workplace level, in the context of a broader, internationally dispersed, industrial regime of exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global trends show that the civic space is shrinking. Specifically, civic space for Civil Society Organizations draws more attention. The shrinkage is caused by increased authoritarianism and democratic backsliding. Experience shows that advocacy based Non‐Governmental Organizations (NGOs) are more affected. The situation in Tanzania is comparable to other parts of the world. However, literature in Tanzania does not establish experiences to characterize the civic space of advocacy NGOs and does not explore the effects of existing civic space on advocacy NGOs. Drawing on Tanzania, this study examines NGOs experience and the effects of civic space on their roles. This study is anchored in interpretivism and case studies, following a qualitative path. Four NGOs and 10 activists were included. Interviews and documentary reviews were used to collect data, and a thematic approach was used to analyse the data. The findings reveal that the civic spaces for advocacy NGOs is changing, unpredictable and contested. There has been negative and positive experiences due to change of political regimes. This causes advocacy NGOs to fail to have long‐term plans, increased fear, loose focus and fail to emerge as strong democratic institutions. NGOs must push for, and the government should accept constitutional, and legal changes to ensure NGOs effective functioning. This specific focus could be extended to other parts of Africa, Asia and Europe, where advocacy NGOs face the same challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the state of financial education in England and calls for improvements in primary and secondary schools. It highlights the need for financial education to begin in primary school to prepare children for their increasing participation in the financial world. The article also emphasizes the importance of providing comprehensive financial education for 16- to 18-year-olds and suggests integrating financial education across various subjects. It recommends the appointment of a financial education coordinator in schools and the provision of high-quality teaching materials and teacher training. Additionally, the article suggests evaluating financial education through Ofsted and participating in the OECD's PISA financial literacy assessment. [Extracted from the article]

The Education Journal Review article discusses the challenges of teacher recruitment, training, and retention in England. The report highlights the persistent issue of teacher shortages and the impact on pupil outcomes. It emphasizes the need for financial incentives, such as bursaries and competitive salaries, to attract and retain teachers. The article also addresses alternative routes into teaching, the importance of training and professional development, subject-specific teacher shortages, flexibility and workload concerns, and the impact of pupil behavior on teacher retention. The report provides recommendations for improving these areas and calls for increased support and resources from the Department of Education. [Extracted from the article]

The article is a government response to a report by the Education Select Committee on Ofsted's work with schools. The government emphasizes the importance of education experts running schools and highlights the autonomy and freedom given to schools in England to develop ambitious curricula. The government claims that its reforms since 2010 have led to a rise in standards, with 90% of schools now providing a good or outstanding education. The government supports the role of Ofsted inspections in school accountability and improvement but acknowledges the need to balance accountability with support for school leaders. The government agrees with most of the committee's recommendations but disagrees with reducing the frequency of inspections and inspecting multi-academy trusts. [Extracted from the article]

This article is a government response to a report by the House of Lords Committee on education for 11 to 16-year-olds. While the government disagrees with some of the committee's recommendations, they recognize the significance of a well-rounded curriculum. They commit to maintaining the national curriculum without changes for the remainder of the Parliament and emphasize the importance of literacy and numeracy skills. The government addresses concerns about oracy skills, digital skills, and climate and sustainability education, stating that these areas are already covered in existing qualifications and curriculum. The Committee expressed concerns about the lack of nature, climate, and sustainability education, recommending that these topics be integrated into a wider range of subjects. However, the government rejected this recommendation, although they acknowledged the importance of sustainability and climate change education. The Committee also highlighted the decline in the study of modern foreign languages and recommended that the government promote language learning. The government agreed with this recommendation and outlined measures to support language teaching. The Committee emphasized the need for opportunities to study creative and artistic subjects, as well as technical and vocational education, at key stages 3 and 4. The government acknowledged the importance of these subjects but did not agree with changing accountability measures. The Committee also called for improved careers education and engagement with employers, as well as a review of assessment methods. The government agreed with some recommendations and outlined its plans for careers education and assessment reform. [Extracted from the article]

The House of Commons Education Committee has released a report on Ofsted's work with schools, highlighting strained relations and low trust between the two. The Committee recommends a reset and restoration of relations, as well as a "Big Listen" initiative to bring about tangible changes. They also suggest addressing concerns about the school inspection process, improving engagement with different groups, and providing more in-depth assessments of schools' strengths and areas for improvement. The report further recommends increasing the length and depth of analysis in inspection reports, developing an alternative to the current overall judgement, and providing greater support for schools following negative inspection judgements. The Committee emphasizes the need for Ofsted to consider the challenges faced by schools with disadvantaged pupils or SEND, conduct regular audits of safeguarding procedures, and implement a process for inspecting multi-academy trusts. [Extracted from the article]

We present the core support criterion, a voting criterion satisfied by Instant Runoff Voting (IRV) that is analogous to the Condorcet criterion but reflective of a different majority rule philosophy. Condorcet methods can be thought of as conducting elections between each pair of candidates, counting all ballots to determine the winner of each pair-election. IRV can also be thought of as conducting elections between all pairs of candidates but for each pair-election only counting ballots from voters who do not prefer another major candidate (as determined self-consistently from the IRV social ranking) to the two candidates in contention. The appropriateness of including all ballots or a subset of ballots for a pair-election, depends on whether the society deems the entire or a selected ballot set in compliance with freedom of association, which implies freedom of non-association, for a given pair election. Arguments based on freedom of association rely on more information about an electorate than can be learned from ranked ballots alone. We present a freedom-of-association based argument to explain why IRV may be preferable to Condorcet in some circumstances, including the 2022 Alaska special congressional election and the 2009 Burlington Vermont mayoral election, based on the political context of those elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Supreme Court's ruling in the Starbucks v. McKinney case, which is seen as a symbolic victory for Starbucks and employers, but not a significant shift in US labor law. It highlights the process of resolving unfair labor practice allegations and the rare use of 10(j) injunctions for immediate reinstatement. The case has sparked attention due to Starbucks' aggressive anti-union campaign, leading to a record number of labor law violations and NLRB cases. Additionally, the article mentions an ILO complaint filed against the US regarding anti-union dismissals at Starbucks, which has led to negotiations between the company and unions to resolve the dispute. [Extracted from the article]

The "International Labor Rights Case Law" journal covers various legal cases related to labor rights, including freedom of association, elimination of discrimination at the workplace, prohibition of forced and child labor, and health and safety. Each case is accompanied by commentary from experts in the field, providing insights and analysis. The journal aims to highlight important legal developments in labor rights across different countries and regions, offering a comprehensive overview of key issues in this area. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the challenges faced by labor rights defenders in Bangladesh, particularly in the garment sector. It highlights the violations of freedom of association, violence against trade unionists, and the government's response to these issues. The International Labor Organization's Committee on Freedom of Association has been monitoring the situation since 2017, with concerns about the lack of effective protection for human rights defenders. The need for timely prosecution of human rights violations, institutional reform, and the role of international organizations and brands in addressing these issues are also emphasized. [Extracted from the article]

The document titled "25 Committee on Freedom of Association (CFA) of the International Labor Organization (ILO): Interim Report – Report No 405, Case No. 3203 (Bangladesh), 1 March 2024" highlights serious violations of workers' and trade unionists' rights in the Bangladeshi ready-made garment sector. The Committee on Freedom of Association urges the government to thoroughly investigate the violent death of trade unionist Shahidul Islam and prosecute those responsible to prevent similar acts in the future. The document also discusses previous cases of labor rights violations and the government's responses, emphasizing the need for full investigations and justice to address anti-union violence and discrimination. [Extracted from the article]

The article analyzes Poland's compliance with ILO Conventions No. 87 and No. 135, which aim to protect trade union representatives from discrimination and unfair treatment. It discusses the legal framework in Poland, including the Act on Trade Unions, and highlights recent legislative changes to enhance the protection of trade union representatives. The amendments to the Code of Civil Procedure strengthen the position of trade union representatives in labor disputes and align with international standards outlined in ILO Convention No. 135. The article emphasizes the importance of educating both employers and employees about their rights and responsibilities to ensure effective protection of workers' rights. [Extracted from the article]

The fourth supplementary report of the International Labor Organization's Committee on Freedom of Association addresses allegations against Poland regarding noncompliance with conventions on freedom of association and workers' representatives. The report evaluates Poland's response to complaints about protecting trade union representatives against dismissal and anti-union discrimination. While Poland highlighted legislative amendments to strengthen protections, the Committee found gaps in effective implementation and enforcement, emphasizing the need to safeguard trade union representatives from dismissal or discrimination. The report recommends further legislative and practical measures to ensure compliance with international labor conventions. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses recent developments in the protection of the right to lawful strike action in the United Kingdom. It highlights a case where the UK Supreme Court considered whether the Trade Union and Labour Relations Act of 1992 was compatible with the right to freedom of assembly and association under the European Convention on Human Rights. The Court ultimately found that the absence of protection from detriments for workers participating in lawful strike action was not justified, leading to a declaration of incompatibility and a call for Parliament to address the breach of Article 11. The decision reflects the ongoing evolution of the protection of the right to strike within the ECHR framework. [Extracted from the article]

The document discusses the case of Fiona Mercer, a private-sector worker, who brought a claim against her employer for detriments related to her participation in lawful strike action. The UK Supreme Court ruled that Section 146 of the Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act 1992 did not provide adequate protection for workers involved in lawful strikes. The Court declared Section 146 incompatible with Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights, highlighting the need for Parliament to address the gap in protecting workers' rights and trade union freedoms. [Extracted from the article]

equiring students to obtain a license to form a virtual student group with more than a hundred members and considering punishments for the founders of unauthorized groups is one of the new issues raised in the student disciplinary code approved in 1401. The present research has evaluated the necessity of obtaining a license to form a virtual student group in the disciplinary code of students with a descriptive-analytical method and considering the principles of public law. The results of the current research show that the formation of a virtual group is also recognized as one of the public rights and freedoms for citizens and especially students, which from the perspective of formation is a type of freedom of association, from the perspective of use, a form of freedom of access to the Internet and virtual space and from the point of view of participation is also a form of freedom of expression and communication. Based on this, the need to obtain a license to form a virtual student group with more than a hundred members and its violation of the student's disciplinary code, in addition to creating an undue restriction on public rights and freedoms, conflicts with the exceptionality and narrowness of creating restrictions, it also contradicts the principle of legality of crimes and punishments, the right to education, the principle of proportionality and the logic of Posterior supervision.

The article examines the right to join trade unions in international law. It is emphasized that the right to join trade unions is a unique human right, which is directly provided for in the main international legal acts for the protection of human rights, in particular, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966, the European Convention on Human Rights of 1950. The special legal nature of this right is emphasized, which at the same time belongs to the group of civil and political rights, as well as socio-economic rights. In addition, the right to organize in a trade union derives simultaneously from the right to freedom of association and the right to work. Attention is drawn to the fact that the right to join trade unions includes the right of workers without discrimination or prior permission to form and join trade unions of their own choice; trade unions should be allowed to operate freely, without undue restrictions on their functioning. The right to form and join trade unions also requires that trade unionists be protected from any form of discrimination, harassment, intimidation or repression. Special attention is paid to the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights regarding the protection of the right to join trade unions. It is emphasized that the European Court of Human Rights considers freedom of trade unions as an important element of social dialogue between employees and employers, and therefore an important tool in achieving social justice and harmony. It is concluded that according to the practice of the European Court of Human Rights, trade unions do not have a special legal status different from other associations. At the same time, the European Court of Human Rights emphasizes that the European Convention on Human Rights requires that, under national law, trade unions have the opportunity, under conditions not inconsistent with Article 11 of the Convention, to fight for the protection of the interests of their members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom of association is one of the most important human rights of human beings, which also plays a serious role in the demand and realization of other human rights. In many cases, these rallies are held to protest participants against the government's policies. The peaceful holding of rallies and the important role played by the police and other security forces in securing them are among the important issues that need to be addressed. In some cases, some participants in peaceful rallies may resort to violence and the police may be forced to use force to maintain order and security. The fundamental question of this article is what are the powers and obligations of governments, especially in the use of force to control peaceful assembly? The research method of this research is analytical-descriptive and the method of collecting information is library. The results of this study show that Iran's domestic regulations are generally in line with human rights standards, but in some cases, there is a conflict between these regulations. In Law on the Use of Weapons by Armed Forces Officers, the police appear to use weapons to control illegal assemblies if other means are not effective, but in the human rights system, police can use force only in cases of legitimate self-defense.

Gaining a comprehensive understanding of the carbon emissions cycle in the atmosphere resulting from agricultural activities is crucial for assessing its influence on environmental quality. This study used panel datasets covering the period from 1990-2022 to investigate the influence of wheat and rice production on environmental quality in the six mega agricultural provinces of China namely Anhui, Hebei, Hubei, Henan, Jiangsu, and Sichuan. Study employed several econometric approaches such as Cross-Sectional Dependency tests, unit root and cointegration tests, Panel Mean Group Autoregressive Distributed Lag (PMG-ARDL), Panel Quantile (PQ) and Panel Least Square (PLS) regression analysis for the robustness of the findings. The empirical findings of PMG-ARDL model reveal that rice production positively increases CO2 emissions in the long run. The variables fertilizers usage, agricultural water consumption and agricultural credit also have positive impact on CO2 emission in the long run. Further, short-term results reveal that all the concerned variables positively contribute to increase the CO2 emissions. The PQR results illustrate that rice and wheat production, fertilizer consumption, agricultural water usage, agricultural credit and agricultural GDP have positive and significant impact on CO2 emission across the quantiles. Additionally, PLS outcomes show positive and significant association between wheat productivity, agricultural credit, fertilizer and agricultural GDP on CO2 emissions. The Dumitrescu and Hurlin (D-H) panel causality show unidirectional association among: carbon emission → pesticides use, carbon emission → temperature, and carbon emission → agricultural GDP. A significant bidirectional causal association was found between: carbon emission ↔ rice production, carbon emission ↔ wheat production, carbon emission ↔ fertilizers use, carbon emission ↔ agricultural water use, and carbon emission ↔ agricultural credit. These findings contribute to the understanding of the drivers of CO2 emissions in agriculture and provide valuable insights for policymakers aiming to mitigate environmental impacts while promoting sustainable agriculture, resilience, financial support to encourage green technology and implement robust monitoring mechanisms to protect quality of environment and agricultural sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Internationales Handelsrecht is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Children and young people have a right to freedom of association and to have their views given due weight when they act collectively. However, when they come together in groups to engage in collective action, in school and elsewhere, they are often criticised for not being "representative" of all/other young people. The concept, while frequently cited, remains undefined and fails to incorporate how young people understand, experience and enact representation. This article presents data from an empirical study with youth activists who established a Secondary Schools Students' Union during the Covid-19 pandemic to lobby for change in education decision-making. The study was carried out as a collaboration between two university-based researchers and two secondary school students who were founding members of the union. Drawing on focus groups and interviews with union executive members, this article presents findings that convey young people's navigation of adults' perceptions of their representativeness, focusing on issues of legitimacy and efficacy. Based on this study, we propose a new youth co-authored and youth-informed theory of representation that conceptualises it as immersive and mutually symbiotic and, we suggest, enables meaningful implementation of child and youth activists' civil and political rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2000, the Supreme Court’s decision in Boy Scouts of America v. Dale seemed to upend the law of freedom of association. Fears surfaced that the right of expressive association would be “an easy trump of any antidiscrimination law”—and perhaps other regulations of conduct. Organizations from schools to employers, social service providers to unions, could mount constitutional claims against the inclusion of individuals unwanted because of their sex, sexuality, race, disability, or beyond. Instead, lower courts read Dale narrowly. Expressive associational rights would, it seemed, be bound by the facts of the case. Freedom of association would not override equality under the law. The ground, however, is now shifting. This essay identifies a rapid and dramatic resurgence of expressive association claims. In a series of decisions, courts have begun to read Dale as broadly as commentators once feared. Indeed, they have gone further still, taking the right to expressive association far beyond its foundations in the membership of non-profit, non-commercial groups. Employers, commercial entities, and social service providers have notched recent wins on expressive association claims. Several decisions conclude that an employer becomes expressive simply by articulating a desire to discriminate. Others deny a state interest in requiring nondiscrimination in employment on the ground that dissenting employees can work elsewhere—a proposition that would dismantle all of labor and employment law. The essay offers some tentative explanations of the recent successes of expressive association claims. It predicts that the Supreme Court’s compelled speech opinion in 303 Creative, LLC v. Elenis will further fuel expansion. The essay concludes with a call to scholars to pay attention to the lower courts, where doctrinal siloes no longer hold and the antiregulatory agenda of the conservative legal movement is fast developing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for association and cooperation in its primary forms is existentially determined, embedded in the human psyche and morality before it becomes a rationally realized expediency and long before it becomes a right. The right of association is a fundamental right referred to in the group of political rights and freedoms, economic rights, and personal rights. This right combines the liberal idea of individual freedom with the collectivist idea of uniting the efforts of more people to achieve certain goals; exercising the right of association is an expression of free will. The principle of solidarity is exploited by hegemonic state doctrines and governments – communitarian, totalitarian, religious-fundamentalist, nationalist, modernizations, which call for the solidarity of tolerating restrictions, the renunciation of freedom in the name of certain collective goals, as well as in the doctrines and practices of revolutionary violence. The Code of Administrative Procedure provides wide participation of organizations in the various proceedings, both before the administration and in judicial administrative cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the challenges faced by the European Commission in enforcing antitrust laws in digital markets with network effects. It emphasizes the role of National Competition Authorities (NCAs) and private claimants in complementing the Commission's efforts, but acknowledges the constraints imposed by EU regulations. The article also explores the Digital Markets Act (DMA) and its aim to harmonize regulatory solutions at the national level. It compares the DMA with the German Act Against Restraints of Competition (ARC) and highlights differences in obligations and enforcement. The article concludes by suggesting the need for a more consistent approach that embraces diversity before harmonization. [Extracted from the article]

Digital surveillance in the workplace also brings new challenges in terms of occupational health and safety. The use of algorithmic management and surveillance technologies in the workplace affects the privacy and rights of employees, can hinder freedom of association and damage working conditions, as well as their mental and physical health. At the level of the European Union, the regulation of the use of algorithms at the workplace is aimed at by proposing a directive to improve the working conditions of people working through digital work platforms. The exact legal status of workers on digital platforms, namely whether they should be classified as employees or not, remains an open discussion at European level. The occupational health and safety risks encountered in the case of work on digital platforms are not specific and exclusive to it, as most of them are also specific to work performed outside such a platform. Unionization is one of the measures by which the European Agency for Safety and Health at Work shows that steps can be taken to improve health and safety conditions when working on digital platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Çalışma ve Toplum is the property of Calisma ve Toplum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Les instruments auxquels un État peut avoir recours pour atténuer les risques que font peser les inégalités économiques sur la démocratie sont nombreux et peuvent prendre différentes formes. Dans cet article, nous cherchons à mettre en lumière la dimension normative des trois principaux instruments auxquels on a généralement recours pour mitiger l'influence de l'argent dans la compétition électorale, ainsi que le contexte dans lequel ils furent institués, remodelés – et parfois démantelés – au Canada. Ces trois mécanismes sont la limitation des dépenses électorales, le plafonnement des contributions privées et le financement public des partis. Il ne s'agit toutefois pas uniquement de décrire ces instruments, mais de réfléchir aux justifications normatives spécifiques à chacun, et d'en comprendre leur complémentarité. Plus largement, il s'agit d'offrir un cadre pour penser les enjeux de financement électoral en philosophie politique, un sujet trop souvent laissé dans l'ombre par la théorie démocratique. The instruments that a state can use to mitigate the risks posed to democracy by economic inequality are numerous and can take different forms. In this article, we seek to highlight the normative dimension of the three main instruments generally used to mitigate the influence of money in electoral competition, as well as the context in which they were instituted, reshaped – and sometimes dismantled – in Canada. These three mechanisms are campaign spending limits, private funding limits, and public funding of political parties. Our aim is not simply to describe these instruments, but to reflect on the specific normative justifications for each, and to understand how they complement each other. More broadly, we seek to provide a framework for thinking about electoral financing issues in political philosophy, a subject too often ignored by democratic theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on James Spencer Whipple's role as New York State's, U.S., "Indian Expert" and his influence on Progressive Era conservation policies. Topics include his push to bring Indigenous peoples under state control while promoting state reforestation efforts; the impact of his policies on Indigenous sovereignty and natural resource management; and his political alliances that benefited non-Indigenous landholders in Seneca territory, Native American nation territory.

The dynamic technological transformations that are taking place in the third decade of the twenty-first century, described as the Fourth and even Fifth Industrial Revolutions, pose significant challenges for community partners who act in labour relationships. Transparency and the related right to information are some of the factors that define a democratic state under the rule of law. This also applies to labour relationships as widely understood. The regulations of collective employment law grant various rights in this respect to entities that represent staff, who may, among other things, demand information on the use of artificial intelligence by the employer in the work environment. In the Polish labour law system, the widest scope of competences in this regard is granted to trade unions. This article focuses on the legal and functional aspects that are related to the transfer of this type of data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores boundary conditions for the two competing models—supplementary and complementary models—of government–nonprofit relationships within the context of Chinese environmental nongovernmental organizations (eNGOs). Analyses of 8 years of panel data and in-depth interviews reveal the following: First, while the complementary model effectively explains the relationship between government and environmental government-organized NGOs (eGONGOs), the sector size association between the government and civic eNGOs displays a pattern that combines supplementary and complementary models. Second, when predicting the sector size association between the government and civic eNGOs, the complementary model prevails when the government size is small while the supplementary model dominates when the government is large. Third, the complementary relationship persists for a longer duration under certain policy contexts, particularly in cases where direct registration policies are implemented. This study contributes to the literature by complementing recent endeavors to explore potential moderating or mediating effects of government–nonprofit relationship models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

he recent decision of the UK Supreme Court in Independent Workers Union of Great Britain v Central Arbitration Committee marks a retrogressive step in the protection of fundamental employment rights in the United Kingdom. In that case, the Court found that Deliveroo Riders were neither “workers” for the purpose of domestic employment law, nor were they in an “employment relationship” for the purposes of accessing trade union rights within the context of art.11 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The consequence of this decision is to further exclude vulnerable gig economy workers—who are already engaged in precarious app or platform-based work— from the basic or core protections offered not only by domestic legislation, but also by international fundamental (social) rights. This article argues that, in so doing, the Supreme Court failed adequately to engage with the underlying protective purpose of the statutory regime as already recognised in its pre-existing case law, while also underestimating the normative value of the right to bargain collectively, as well as individual labour rights, as fundamental social rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document discusses Turkmenistan's progress in implementing the roadmap for cooperation with the International Labor Organization (ILO) for 2024–2025, focusing on issues of forced labor, particularly in the cotton sector. The Committee on the Application of Standards (CAS) of the ILO urged the Turkmenistan government to eliminate forced labor, improve working conditions, and eliminate the compulsory quota system for cotton production. The government representative expressed willingness to cooperate with the ILO but also highlighted the efforts already made to address the issues raised. [Extracted from the article]

A trade union is an organization, established to protect the interests of employees, and freedom of association affects labor relations. The Human Rights Instruments and documents of the International Labor Organization recognize the importance of freedom of association. Considering the high union density and collective bargaining power of trade unions in the Nordic countries, especially Sweden, which comply with freedom of association and the principle of tripartism of the International Labor organization. The Swedish legal system is based on the social dialogue policy and the guarantees of freedom of association in the Instrument of Government and the Co-Determination Act has led to the development of freedom of association and is universally regarded as a successful model. The study's findings explain that freedom of association in Sweden is due to the trade union's widespread free hand and the Swedish legal system's development-oriented supportive approach to trade unionism, which is consistent with the International Labor Organization's understanding of freedom of association. In the Iranian legal system, despite the recognition of freedom of association and the existence of the trade union in the labour code similar to the Swedish legal system, the laws related to collective labour relations are not comprehensive and supportive, and in practice, the approach goes against freedom of association. The study uses a descriptive-analytical method to study freedom of association in the legal systems of Iran and Sweden in different aspects.

Objective: to define libertarian principles of labor law, to establish their place in the system of labor law, and to identify problems related to their implementation in the law enforcement practice of EAEU member states.Methods: dialectical approach to cognition of social phenomena, allowing to analyze them in historical development and functioning in the context of the totality of objective and subjective factors, which predetermined the following research methods: formal-legal, comparative-legal, and method of specific sociological research.Results: based of natural-law and libertarian concepts of legal understanding, the author formulates a definition of the “libertarian principles of labor law” concept as guiding ideas that embody freedom and underlie the labor law construction. The author determines the vector of its further development in the regulation of labor and associated relations. The main libertarian principles of labor law are proposed and analyzed: a) freedom of labor force movement; b) freedom of labor and the right to work; c) prohibition of forced labor; d) freedom of contract (specified as the principles of freedom of labor contract, freedom of collective bargaining, agreement); e) freedom of association; f) freedom of collective bargaining, freedom of choice in discussing issues within the sphere of labor, voluntariness of the parties’ taking obligations (as the main principles of social partnership). The study results are expressed in theoretical conclusions and assessment of labor legislation of the EAEU countries in terms of the libertarian principles of labor law completely reflected and guaranteed in them.Scientific novelty: the paper is the first to analyze libertarian principles of labor law as a separate group of principles of labor law in the EAEU member states and to reveal the legal nature and system of libertarian principles of labor law.Practical significance: the main provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in scientific, pedagogical and law enforcement activities when considering issues related to the consideration and resolution of labor disputes, in overcoming gaps and legal conflicts in labor legislation.

Rehabilitation for narcotics users is the main element in curing drug addiction. Rehabilitation aims to carry out recovery, treatment, and return to condition for victims of drug abuse so that they can return to carrying out their social functions, namely carrying out activities in society in a normal and reasonable manner. Based on data from the National Narcotics Agency of the Republic of Indonesia (BNN RI), South Sumatra Province (Sumsel) is the second largest category of drug users in Indonesia. Rehabilitation for narcotics users in South Sumatra is in accordance with positive laws in force, in Indonesia. Investigators can carry out rehabilitation for narcotics users based on Article 54 of Law Number 35 of 2009 concerning Narcotics. The suspect will undergo a rehabilitation process in a narcotics case and must first go through a medical and legal assessment process. Implementation of fair rehabilitation for every narcotics user contained in Law Number 35 of 2009 article 54 concerning Narcotics, and Head of BNN Regulation No. 11 of 2014 concerning policies regarding rehabilitation; because imprisonment for narcotics users is not a good solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]